The Letters of St. Jerome.

 Letter II. To Theodosius and the Rest of the Anchorites.

  Letter III. To Rufinus the Monk. 

 Letter IV. To Florentius.

 Letter V. To Florentius.

 Letter VI. To Julian, a Deacon of Antioch.

  Letter VII. To Chromatius, Jovinus, and Eusebius. 

 Letter VIII. To Niceas, Sub-Deacon of Aquileia.

 Letter IX. To Chrysogonus, a Monk of Aquileia.

 Letter X. To Paul, an Old Man of Concordia.

 Letter XI. To the Virgins of Æmona.

 Letter XII. To Antony, Monk.

 Letter XIII. To Castorina, His Maternal Aunt.

 Letter XIV. To Heliodorus, Monk.

 Letter XV. To Pope Damasus.

 Letter XVI. To Pope Damasus.

 Letter XVII. To the Presbyter Marcus.

 Letter XVIII. To Pope Damasus.

 Letter XIX. From Pope Damasus.

 Letter XX. To Pope Damasus.

 Letter XXI. To Damasus

 Letter XXII. To Eustochium.

 Letter XXIII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXIV. To Marcella.

 Letter XXV. To Marcella.

 Letter XXVI. To Marcella.

 Letter XXVII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXVIII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXIX. To Marcella.

 Letter XXX. To Paula.

 Letter XXXI. To Eustochium.

 Letter XXXII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXXIII. To Paula.

 Letter XXXIV. To Marcella.

 Letter XXXV. From Pope Damasus.

 Letter XXXVI. To Pope Damasus.

 Letter XXXVII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXXVIII. To Marcella.

 Letter XXXIX. To Paula.

 Letter XL. To Marcella.

 Letter XLI. To Marcella.

 Letter XLII. To Marcella.

 Letter XLIII. To Marcella.

 Letter XLIV. To Marcella.

 Letter XLV. To Asella.

 Letter XLVI. Paula and Eustochium to Marcella.

 Letter XLVII. To Desiderius.

 Letter XLVIII. To Pammachius.

 Letter XLIX. To Pammachius.

 Letter L. To Domnio.

 Letter LI. From Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, in Cyprus, to John, Bishop of Jerusalem.

 Letter LII. To Nepotian.

 Letter LIII. To Paulinus.

 Letter LIV. To Furia.

 Letter LV. To Amandus.

 Letter LVI. From Augustine.

 Letter LVII. To Pammachius on the Best Method of Translating.

 Letter LVIII. To Paulinus.

 Letter LIX. To Marcella.

 Letter LX. To Heliodorus.

 Letter LXI. To Vigilantius.

 Letter LXII. To Tranquillinus.

 Letter LXIII. To Theophilus.

 Letter LXIV. To Fabiola.

 Letter LXV. To Principia.

 Letter LXVI. To Pammachius.

 Letter LXVII. From Augustine.

 Letter LXVIII. To Castrutius.

 Letter LXIX. To Oceanus.

 Letter LXX. To Magnus an Orator of Rome.

 Letter LXXI. To Lucinius.

 Letter LXXII. To Vitalis.

 Letter LXXIII. To Evangelus.

 Letter LXXIV. To Rufinus of Rome.

 Letter LXXV. To Theodora.

 Letter LXXVI. To Abigaus.

 Letter LXXVII. To Oceanus.

 Letter LXXVIII. To Fabiola.

 Letter LXXIX. To Salvina.

 Letter LXXX. From Rufinus to Macarius.

 Letter LXXXI. To Rufinus.

 Letter LXXXII. To Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria.

 Letter LXXXIII. From Pammachius and Oceanus.

 Letter LXXXIV. To Pammachius and Oceanus.

 Letter LXXXV. To Paulinus.

 Letter LXXXVI. To Theophilus.

 Letter LXXXVII. From Theophilus to Jerome.

 Letter LXXXVIII. To Theophilus.

 Letter LXXXIX. From Theophilus to Jerome.

 Letter XC. From Theophilus to Epiphanius.

 Letter XCI. From Epiphanius to Jerome.

