De legationibus
1. That Valerian, fearing the attack of the Persians, (for his army was plague-stricken, and especially the Maurusii), having gathered an unspeakable
rested. But those having evil in their hearts declared to their kinsmen: Arrive most quickly. For behold, the king and his wealth are with us. And wit
while welcoming the Greeks, on the contrary, they would ask the Neapolitans neither to make treaties with the Romans or their subjects, nor to break t
of our colonists, nor to incite your subjects to every kind of aggression but if these things which some were doing were not approved by all of you,
having broken for themselves the agreements they had previously made with them, 12 in which they had established friendship and an alliance, not despa
recounting the outrages they had suffered from them and offering the garment of Postumius as proof of their words. And when great indignation arose fr
the events that have happened at this time recall me to my own command. And I give all pledges, as many as confirm the agreements of men, both alone a
before, and especially since, four years ago, when I was sent leading an army against the Samnites and Lucanians and Brettians, holding the consular o
she said that publicly she tried to see to it that no wrong was done to the Romans by the Illyrians, but that privately it was not customary for the k
being against them because it had been done without their own consent. And they used an example from the Romans themselves for this for they said tha
falls under their dominion. Similarly, the Romans make treaties concerning Latium itself, but do not mention the rest of Italy because it did not fall
the main points of the written agreements were these: the Carthaginians were to withdraw from all the islands lying between Italy 27 and Sicily the a
the Carthaginians war, both according to the treaty of Lutatius, by which the allies of each side were to have security from each side, and according
to the temple of Athena Chalkioikos, and that the ephors were to complete the business of the sacrifice, lingering there about the sacred precinct. At
Therefore, when they also at that time admitted that they had indeed made the voyage, wishing to watch over his youth and preserve his rule for him, b
The scarcity had advanced so that a Sicilian medimnus cost fifteen drachmas. But nevertheless, though such was the situation, they did not neglect the
of the place to see already the enemy's camp. But the escorts, when they had passed the river as arranged, took their leave of the Romans and sailed b
an enumeration of the benefactions previously done by him for the people, an account of his actions against Philip at the present time, and finally an
At the same time came also of the Ten, Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, and Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius from Thasos. Their arrival being quick
having themselves established rulers, and having aggrandized some, making their domains many times greater than their own. Of whom, they brought forwa
because of fear, as it seemed that the punishment from Philip would be at hand for those who opposed him, while the aid of the Romans was far away. Bu
that Pharnaces was overstepping all the bounds of good faith, he was forced to do likewise. And when he had already gathered his forces, Attalus and h
but being readily disposed, they might carry out what was decided by it. At that time, bringing these things before the Romans and showing the prepara
of the times. But the party of Gaius, when the assembly of the Achaeans had been convened, were said to have planned to accuse the party of Lycortas a
But when Attalus sent ambassadors, and they had arrived at the first assembly, and spoken with the Achaeans about restoring the honors to the king, an
they sailed up to Cyprus, wishing also to speedily cast out from the island the forces there. And having arrived and found Ptolemy’s generals defeated
he showed all violence and lawlessness, the senate, angered and taking the event badly, appointed ten ambassadors from its own body, namely Lucius Ani
Attalus. But Prusias, having repented, for a while followed him entreating, but when he accomplished nothing, he departed and was at a loss. The Roman
escorting and requiring almost no justification, but rather awaiting the outcome from the Achaeans themselves, and in general exhorting them not to pr
as never before. For all the cities were in an uproar, the whole populace, and especially somehow that of the Corinthians. But to a very few what was
respecting his fatherland, and honoring the dignity of his ancestors who had done him no wrong. But he only answered them that they should come back i
reminded the Tarentines of the ancient treaties, that the Romans should not sail beyond the Lacinian promontory, and having incited them, he persuaded
to Caesar, and after they had separated from each other, he demanded to come together again for talks. But when Caesar did not come together, but sent
Book 5. 1. That Alaric, having come to Rome, surrounded the city and all its gates, and seizing the Tiber river, he prevented the supply of provisions
Palladius to measure what was to be given by the extent of each person's property, and being unable to collect the whole amount, either because some o
the barbarian to need office or dignity, nor to wish to receive for habitation the former provinces even at the present, but only both Noricums, situa
will report to the consular. But when letters were sent by Vitellius, and Caesar signified to him that things had become clear to him since Herod had
they sank both him, who was suspicious, and many others. But when the Romans learned these things, they took it hard, as was to be expected, yet they
for against each other) as being the causes of the things that had happened to them, with Diaeus the general especially inciting them. And although th
had happened, and Corbulo, having come to the Euphrates with incredible speed, waited there. When therefore they met each other, one might have notice
but he did not accept this, and in addition he ordered him to rebuild the destroyed fortresses and cities, to withdraw completely from Mesopotamia, an