 Letter XCII. The Synodical Letter of Theophilus to the Bishops of Palestine and of Cyprus.

 Letter XCIII. From the Bishops of Palestine to Theophilus.

 Letter XCIV. From Dionysius to Theophilus.

 Letter XCV. From Pope Anastasius to Simplicianus.

 Letter XCVI. From Theophilus.

 Letter XCVII. To Pammachius and Marcella.

 Letter XCVIII. From Theophilus.

 Letter XCIX. To Theophilus.

 Letter C. From Theophilus.

 Letter CI. From Augustine.

 Letter CII. To Augustine.

 Letter CIII. To Augustine.

 Letter CIV. From Augustine.

 Letter CV. To Augustine.

 Letter CVI. To Sunnias and Fretela.

 Letter CVII. To Laeta.

 Letter CVIII. To Eustochium.

 Letter CIX. To Riparius.

 Letter CX. From Augustine.

 Letter CXI. From Augustine to Præsidius.

 Letter CXII. To Augustine.

 Letter CXIII. From Theophilus to Jerome.

 Letter CXIV. To Theophilus.

 Letter CXV. To Augustine.

 Letter CXVI. From Augustine.

 Letter CXVII. To a Mother and Daughter Living in Gaul.

 Letter CXVIII. To Julian.

 Letter CXIX. To Minervius and Alexander.

  Letter CXX. To Hedibia. 

 Letter CXXI. To Algasia.

 Letter CXXII. To Rusticus.

 Letter CXXIII. To Ageruchia.

 Letter CXXIV. To Avitus.

 Letter CXXV. To Rusticus.

 Letter CXXVI. To Marcellinus and Anapsychia.

 Letter CXXVII. To Principia.

 Letter CXXVIII. To Gaudentius.

 Letter CXXIX. To Dardanus.

 Letter CXXX. To Demetrias.

 Letter CXXXI. From Augustine.

 Letter CXXXII. From Augustine.

 Letter CXXXIII. To Ctesiphon.

 Letter CXXXIV. To Augustine.

 Letter CXXXV. From Pope Innocent to Aurelius.

 Letter CXXXVI. From Pope Innocent to Jerome.

 Letter CXXXVII. From Pope Innocent to John, Bishop of Jerusalem.

 Letter CXXXVIII. To Riparius.

 Letter CXXXIX. To Apronius.

 Letter CXL. To Cyprian the Presbyter.

 Letter CXLI. To Augustine

 Letter CXLII. To Augustine.

 Letter CXLIII. To Alypius and Augustine.

 Letter CXLIV. From Augustine to Optatus.

 Letter CXLV. To Exuperantius.

 Letter CXLVI. To Evangelus.

 Letter CXLVII. To Sabinianus.

 Letter CXLVIII. To the Matron Celantia.

Letter CXXVII. To Principia.

This letter is really a memoir of Marcella (for whom see note on Letter XXIII.) addressed to her greatest friend. After describing her history, character, and favourite studies, Jerome goes on to recount her eminent services in the cause of orthodoxy at a time when, through the efforts of Rufinus, it seemed likely that Origenism would prevail at Rome (§§9, 10). He briefly relates the fall of the city and the horrors consequent upon it (§§12, 13) which appear to have been the immediate cause of Marcella’s death (§14). The date of the letter is 412 a.d.

1. You have besought me often and earnestly, Principia,  1  This Roman lady, like her friend Marcella, took a great interest in the study of scripture. In Letter LXV. Jerome gives her an explanation of the 45th Psalm. virgin of Christ, to dedicate a letter to the memory of that holy woman Marcella,  2  See Letter XXIII. and to set forth the goodness long enjoyed by us for others to know and to imitate. I am so anxious myself to do justice to her merits that it grieves me that you should spur me on and fancy that your entreaties are needed when I do not yield even to you in love of her. In putting upon record her signal virtues I shall receive far more benefit myself than I can possibly confer upon others. If I have hitherto remained silent and have allowed two years to go over without making any sign, this has not been owing to a wish to ignore her as you wrongly suppose, but to an incredible sorrow which so overcame my mind that I judged it better to remain silent for a while than to praise her virtues in inadequate language. Neither will I now follow the rules of rhetoric in eulogizing one so dear to both of us and to all the saints, Marcella the glory of her native Rome. I will not set forth her illustrious family and lofty lineage, nor will I trace her pedigree through a line of consuls and prætorian prefects. I will praise her for nothing but the virtue which is her own and which is the more noble, because forsaking both wealth and rank she has sought the true nobility of poverty and lowliness.

2. Her father’s death left her an orphan, and she had been married less than seven months when her husband was taken from her. Then as she was young, and highborn, as well as distinguished for her beauty—always an attraction to men—and her self-control, an illustrious consular named Cerealis paid court to her with great assiduity. Being an old man he offered to make over to her his fortune so that she might consider herself less his wife than his daughter. Her mother Albina went out of her way to secure for the young widow so exalted a protector. But Marcella answered: “had I a wish to marry and not rather to dedicate myself to perpetual chastity, I should look for a husband and not for an inheritance;” and when her suitor argued that sometimes old men live long while young men die early, she cleverly retorted: “a young man may indeed die early, but an old man cannot live long.” This decided rejection of Cerealis convinced others that they had no hope of winning her hand.

In the gospel according to Luke we read the following passage: “there was one Anna, a prophetess, the daughter of Phanuel, of the tribe of Aser: she was of great age, and had lived with an husband seven years from her virginity; and she was a widow of about fourscore and four years, which departed not from the temple but served God with fastings and prayers night and day.”  3  Luke ii. 36, 37. It was no marvel that she won the vision of the Saviour, whom she sought so earnestly. Let us then compare her case with that of Marcella and we shall see that the latter has every way the advantage. Anna lived with her husband seven years; Marcella seven months. Anna only hoped for Christ; Marcella held Him fast. Anna confessed him at His birth; Marcella believed in Him crucified. Anna did not deny the Child; Marcella rejoiced in the Man as king. I do not wish to draw distinctions between holy women on the score of their merits, as some persons have made it a custom to do as regards holy men and leaders of churches; the conclusion at which I aim is that, as both have one task, so both have one reward.

3. In a slander-loving community such as Rome, filled as it formerly was with people from all parts and bearing the palm for wickedness of all kinds, detraction assailed the upright and strove to defile even the pure and the clean. In such an atmosphere it is hard to escape from the breath of calumny. A stainless reputation is difficult nay almost impossible to attain; the prophet yearns for it but hardly hopes to win it: “Blessed,” he says, “are the undefiled in the way who walk in the law of the Lord.”  4  Ps. cxix. 1. The undefiled in the way of this world are those whose fair fame no breath of scandal has ever sullied, and who have earned no reproach at the hands of their neighbours. It is this which makes the Saviour say in the gospel: “agree with,” or be complaisant to, “thine adversary whilst thou art in the way with him.”  5  Matt. v. 25. Who ever heard a slander of Marcella that deserved the least credit? Or who ever credited such without making himself guilty of malice and defamation? No; she put the Gentiles to confusion by shewing them the nature of that Christian widowhood which her conscience and mien alike set forth. For women of the world are wont to paint their faces with rouge and white-lead, to wear robes of shining silk, to adorn themselves with jewels, to put gold chains round their necks, to pierce their ears and hang in them the costliest pearls of the Red Sea,  6  i.e. the Indian Ocean. and to scent themselves with musk. While they mourn for the husbands they have lost they rejoice at their own deliverance and freedom to choose fresh partners—not, as God wills, to obey these  7  Eph. v. 22. but to rule over them.

With this object in view they select for their partners poor men who contented with the mere name of husbands are the more ready to put up with rivals as they know that, if they so much as murmur, they will be cast off at once. Our widow’s clothing was meant to keep out the cold and not to shew her figure. Of gold she would not wear so much as a seal-ring, choosing to store her money in the stomachs of the poor rather than to keep it at her own disposal. She went nowhere without her mother, and would never see without witnesses such monks and clergy as the needs of a large house required her to interview. Her train was always composed of virgins and widows, and these women serious and staid; for, as she well knew, the levity of the maids speaks ill for the mistress and a woman’s character is shewn by her choice of companions.  8  Cf. Letter LXXIX. § 9.