a man of repute and known to Cavades himself from his fathers, and a man from the Persians, most powerful and wielding great authority, by name Seoses
to be sent to Byzantium, but the others were to remain until he himself should return, and a period of nine days was agreed upon with Rufinus for his
they sinned against him, nor are they able to oppose the Persian army. For it is least of all fitting for a king ** those who are retreating and are i
for their own salvation they think they ought not even now to carry out the agreements, but shamelessly thus, trusting in the strength of their positi
for, he said, the Persians will have a secure peace with them. guarding the Caspian gates themselves and no longer being vexed with them because of th
to be in a difficult position. For he had never had any money, and for this reason he had not even planned from the beginning to rescue the Surenas, a
they arrived, he recounted both what he had done before and in what manner he had enslaved the territories of the Romans, and he threatened that the E
would be pleasing, and Demetrius and Hypatius reported all that they had heard Theudatus say, and how Theudatus, using only his own power among the Tu
you will be more worthy, you will come to us, and besides we are not calling the Goths to foreign or otherwise unknown customs, but to customs with wh
they were already sending heralds. But Belisarius was no less on his guard to prevent the barbarians from bringing in provisions, and he commanded Vit
to them, on the condition that, if no help should arrive for them from Byzantium within this very truce, they will surrender both themselves by agreem
disregarding those brought to the most pitiable of all conditions, to shew a firm mind towards any of the others, but, as if some other token of his n
Belisarius and his men were permitted to go somewhere outside the Portus, but he himself with the rest of the army went against both John and the Luca
of the lands of Thrace, on the condition that having settled there they would be allies of the Romans for all time and would guard the country careful
Concerning Roman embassies to the gentiles. From the Gothic History of Priscus the rhetor and sophist. 1. That when Roua was king of the Huns, having
for envoys of the highest rank to cross over to him for this had not happened in the time of his ancestors nor in the time of others who had ruled th
urging us to depart. But when we first asked them to come to dinner, they dismounted from their horses, were feasted, and on the next day led the way
to obtain gifts. Therefore, in the absence of Onegesius, it was necessary for us, or rather for his brother, to cooperate in the good deed. And they s
having given instructions about what was to be given to those who would come with him for the transaction, he departed. And when they were curious as
answering that we were disturbed by the storm, they invited us to their homes, received us, and provided warmth by lighting many reeds. And when the w
who had great power with Attila among the Scythians, was building, having transported stones from the land of the Paeonians for neither stone nor tre
for the Scythians to live in inactivity after the war, each one enjoying what they have and in no way or only a little troubling or being troubled, bu
weeping, said that the laws are fine and the constitution of the Romans good, but the rulers, not thinking like those of old, are ruining it. While we
because of the golden bowls, with Rusticius of Constantius' party and Constantiolus, a man from the country of the Paeonians which was subject to Atti
the barbarian inquired about our purpose having conferred with Maximinus, I returned to Onegesius, saying that the Romans wished him to come to them
Others were moved to tears, those whose bodies were weakened by time and 145 whose passion was forced to be still. After the songs, a certain Scythian
that another wife be given to him, who would bring in so great a dowry. At dinner time, therefore, the barbarian ordered Maximinus to tell the emperor
doing no wrong. And without any delay, he told what had been plotted by him and Edecon and the eunuch and the emperor, and he continually turned to su
was bringing the king's gifts, and when threatened with death if he did not give them, he said: It is not fitting for Scythians to ask for things whic
11. That in the time of Leo, emperor of the Romans, Tatianus, who was enrolled in the rank of the patricians, was sent as an ambassador to the Vandals
were ready to tear the prefect to pieces. And those who had brought fire to the praetorium were about to set it ablaze, had not the sacred orders and
the barbarian has rushed for this, and that these things are pleasing to the emperor, and that Adamantius was sent for this purpose it was therefore
to wait in Scampia and to send a man ahead, who would make Sabinianus swear that upon Adamantius's safe return he would send back the hostages unharme
the emperor should send, he would destroy all the Goths in Thrace, on the condition that, if he should do this, he himself would become general instea
he thought no one would stand against him, with no battlement or tower standing, and that when he entered the whole populace would join him out of hat
from whom I hoped to find consolation for my mistake. 6. That the ruler of Egypt, who was sent out with barely 50 pounds of gold, as if she had become
approaching the general, they said that he was reproaching them with good reason, and that it was not fitting to be destroyed any further, nor, neglec
indeed it is not otherwise seemly to utterly destroy those of the same race, not to mention that they are of the same tongue and dwell with us and use
from the war. Let one of you picture in the contemplations of your soul, as if they were present, the fallen bewailing themselves, let him also consid
a stipulated sum for each year to be received from the Romans for not using their weapons and having received in advance for forty years, or at the v
used, in a narrative Peter related a certain story of this kind, that there was once in ancient and most remote times an Egyptian king named Sesostris
to assist Peter as he went to Chosroes on account of Suania. Then, when Zich brought up matters concerning Ambrus, son of Alamundarus, the leader of t