4. Her delight in the divine scriptures was incredible. She was for ever singing, “Thy words have I hid in mine heart that I might not sin against thee,”  9  Ps. cxix. 11. as well as the words which describe the perfect man, “his delight is in the law of the Lord; and in his law doth he meditate day and night.”  10  Ps. i. 2. This meditation in the law she understood not of a review of the written words as among the Jews the Pharisees think, but of action according to that saying of the apostle, “whether, therefore, ye eat or drink or what soever ye do, do all to the glory of God.”  11  1 Cor. x. 31. She remembered also the prophet’s words, “through thy precepts I get understanding,”  12  Ps. cxix. 104. and felt sure that only when she had fulfilled these would she be permitted to understand the scriptures. In this sense we read elsewhere that “Jesus began both to do and teach.”  13  Acts i. 1. For teaching is put to the blush when a man’s conscience rebukes him; and it is in vain that his tongue preaches poverty or teaches alms-giving if he is rolling in the riches of Crœsus and if, in spite of his threadbare cloak, he has silken robes at home to save from the moth.

Marcella practised fasting, but in moderation. She abstained from eating flesh, and she knew rather the scent of wine than its taste; touching it only for her stomach’s sake and for her often infirmities.  14  1 Tim. v. 23. She seldom appeared in public and took care to avoid the houses of great ladies, that she might not be forced to look upon what she had once for all renounced. She frequented the basilicas of apostles and martyrs that she might escape from the throng and give herself to private prayer. So obedient was she to her mother that for her sake she did things of which she herself disapproved. For example, when her mother, careless of her own offspring, was for transferring all her property from her children and grandchildren to her brother’s family, Marcella wished the money to be given to the poor instead, and yet could not bring herself to thwart her parent. Therefore she made over her ornaments and other effects to persons already rich, content to throw away her money rather than to sadden her mother’s heart.

5. In those days no highborn lady at Rome had made profession of the monastic life, or had ventured—so strange and ignominious and degrading did it then seem—publicly to call herself a nun. It was from some priests of Alexandria, and from pope Athanasius, and subsequently from Peter,  15  The successor of Athanasius in the see of Alexandria. who, to escape the persecution of the Arian heretics, had all fled for refuge to Rome as the safest haven in which they could find communion—it was from these that Marcella heard of the life of the blessed Antony, then still alive, and of the monasteries in the Thebaid founded by Pachomius, and of the discipline laid down for virgins and for widows. Nor was she ashamed to profess a life which she had thus learned to be pleasing to Christ. Many years after her example was followed first by Sophronia and then by others, of whom it may be well said in the words of Ennius:  16  A fragment from the Medea of Ennius relating to the unlucky ship Argo which had brought Jason to Colchis. Here however the words seem altogether out of place. Unless, indeed, they are supposed to be spoken by pagans.

Would that ne’er in Pelion’s woods

Had the axe these pinetrees felled.

My revered friend Paula was blessed with Marcella’s friendship, and it was in Marcella’s cell that Eustochium, that paragon of virgins, was gradually trained. Thus it is easy to see of what type the mistress was who found such pupils.

The unbelieving reader may perhaps laugh at me for dwelling so long on the praises of mere women; yet if he will but remember how holy women followed our Lord and Saviour and ministered to Him of their substance, and how the three Marys stood before the cross and especially how Mary Magdalen—called the tower  17  Magdala means ‘tower.’ from the earnestness and glow of her faith—was privileged to see the rising Christ first of all before the very apostles, he will convict himself of pride sooner than me of folly. For we judge of people’s virtue not by their sex but by their character, and hold those to be worthy of the highest glory who have renounced both rank and wealth. It was for this reason that Jesus loved the evangelist John more than the other disciples. For John was of noble birth  18  So Ewald. and known to the high priest, yet was so little appalled by the plottings of the Jews that he introduced Peter into his court,  19  Joh. xviii. 15, 16, R.V. and was the only one of the apostles bold enough to take his stand before the cross. For it was he who took the Saviour’s parent to his own home;  20  Joh. xix. 26, 27. it was the virgin son  21  Tertullian goes so far as to call him ‘Christ’s eunuch’ (de Monog. c. xvii.). who received the virgin mother as a legacy from the Lord.

6. Marcella then lived the ascetic life for many years, and found herself old before she bethought herself that she had once been young. She often quoted with approval Plato’s saying that philosophy consists in meditating on death.  22  Tota philosophorum vita commentatio mortis est—Cicero, T. Q. i. 30, 74 (summarizing Plato’s doctrine as given in his Phædo, p. 64). A truth which our own apostle indorses when he says: “for your salvation I die daily.”  23  1 Cor. xv. 31 (apparently quoted from memory). Indeed according to the old copies our Lord himself says: “whosoever doth not bear His cross daily and come after me cannot be my disciple.”  24  Luke xiv. 27; cf. ix. 23. Ages before, the Holy Spirit had said by the prophet: “for thy sake are we killed all the day long: we are counted as sheep for the slaughter.”  25  Ps. xliv. 22. Many generations afterwards the words were spoken: “remember the end and thou shalt never do amiss,”  26  Ecclus. vii. 36. as well as that precept of the eloquent satirist: “live with death in your mind; time flies; this say of mine is so much taken from it.”  27  Pers. v. 153 Corvington. Well then, as I was saying, she passed her days and lived always in the thought that she must die. Her very clothing was such as to remind her of the tomb, and she presented herself as a living sacrifice, reasonable and acceptable, unto God.  28  Rom. xii. 1.

7. When the needs of the Church at length brought me to Rome  29  In 382 a.d. in company with the reverend pontiffs, Paulinus and Epiphanius—the first of whom ruled the church of the Syrian Antioch while the second presided over that of Salamis in Cyprus,—I in my modesty was for avoiding the eyes of highborn ladies, yet she pleaded so earnestly, “both in season and out of season”  30  2 Tim. iv. 2. as the apostle says, that at last her perseverance overcame my reluctance. And, as in those days my name was held in some renown as that of a student of the scriptures, she never came to see me that she did not ask me some question concerning them, nor would she at once acquiesce in my explanations but on the contrary would dispute them; not, however, for argument’s sake but to learn the answers to those objections which might, as she saw, be made to my statements. How much virtue and ability, how much holiness and purity I found in her I am afraid to say; both lest I may exceed the bounds of men’s belief and lest I may increase your sorrow by reminding you of the blessings that you have lost. This much only will I say, that whatever in me was the fruit of long study and as such made by constant meditation a part of my nature, this she tasted, this she learned and made her own. Consequently after my departure from Rome, in case of a dispute arising as to the testimony of scripture on any subject, recourse was had to her to settle it. And so wise was she and so well did she understand what philosophers call τό πρέπον, that is, the becoming, in what she did, that when she answered questions she gave her own opinion not as her own but as from me or some one else, thus admitting that what she taught she had herself learned from others. For she knew that the apostle had said: “I suffer not a woman to teach,”  31  1 Tim. ii. 12. and she would not seem to inflict a wrong upon the male sex many of whom (including sometimes priests) questioned her concerning obscure and doubtful points.

8. I am told that my place with her was immediately taken by you, that you attached yourself to her, and that, as the saying goes, you never let even a hair’s-breadth  32  Literally “thickness of a nail.” come between her and you. You both lived in the same house and occupied the same room so that every one in the city knew for certain that you had found a mother in her and she a daughter in you. In the suburbs you found for yourselves a monastic seclusion, and chose the country instead of the town because of its loneliness. For a long time you lived together, and as many ladies shaped their conduct by your examples, I had the joy of seeing Rome transformed into another Jerusalem. Monastic establishments for virgins became numerous, and of hermits there were countless numbers. In fact so many were the servants of God that monasticism which had before been a term of reproach became subsequently one of honour. Meantime we consoled each other for our separation by words of mutual encouragement, and discharged in the spirit the debt which in the flesh we could not pay. We always went to meet each other’s letters, tried to outdo each other in attentions, and anticipated each other in courteous inquiries. Not much was lost by a separation thus effectually bridged by a constant correspondence.