a multitude of an army to be stationed at Dara, except as much as will suffice for the garrison of the city, and that the general of the East not be e
coming forth to the palace, he spoke thus: We have come to you, O king, having already been fortunate to have the peace secured, and not being vexed t
to receive, so far from what is just did I think you spoke, inasmuch as I was not close to being persuaded by the irrationality of the report. Yet I s
The rulers of the Suanians were under the Lazi. The emperor: If we grant to you that the letter brought forward by you, which is beneficial to your st
But I will add this also: I would be very amazed and utterly astounded by one who embraces the Roman position while advocating for those who wish to d
to overshadow the wrongdoing and to offer excuses, that the Suani themselves rejected the Roman proposals, but rather not even to have accepted such a
There were some men clothed in gold, and likewise a couch of beaten gold, which indeed four golden peacocks held suspended. And in front of the dwelli
of these nations, surely and further, Usdibad the Gepid and those with him for about these no one will argue that they are not by nature the slaves
of the territory, but not indeed also concerning that in Armenia, having paid down presumably for this reason alone with thousands of gold nomismata,
to receive the embassy for by this he thought he would greatly frighten the Romans. And so, having completed the journey through the so-called clime
the city forever guarded by God. But the king of the Persians, before Theodore was sent away by him, when he came near Theodosiopolis, perceived the c
with tongues, but using a single deceit? and as he spoke he stopped his own mouth with his ten fingers. Then he spoke again: just as there are ten fin
tongue they call the customary rites for the dead) Bringing these wretches, therefore, into the midst along with their paternal horses, he commanded i
as their enmity also distressed him in other ways, because they did not become his subjects, not to mention that he had suffered irreparable things at
and Theodore to have the authority of ambassadors of the highest rank and to arrange the peace as they would be able. After these things, while the tw
and not for him. Having said these things, they held to the road. From that time, another man came from the Persians, who delayed their journey and ma
they brought them back again, until, having filled them with many vexations, so that each of them indeed fell into a most grievous illness, they expel
joined the continents by being both present and superior everywhere, what do you think the Persians would have suffered or for how long would they hav
though it appeared to be in a very decayed state. But indeed both Apsich and the Avars with him, who had previously been lying in wait, had displayed
the most powerful men, persuading the Khagan not to decree death against Comentiolus, and they persuade him that it would be sufficient for the ambass
was restraining the barbarian's insolence with examples. It was not inconsistent to also tell the things of the story. For he said: Listen, Chagan, t
having used many words, he persuades the barbarian to be honored with gifts. And on the next day, the barbarian, having established the peace, was loo
customs 230 and laws regarding this matter, but inferring from their own circumstances and concluding that it was likely that Philip would offer a gre
to have wished therefore now, since they were subject to him by war, he said he had the authority to deliberate about them as he might choose. But Ph
they were sending an embassy to Titus at Elateia. And having met with the aforementioned man, they set forth many and various arguments to this effect
When these things had been decided, and the Isthmian festival had arrived, and the most distinguished men from almost the entire civilized world had g
the senate, but they allowed them to keep the Phocians and the Locrians, just as they had them before, in their confederacy. As for Corinth and Triphy
humane acts towards the Romans but Lucius, cutting short their impulse, said that this kind of justification was not suitable for the present circums
to be handed over to the Romans. But when the matter was reported to the king, he quickly ordered those in charge of these things to treat Nicander we
the Aetolian nation, but in their having conquered Antiochus and gained control of Asia. Therefore, as soon as the Athenians mentioned the dissolution
of Scipio, showing the treaties made with the Aetolians concerning the truces and the march of the infantry armies to the Hellespont. And likewise als
Then this happened to Publius for as the army was about to cross, this time overtook him, so that he was unable to change his location. Therefore it
being wary of the king, lest on account of the previous friction he might be more eager to harm them but finding him, contrary to expectation, modera
with a disposition according to truth. And that this is easy to understand. For they will say, when they enter, that they are here neither asking anyt
we suppose, and especially since we share in your power. But if you do not decide to do this, but rather to withdraw from Asia altogether, we say it i
we are abandoning the rank of friends, but we have not hesitated to remind you with frankness of what we think is both fitting and advantageous for yo
he announced that he was remaining quite alone, and the crossing of Marcus and his forces against them, then indeed they fell into complete helplessne
towards the peace treaties. Amynander, therefore, in accordance with his own purpose, approached the Ambraciots, urging them to save themselves *** an
to use an example appropriate to the present matter in his speech. For he said that they were reasonably angry with the Aetolians for the Aetolians,
and he would do everything ordered and 266 saying these things at the same time he offered a crown of fifteen talents. Having heard these things, he
should come to them, and when Attalus’s men promised that Gnaeus would come, they then dispersed on these terms. But the Galatians made these postpone
King Eumenes they sailed down to Ephesus, when summer was already beginning and after recovering from the voyage for two days they went up to Apamea.