9. While Marcella was thus serving the Lord in holy tranquillity, there arose in these provinces a tornado of heresy which threw everything into confusion; indeed so great was the fury into which it lashed itself that it spared neither itself nor anything that was good. And as if it were too little to have disturbed everything here, it introduced a ship  33  The movement connected with Rufinus’ translation of Origen’s Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν. His coming was likened, in the dream of his friend Macarius (Ruf. Apol. i. 11), to that of a ship laden with Eastern wares. freighted with blasphemies into the port of Rome itself. The dish soon found itself a cover;  34  The same proverb occurs in Letter VII. § 5. and the muddy feet of heretics fouled the clear waters  35  Cf. Ezek. xxxiv. 18. of the faith of Rome. No wonder that in the streets and in the market places a soothsayer can strike fools on the back or, catching up his cudgel, shatter the teeth of such as carp at him; when such venomous and filthy teaching as this has found at Rome dupes whom it can lead astray. Next came the scandalous version  36  i.e. That published by Rufinus. See Letter LXXX. of Origen’s book  On First Principles, and that ‘fortunate’ disciple  37  ᾽όλβιος, i.e. Macarius, a Roman Christian who wrote a book on the providence of God. To him Rufinus dedicated his version of Origen’s treatise. who would have been indeed fortunate had he never fallen in with such a master. Next followed the confutation set forth by my supporters, which destroyed the case of the Pharisees  38  Apparently the Roman clergy who sided with Rufinus. and threw them into confusion. It was then that the holy Marcella, who had long held back lest she should be thought to act from party motives, threw herself into the breach. Conscious that the faith of Rome—once praised by an apostle  39  Rom. i. 8. —was now in danger, and that this new heresy was drawing to itself not only priests and monks but also many of the laity besides imposing on the bishop  40  Siricius, the successor of Damasus. He died a.d. 398. who fancied others as guileless as he was himself, she publicly withstood its teachers choosing to please God rather than men.

10. In the gospel the Saviour commends the unjust steward because, although he defrauded his master, he acted wisely for his own interests.  41  Luke xvi. 8. The heretics in this instance pursued the same course; for, seeing how great a matter a little fire had kindled,  42  James iii. 5. and that the flames applied by them to the foundations had by this time reached the housetops, and that the deception practised on many could no longer be hid, they asked for and obtained letters of commendation from the church,  43  Rufinus obtained such letters from Pope Siricius when he left Rome for Aquileia. See Jer. Apol. iii. 21. so that it might appear that till the day of their departure they had continued in full communion with it. Shortly afterwards  44  398 a.d. the distinguished Anastasius succeeded to the pontificate; but he was soon taken away, for it was not fitting that the head of the world should be struck off  45  The allusion is to the capture of Rome by Alaric in 410 a.d. during the episcopate of one so great. He was removed, no doubt, that he might not seek to turn away by his prayers the sentence of God passed once for all. For the words of the Lord to Jeremiah concerning Israel applied equally to Rome: “pray not for this people for their good. When they fast I will not hear their cry; and when they offer burnt-offering and oblation, I will not accept them; but I will consume them by the sword and by the famine and by the pestilence.”  46  Jer. xiv. 11, 12. You will say, what has this to do with the praises of Marcella? I reply, She it was who originated the condemnation of the heretics. She it was who furnished witnesses first taught by them and then carried away by their heretical teaching. She it was who showed how large a number they had deceived and who brought up against them the impious books  On First Principles, books which were passing from hand to hand after being ‘improved’ by the hand of the scorpion.  47  Emendata manu scorpii. The scorpion is Rufinus whom Jerome accused of suppressing the worst statements of Origen so that the subtler heresy might be accepted. She it was lastly who called on the heretics in letter after letter to appear in their own defence. They did not indeed venture to come, for they were so conscience-stricken that they let the case go against them by default rather than face their accusers and be convicted by them. This glorious victory originated with Marcella, she was the source and cause of this great blessing. You who shared the honour with her know that I speak the truth. You know too that out of many incidents I only mention a few, not to tire out the reader by a wearisome recapitulation. Were I to say more, ill natured persons might fancy me, under pretext of commending a woman’s virtues, to be giving vent to my own rancour. I will pass now to the remainder of my story.

11. The whirlwind  48  i.e. the Origenistic heresy. passed from the West into the East and threatened in its passage to shipwreck many a noble craft. Then were the words of Jesus fulfilled: “when the son of man cometh, shall he find faith on the earth?”  49  Luke xviii. 8. The love of many waxed cold.  50  Matt. xxiv. 12. Yet the few who still loved the true faith rallied to my side. Men openly sought to take their lives and every expedient was employed against them. So hotly indeed did the persecution rage that “Barnabas also was carried away with their dissimulation;”  51  Gal. ii. 13. The allusion is perhaps to John of Jerusalem; possibly to Chrysostom. nay more he committed murder, if not in actual violence at least in will. Then behold God blew and the tempest passed away; so that the prediction of the prophet was fulfilled, “thou takest away their breath, they die, and return to their dust.  52  Ps. civ. 29. In that very day his thoughts perish,”  53  Ps. cxlvi. 4. as also the gospel-saying, “Thou fool, this night thy soul shall be required of thee: then whose shall those things be, which thou hast provided?”  54  Luke xii. 20.

12. Whilst these things were happening in Jebus  55  The Canaanite name for Jerusalem. a dreadful rumour came from the West. Rome had been besieged  56  By Alaric the Goth, 408 a.d. and its citizens had been forced to buy their lives with gold. Then thus despoiled they had been besieged again so as to lose not their substance only but their lives. My voice sticks in my throat; and, as I dictate, sobs choke my utterance. The City which had taken the whole world was itself taken;  57  By Alaric, 410 a.d. nay more famine was beforehand with the sword and but few citizens were left to be made captives. In their frenzy the starving people had recourse to hideous food; and tore each other limb from limb that they might have flesh to eat. Even the mother did not spare the babe at her breast. In the night was Moab taken, in the night did her wall fall down.  58  Isa. xv. 1. “O God, the heathen have come into thine inheritance; thy holy temple have they defiled; they have made Jerusalem an orchard.  59  Ps. lxxix. 1. LXX. The dead bodies of thy servants have they given to be meat unto the fowls of the heaven, the flesh of thy saints unto the beasts of the earth. Their blood have they shed like water round about Jerusalem; and there was none to bury them.”  60  Ps. lxxix. 1–3.

Who can set forth the carnage of that night?

What tears are equal to its agony?

Of ancient date a sovran city falls;

And lifeless in its streets and houses lie

Unnumbered bodies of its citizens.

In many a ghastly shape doth death appear.  61  Virg. A. ii. 361.

13. Meantime, as was natural in a scene of such confusion, one of the bloodstained victors found his way into Marcella’s house. Now be it mine to say what I have heard,  62  Virg. A. vi. 266. to relate what holy men have seen; for there were some such present and they say that you too were with her in the hour of danger. When the soldiers entered she is said to have received them without any look of alarm; and when they asked her for gold she pointed to her coarse dress to shew them that she had no buried treasure. However they would not believe in her self-chosen poverty, but scourged her and beat her with cudgels. She is said to have felt no pain but to have thrown herself at their feet and to have pleaded with tears for you, that you might not be taken from her, or owing to your youth have to endure what she as an old woman had no occasion to fear. Christ softened their hard hearts and even among bloodstained swords natural affection asserted its rights. The barbarians conveyed both you and her to the basilica of the apostle Paul, that you might find there either a place of safety or, if not that, at least a tomb. Hereupon Marcella is said to have burst into great joy and to have thanked God for having kept you unharmed in answer to her prayer. She said she was thankful too that the taking of the city had found her poor, not made her so, that she was now in want of daily bread, that Christ satisfied her needs so that she no longer felt hunger, that she was able to say in word and in deed: “naked came I out of my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return thither: the Lord gave and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord.”  63  Job i. 21, LXX.