He sent his brother Lucius, who had just brought the money from the Oroandians, to Syria, instructing him to receive the oaths from the king and to co
and that the protection of the Romans had been dissolved, they went to Rome and made an accusation against those who had been administered and against
She fell silent, and the Megarians ceased the seizures after an embassy *** concerning the contracts. 33. That a dispute arose for the Lycians against
having declared the great goodwill and benevolence of the king towards the nation, they ceased their speech. After them, Apollonidas of Sicyon stood u
to renounce for the present the gift of ships. And then, having deliberated about these things, they each dispersed to their own cities but after thi
the justification, and those with Apollonidas the Sicyonian informed the senate that it was altogether impossible for matters concerning Sparta to be
The generals, having brought them in, summoned all the accusers of Philip, and brought them forward one embassy at a time. And as the embassies were m
he persuaded his father to consent to the death of Demetrius. Therefore, concerning these matters, how the details were handled, we shall declare in w
they clung to Demetrius and said that on his account they had done and would do everything. The Macedonians, on the one hand, welcomed Demetrius, supp
for a reconciliation the Messenians appointed ambassadors and sent them out, begging to obtain pardon for their mistakes. But the general of the Achae
they appointed. And the exiles sent Cletis and Diactorius to plead their case in the Senate against the ambassadors from the Achaeans. When the ambass
of the arms, which he had previously sent, and of the money, and at the same time to take over the ships and make provision for their transport. They
that when they had voted for the war, they not only ravaged all their country unjustly, but also exiled some of the most distinguished of the citizens
all the deserters and in addition to these, from the money and the treasure which he had carried off from Morzius and Ariarathes, to give back to the
54. That at this time ambassadors arrived, from the Thespians those with Lasus and Callias, and from Neon, Ismenias those with Lasus surrendering the
of the choice of each. Therefore to the others he sent the letters through the letter-carriers themselves, but to Rhodes he also sent ambassadors with
For this is entirely the custom and tradition among the Romans, to appear most arrogant and harsh in setbacks, but most moderate in successes. That th
none of these things, although clearly knowing what had happened among them, † to export one hundred thousand medimni of grain from Sicily. The senate
he did well not to take this path, by which, either having conquered all, he would have held arrogant power, or, having failed, would have caused many
he gave, that he might cut off his undertaking concerning the assistance. 67. That in Crete the Cydonians, fearing the Gorty 313 nians because in the
of Marcius he had received private instructions to remind the senate about ending the war, then indeed Deinon and his party concluded that the Romans
necessity towards each other and the advantage for each from the reconciliation. But the king, cutting the ambassador short while he was still speakin
was set down concerning public speaking, the council was divided, in which those choosing the side of Perseus appeared to be stronger than those eager
to establish a foreign mercenary force of a thousand men. It happened that the kings had a greater relationship with the said men from the deeds which
on account of Marcius, they withdrew from affairs to speak against the letter. And so the matter of the assistance thus fell through for the kings, bu
supposing that he would again come in privately about these matters, she promised to send the ambassadors with him and honored him magnificently with
of ten thousand gold pieces and having appointed Theaetetus as ambassador and at the same time admiral, they sent him out at the beginning of summer,
of the benefactions done to them and they released the Lacedaemonian Menalcidas, who had actively used the opportunities against the kingdom for his
84. That the Athenians came as ambassadors at first on behalf of the safety of the Haliartians, but being ignored on this point, they changed their tu
to strengthen those who were of that mind, but to diminish in every way those who chose the Roman side and wished to conduct their government in accor
Again making it manifest from this, because the nation had neither heard the defense of the accused nor made any judgment concerning them, it asks the
And this is clear from the events that happened afterwards. For immediately appointing as ambassadors Tiberius Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius
that the alienation and stumbling of the crowds towards him should come to be wherefore also, when the affairs concerning Cyrene were given to him co
this Menyllus, the Alabandian, was present as an ambassador from the elder king Ptolemy in order to come to a settlement and plead his case with the y
about to sail. The shipmasters were indifferent, since the freight agreed upon at the beginning remained theirs and they had long since made all the p
who was by birth an Egyptian, but was entrusted with the care of everything by the king, at the time when he made his voyage to Rome. When these thing
of what was fitting. Nevertheless, the Carthaginians were finally brought to this point by the decisions at the times now spoken of, so that they not
he has done these things by the will of the gods. And finally, because of his readiness and eagerness, this man was brought without bonds or guard, bu
Miltiades, since they were compared, a multitude against one man, and in their other curtailment were fortunate, being regarded in contrast to one who
showing the scars of his wounds to their sight and setting forth the rest of his dreadful tale in sequence, 356 he was calling the people to pity. And
of these things, but they also understood the construction of the drama and openly detested Heraclides but the majority, having been won over by the
after a year of his generalship in Iberia, and when those who had served with him had reported to Rome the continuous dangers from battle, the multitu
Since they had deliberated well, the senate gives them their freedom and their laws, and furthermore all their land and the possession of their other
to bring to them, so that they might obtain a safe return to their own land through them. 2. That Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews, wishing to ren
generals while he continues and preserves his good will towards us, that we should do everything we can devise for the honor and favor of the man's ze
he gave and presented to all the notion, that in his services he showed things much greater and more splendid than the kingdom which he had. This also
a partaker in troublesome things because of goodwill, and in pleasant things because of the honor. And when the affairs concerning Pontus, for which A
of the money and not quickly in this way nor as the agreements permitted, having often gone to Saturninus and Volumnius, the governors of Syria, and
Indeed, with him were Antiochus, king of Commagene, Damason Sampsigeranus, and Herod this man was his brother, and ruled Chalcis. He conversed with a
But the death of Julian alone was sufficient for their destruction, so that until now the Roman emperors have been able to recover none of these thing
And Stilicho, having in such a manner accomplished the peace with 379 Alaric, was setting out on his departure to put an end to what he had decided. 4
lists of armies indicated in golden letters all of which were displayed stretched out on silver-plated poles. And before these things thus arranged,
Come, since you believe we pursue by all means the pleasure of ease, which peace provides, hold to the same attempt as before, and do not, holding for
When they had spoken to one another, both the emperor and the barbarians, the meeting was dissolved, and on the next day the multitude of the Roman so
army. For he hoped that barbarians would be more formidable guards than the Romans, and for this reason he henceforth neglected to increase the Roman
If you wish, the emperors of the Romans will make war. And understanding that the Persian was preparing with all his might, he set himself in oppositi
He was dux of Moesia and every day he trained the army and having learned beforehand of their arrogance, for many days he did not receive them, givin
you guarded, who, having deceived him with guile, seized him and until extreme old age and a dishonorable death did not release him, then after his de
for reading. 16. That the barbarians in the time of Julian the apostate were asking for peace but he came to make a truce with them and sought to tak
to those who have been conquered in war and that the envoys to him at Lysimachia should authoritatively instruct him about these things. That Antioch
who along with the generals would have everything. But when they returned to their fatherlands, and the ten envoys met in council with Scipio and Aemi
to defend themselves against the accusations. For in the war against Perseus they seemed to have inclined their loyalties toward the king and to have
nowhere adding the city of Carthage, but concealing its destruction. that they would obtain these kindnesses, if they gave three hundred sons of the s
reproached their sons, and children their parents, and wives their husbands. And having returned to their initial disposition and not given up their a
he showed that he held great insolence against the senate in the embassy. And with the senators provoking the envoys and promising to cooperate, those
they gained the country. And Ptolemy the king of Egypt, surnamed Philadelphus, when he learned that Pyrrhus had departed in bad shape and that the Rom
to hand over, and for the future to possess neither elephants nor ships, and to withdraw from all of his (possessions) that they held and give them to
Those around Mancinus spoke of the necessity of the agreements and the number of those who had been saved, and that they held all that they had previo
of his right hand and with tears, and persuaded them that he be sent to Mithridates. For he would arrange the peace on the terms he wished, and if he
he wished. And he sent for him, requesting to discuss something with him. But when he did not obey, but said: If Caesar wishes to say anything to me,
then they returned, having put forward some pretext, so that the sickness of the government might not be revealed even to the barbarians, and after th
naming Vitellius, and they challenged one another, both reviling and praising each one and at times one would speak privately to another: Fellow-sol
And having set fire to some of the nearby buildings, so that by this means they might prevent the Romans from advancing further, even if they should g
47. Because many of the Dacians were deserting to Trajan, and for certain other reasons, Decebalus again requested peace. But as he was not persuaded
he requested not to say anything in front of the crowd, and thus having been led into the tent he obtained none of the things he wanted. When he there
they took in Italy itself. and some of them living in Ravenna started a revolt, so that they even dared to seize the city. and for this reason he no l
to receive tribute or even to have immortal food were worthy. And since the Iazyges were proving very useful to him, he remitted many of the demands i
1. That the Athenians after this, having recalled Cleisthenes and the seven hundred households that had been banished by Cleomenes, sent 436 ambassado
to do. But if not, they themselves would be forced, with the others compelling them, to make friends of those whom they did not wish, others rather th
for this reason he was not at all in favor of the embassy, nor did he think it right to reap wars at home for the sake of foreign misfortunes. But Leu
Sarosius the leader of the Alans, so that through him they might become known to the Romans. And he reported about the Avars to Justin, the son of Ger
of the Cunimons, how while saying one thing, they mean another, and how they use words that are moderate to the highest degree, and how they put forwa
rather a benefactor than the purveyor of luxury, who seems to be a friend, but having seized upon a small pretext, he immediately destroyed the one su
when the ambassadors of the Saracens were before Justinian together with all those with them, and that he, wishing to preserve the custom, would act t
And so Sizabulos is persuaded and sends Sogdian envoys and Maniakh led the embassy. And so, arriving before the king of the Persians, they made a req
rebelled against their dominion, and if any are still with you. There are indeed, O Emperor, those who still love our ways, but those who fled I think
10. That when the Avars and Franks had made a truce with one another, and the peace was holding very firmly, Baian indicated to Sigisbert, the leader
it happened to be unguarded, as they were sitting according to their custom to spy on the enemy, watching and observing from a lookout point to see if
If, then, our emperor will treat you kindly with gifts, we for our part will surely not hesitate, being both joyful and following the emperor, to acco
and concerning what the Avar nation wishes. And the Romans and Avars made a complete truce. 19. That when the Avars had made a truce and were departin
sending Jacob to the emperor, who knew how to make the Persian words clear in the Greek tongue. For having understood to the utmost that the Romans, n
of arbitrators, whom one might call secretaries, having been captured in war, was killed by Chosroes, having been detected as he had secretly written
those related to them by blood, and to put it briefly, all those who wish to partake in the Roman state, would never be surrendered. And it seemed tha
to deposit money, and indeed without delay. These things, therefore, Zacharias, if not openly, nevertheless hinted at to Mebodes, but he for his part
Since they were Christians, the leader of the sacred rites of Christ permitted the mystagogue, having taken whatever gold and silver they had, to depa
striking the water unevenly with the oars, he moved suddenly with the light boats along the river, and he himself, with all the army of the Avars, pro
31. That when the ambassadors of the Avars arrived at the capital and asked the emperor to prepare the ships for the Chagan and the army of the Avars
most justly, and that it belonged to him, having formerly been a possession of the Gepaids, but since they had been warred upon by the Avars, it was f
the beast gives orders to the Caesar, whether being astounded or disparaging what was admired, I am unable to say for I would not have concealed it.