14. After a few days she fell asleep in the Lord; but to the last her powers remained unimpaired. You she made the heir of her poverty, or rather the poor through you. When she closed her eyes, it was in your arms; when she breathed her last breath, your lips received it; you shed tears but she smiled conscious of having led a good life and hoping for her reward hereafter.

In one short night I have dictated this letter in honour of you, revered Marcella, and of you, my daughter Principia; not to shew off my own eloquence but to express my heartfelt gratitude to you both; my one desire has been to please both God and my readers.

1 This Roman lady, like her friend Marcella, took a great interest in the study of scripture. In Letter LXV. Jerome gives her an explanation of the 45th Psalm.
2 See Letter XXIII.
3 Luke ii. 36, 37.
4 Ps. cxix. 1.
5 Matt. v. 25.
6 i.e. the Indian Ocean.
7 Eph. v. 22.
8 Cf. Letter LXXIX. § 9.
9 Ps. cxix. 11.
10 Ps. i. 2.
11 1 Cor. x. 31.
12 Ps. cxix. 104.
13 Acts i. 1.
14 1 Tim. v. 23.
15 The successor of Athanasius in the see of Alexandria.
16 A fragment from the Medea of Ennius relating to the unlucky ship Argo which had brought Jason to Colchis. Here however the words seem altogether out of place. Unless, indeed, they are supposed to be spoken by pagans.
17 Magdala means ‘tower.’
18 So Ewald.
19 Joh. xviii. 15, 16, R.V.
20 Joh. xix. 26, 27.
21 Tertullian goes so far as to call him ‘Christ’s eunuch’ (de Monog. c. xvii.).
22 Tota philosophorum vita commentatio mortis est—Cicero, T. Q. i. 30, 74 (summarizing Plato’s doctrine as given in his Phædo, p. 64).
23 1 Cor. xv. 31 (apparently quoted from memory).
24 Luke xiv. 27; cf. ix. 23.
25 Ps. xliv. 22.
26 Ecclus. vii. 36.
27 Pers. v. 153 Corvington.
28 Rom. xii. 1.
29 In 382 a.d.
30 2 Tim. iv. 2.
31 1 Tim. ii. 12.
32 Literally “thickness of a nail.”
33 The movement connected with Rufinus’ translation of Origen’s Περὶ ᾽Αρχῶν. His coming was likened, in the dream of his friend Macarius (Ruf. Apol. i. 11), to that of a ship laden with Eastern wares.
34 The same proverb occurs in Letter VII. § 5.
35 Cf. Ezek. xxxiv. 18.
36 i.e. That published by Rufinus. See Letter LXXX.
37 ᾽όλβιος, i.e. Macarius, a Roman Christian who wrote a book on the providence of God. To him Rufinus dedicated his version of Origen’s treatise.
38 Apparently the Roman clergy who sided with Rufinus.
39 Rom. i. 8.
40 Siricius, the successor of Damasus. He died a.d. 398.
41 Luke xvi. 8.
42 James iii. 5.
43 Rufinus obtained such letters from Pope Siricius when he left Rome for Aquileia. See Jer. Apol. iii. 21.
44 398 a.d.
45 The allusion is to the capture of Rome by Alaric in 410 a.d.
46 Jer. xiv. 11, 12.
47 Emendata manu scorpii. The scorpion is Rufinus whom Jerome accused of suppressing the worst statements of Origen so that the subtler heresy might be accepted.
48 i.e. the Origenistic heresy.
49 Luke xviii. 8.
50 Matt. xxiv. 12.
51 Gal. ii. 13. The allusion is perhaps to John of Jerusalem; possibly to Chrysostom.
52 Ps. civ. 29.
53 Ps. cxlvi. 4.
54 Luke xii. 20.
55 The Canaanite name for Jerusalem.
56 By Alaric the Goth, 408 a.d.
57 By Alaric, 410 a.d.
58 Isa. xv. 1.
59 Ps. lxxix. 1. LXX.
60 Ps. lxxix. 1–3.
61 Virg. A. ii. 361.
62 Virg. A. vi. 266.
63 Job i. 21, LXX.