of the ambassador's speech, the Romans were voting against him, hissing and making a disturbance with their shouts, as if suffering terribly at the wo
To the one who does not remember wrongs, greetings. The divine power from above and from the beginning has arranged that the whole world be illuminate
For he was considering that this one should not withdraw far from the Persian state, so that the enterprise of tyranny might not from this be firmly e
Having appointed Comentiolus in place of Narses, who happened to be the general's adjutant, he confers the command. And on the sixth day, Maurice sent
It ran literally thus: To the emperor of the Romans, the Khagan, the great lord of seven tribes and master of the regions of the world. 15. That as sp
Ambazoukes, a Hun by race, and a friend to the Romans and to the emperor Anastasius. When this man arrived at a deep old age and was about to die, sen
should be adopted, and he expressed the opinion that peace should be concluded with them at once, but that the foremost men should be sent by the empe
of money, on the condition that he would come over to the Romans, and he produced letters which Justinian had indeed written to Alamundarus about thes
to make a journey. And he undertook to accomplish these things as well, if they would give him someone of note by way of a hostage for this agreement,
makes Emperor Valentinian a friend, on condition that he would bring tribute each year from Libya to the emperor, and on this agreement he handed over
he handed over a letter. Peter and Rusticus, therefore, having arrived in Byzantium, reported to the emperor what had previously been decided, just as
coming, they might throw into confusion what was being done, but rather the Romans, who would make him an enemy to Justinian. For this very reason the
they ever prevailed, but being bound by treaty and the greatest of friends to the Romans and receiving many gifts in the name of friendship every year
possessed by an irrational boldness. But since the war has now somehow come to hand, these men, who are recoiling from the affair because they are wel
it happened that between the former truce and this one, while each side was sending embassies to the other, another six centenaria were spent. For on
in all the lands in Thrace he ordered to settle. When Sandil, the king of the Utigurs, learned these things, he was provoked and enraged, that while h
in other respects would be obedient to him. But the emperor, paying no heed to what was said, sent all the envoys away, being hostile towards the name
4. That Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians, came to Alexander with one thousand five hundred horsemen. And Pharasmanes said that he lived as a neigh
10. That Alexander, returning to Babylon, finds Peucestas having come from the Persians, leading an army of Persians of about twenty thousand, and lea
you would find a loss of fifty thousand young men at once. He said so much, and his son replied: That you have said, O father, things most contrary to
they were entering the city. But the magistrates entered by day out of necessity, and the insignia of their office lay upon them, but they did nothing
he ordered them to celebrate the settlements and surrender themselves to Pyrrhus on a specified day, and he imposed death on those who missed the day.
having lost many. And perhaps he would have lost all of them, if darkness and rain and heavy thunder, falling upon them while the battle was still joi
it ended in this way, being four for them. And seven hundred ships of the Romans were lost in it, and five hundred of the Carthaginians. And thus the
against him. When these ambassadors sailed to Iberia and were coming up to the camp from the sea, Hannibal forbade them to approach. And so they saile
he commanded them openly to entrust themselves to the Romans (for he knew of no other terms worthy of the Romans), but secretly he promised what he wa
more humane terms for our misfortunes, which we will also be able to bear, now that we are attempting a change. So that it is no longer up to us, but
with triremes but others persuaded Hasdrubal the admiral, while anchored near the cape of Apollo, when the leading triremes should depart, to attack
of all, who both asked for peace before and, having received it, eagerly swore oaths. But cities are easily turned to the worse, and what is done to c
you surrender to the Romans, except for only ten, the elephants, as many as you have, and as much as you seized before, or the value of what was lost,
they did to us, he reckons accurately, this itself is the most terrifying thing about fortune, if they, who were able to do so many and such great thi
Shall we give it to Massanassa to hold? But even if he is a friend, it is not right to strengthen him immoderately either, but to consider that their
as though being at a disadvantage in them but the disputed matters are easy to make excuses for. But whenever they surrender themselves, and we take
of pretexts, and they kept the decision secret. They say that from that time Cato in the senate with constant opinion would say, Carthage must not ex
The consuls sent these to Rome and told the Carthaginians they would state the remaining terms in Utica. And having sailed across to it, they encamped
stone-throwers to the number of two thousand. As these were being brought, the sight was splendid and astonishing, with so many wagons being driven by
the razing of Carthage itself, which if it is lawful for you to destroy, how will you still leave her free or autonomous, as you were saying? These th
they then almost became mainlanders which also saved them for a very long time. For, O Carthaginians, life on the mainland is more stable, with tranq
Of the envoys, some ran away from the road, but the majority proceeded in silence. Some of the Carthaginians looked out from the walls for the envoys,
Sulla, and Apsar, a friend of Jugurtha, left in Bocchus's territory to watch what was happening, and Bocchus himself and Magdalses, a friend of Bocchu
to lead out of Greece the three garrisons, which he himself called the fetters of Greece, the one in Chalcis menacing the Boeotians and Euboeans and L
he remitted, of which he still owed but these Thracians, when the Romans were returning from their victory over Antiochus, with Philip no longer pres
troubled them, while they were pleased with Perseus for being a friend of the Greeks, some were being compelled to enter into agreements with the Roma
36. That after the victory, Perseus, whether mocking Crassus and jeering at him, or testing whether he still had any spirit, or suspecting the Romans'
he added more. Having granted these things to Amorkesos, and having made him ruler of the tribes he desired, Leo sent him away puffed up with pride, a
how much Theoderic, the son of Valamir, being general and friend, had ravaged the cities, and 572 not now to look at old enmities rather than at how s
to swear an oath concerning these things, and others whom he himself trusts among the Isaurians for this purpose. But Zeno, having learned this, repli
he rouses them by a signal and places the city under the enemy. When Margus had been ravaged in this way, the affairs of the barbarians were increased
nor to ratify the peace treaties, unless the Romans who had fled to them were given up or ransoms were given for them, and the barbarian captives take
he said, interpreting, that Edecon praised the palace and considered the wealth they had blessed. But Chrysaphius said that he himself would be master
he sent to the ruler of the Western Romans men to negotiate that Honoria should not be wronged in any way, whom he had betrothed to himself for marria
It happened that Maximinus fell ill and died. And when the barbarians learned of Maximinus' death, they forcibly took back the hostages and overran th
the coast near the ocean, just as the Saragurs also, having been driven out in search of land, came upon the Acatir Huns, and having engaged in many b
and to say what had often been said to them on embassies, that as they were enduring the battles and not allowing the approaching barbarian nations to
and not to be in danger by waiting for those from afar, or, when they arrived, to be worn down by the expense, with the war, if it so happened, being
Bound by shock and amazement, they were frozen into immobility, as if Julian had shown them not the young man, but a phantom. And the emperor, when a
adding to the dignities of the ambassa 595 dors, the emperor replied, that the ambassadors should suffer justice and that those present should be held
dared more terrible and tragic things than what he suffered. For all of Thrace and the adjacent lands of Macedonia and Thessaly are of such a nature a
of our colonists, nor to incite your subjects to every kind of aggression; but if these things which some were doing were not approved by all of you, but from their own judgment ** to hand over the men to us for justice. If we obtain these things, we are satisfied, but if we do not, we call to witness the gods and spirits by whom you swore in the treaties, and we have come, bringing the peace-negotiators for this purpose. When the Roman had said such things, the magistrates of the Samnites, having deliberated among themselves, brought forth the following reply: For the lateness of the alliance for the war against the Latins, the 10 commonwealth is not to blame; (for we voted that the army be sent to you) but those having command of it spent more time in preparation, and you yourselves hastened more quickly to the contest. At any rate, those sent by us arrived three or four days after the battle. And concerning the city of the Neapolitans, in which some of our people are, we are so far from wronging you, if we provide in common any aid for their salvation to those in danger, that we ourselves seem to be greatly wronged by you. For this city, being a friend and ally of ours not recently nor since we made the agreements with you, but two generations earlier on account of many and great benefits, you, having been wronged in no way, have enslaved. Nevertheless, not even in this action did the commonwealth of the Samnites wrong you; but there are certain private guests, as we learn, and friends of the Neapolitans who are helping the city according to their own choice, and some perhaps are mercenaries on account of a lack of livelihood. And we have no need to carry off your subjects; for even without the people of Fundi and Formiae we are able to help ourselves, if we are reduced to the necessity of war. And the preparation of our army is not with the intention of taking away their own property from your colonists, but so that we may keep our own through guarding it. And we challenge you in turn, if you wish to do what is just, to withdraw from Fregellae, which not long ago, after we had mastered it by the law of war, which is the most just law of possession, you, having usurped it with no right, have now held for a second year. If we obtain these things, we shall not consider ourselves wronged in any way. After this, the Roman peace-negotiator took up the speech and said: There is nothing left to prevent it, since you have so openly annulled the oaths concerning the peace *** you resolve to blame the Roman people. For everything has been done by it according to the sacred and ancestral laws, both what is holy towards the gods and what is just towards men. And the judges of those who abide by the agreements will be the gods whose lot it is to oversee wars. And as he was about to depart, he both drew his robe over his head and, raising his hands to heaven, as is the custom, he made curses to the gods: if the Roman state, suffering injustice from the Samnites and not being able to resolve the differences with reason and judgment, should proceed to deeds, may the gods and spirits bring good counsels to its mind, and may it † grant that it fare in all things encountering the enemy; but if it, itself committing some transgression of the oaths concerning the friendship, contrives false pretexts for enmity, may their counsels not be right, nor their actions. When they were dismissed from the council and each party reported what had been said to their own cities, both held opposite opinions about each other, the Samnites thinking that the actions of the Romans would be slower, as is their custom to do when they are about to begin a war, but the Romans thinking that the Samnite army would in a short time come against their own colonists, the Fregellans. Then it happened that they experienced what was likely. For the one party, by preparing and delaying, lost the opportunities for action; but the Romans, having all their preparation ready, as soon as they learned the replies, both voted for the war and sent out both consuls; and before the enemy perceived their departure, both the newly levied force and the force wintering among the Volscians, which Cornelius had, were within the Samnite borders. 3. That the Samnite war was rekindled again, beginning from such a cause. After the treaty which the Samnites made with the Roman state, having waited a short time, they marched against the Lucanians, who were their neighbors, being spurred on by some old enmity. At first, therefore, the Lucanians, trusting in their own forces, carried on the war; but being at a disadvantage in all the battles and having already lost many places, and being in danger for all the rest of their land, they were forced to take refuge in the aid of the Romans, being conscious indeed
ἀποίκων τῶν ἡμετέρων, μηδὲ τοὺς ὑπηκόους ἐπὶ πάσας τὰς πλεονεξίας παρακαλεῖν· εἰ δὲ μὴ πᾶσι δόξαντα ταῦτα ὑμῖν, ἃ ἔπραττόν
τινες, ἀλλ' ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτῶν γνώμης ** παραδοῦναι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἡμῖν ἐπὶ δίκην. τούτων τυχόντες ἀρκούμεθα, μὴ τυχόντες δὲ θεοὺς
καὶ δαίμονας, οὓς ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις ὠμόσατε, μαρτυρόμεθα, καὶ τοὺς εἰρηνοδίκας ἐπὶ τοῦτ' ἄγοντες ἐληλύθαμεν. Τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ῥωμαίου
λέξαντος, βουλευσάμενοι καθ' αὑτοὺς οἱ πρόβουλοι τῶν Σαυνιτῶν τοιαύτην ἐξήνεγκαν ἀπόκρισιν· τοῦ μὲν ὀψισμοῦ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ
Λατίνων πόλεμον συμμαχίας οὐ 10 τὸ κοινὸν αἴτιον· (ἐψηφισάμεθα γὰρ ἀποσταλῆναι τὴν στρατιὰν ὑμῖν) οἱ δὲ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντες
αὐτῆς πλείονα χρόνον ἀναλώσαντες ἐν τῇ παρασκευῇ, καὶ ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ θᾶττον ἐπειχθέντες ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα. τρισὶ γοῦν ἢ τέτταρσιν
ἡμέραις ὕστερον τῆς μάχης οἱ πεμφθέντες ὑφ' ἡμῶν ἀφίκοντο. περὶ δὲ τῆς Νεαπολιτῶν πόλεως, ἐν ᾗ τῶν ἡμετέρων τινές εἰσιν, τοσοῦτον
δέομεν ἀδικεῖν ὑμᾶς, εἴ τινα τοῖς κινδυνεύουσι βοήθειαν εἰς σωτηρίαν κοινῇ παρεχόμεθα, ὥστε αὐτοὶ δοκοῦμεν ὑφ' ὑμῶν ἀδικεῖσθαι
μεγάλα. φίλην γὰρ ἡμῶν καὶ σύμμαχον οὖσαν τὴν πόλιν ταύτην οὐκ ἔναγχος οὐδ' ἀφ' οὗ τὰς πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐποιησάμεθα ὁμολογίας, ἀλλὰ
δευτέρᾳ γενεᾷ πρότερον διὰ πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας εὐεργεσίας, οὐθὲν ἀδικηθέντες ὑμεῖς κατεδουλώσασθε. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τούτῳ γε τῷ
ἔργῳ τὸ κοινὸν ὑμᾶς τῶν Σαυνιτῶν ἠδίκησεν· ἰδιόξενοι δέ τινές εἰσιν, ὡς πυνθανόμεθα, καὶ φίλοι τῶν Νεαπολιτῶν οἱ κατὰ τὴν
ἑαυτῶν προαίρεσιν τῇ πόλει βοηθοῦντες, καί τινες καὶ δι' ἀπορίαν ἴσως βίου μισθοφόροι. φέρειν δὲ τοὺς ὑπηκόους ὑμῶν οὐθὲν
δεόμεθα· καὶ γὰρ ἄνευ Φονδανῶν καὶ Φορμιανῶν ἱκανοὶ βοηθεῖν αὑτοῖς ἐσμεν, ἐὰν καταστῶμεν εἰς ἀνάγκην πολέμου. ἡ δὲ παρασκευὴ
τῆς στρατιᾶς ἡμῶν ἐστιν οὐχ ὡς ἀφαιρησομένων τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἀποίκους τὰ ἴδια, ἀλλ' ὡς τὰ ἴδια ἑξόντων διὰ φυλακῆς. ἀντιπροκαλούμεθά
τε ὑμᾶς, εἰ βούλεσθε τὰ δίκαια ποιεῖν, ἐκχωρεῖν Φρεγέλλης, ἣν οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ πολέμου κρατησάντων ἡμῶν νόμῳ, ὅσπερ ἐστὶ νόμος
κτήσεως δικαιότατος, ὑμεῖς οὐδενὶ δικαίῳ σφετερισάμενοι δεύτερον ἔτος ἤδη κατέχετε. τούτων ἡμεῖς τυχόντες οὐδὲν ὑποληψόμεθα
ἀδικεῖσθαι. Μετὰ τοῦτο παραλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰρηνοδίκης εἶπεν· οὐθὲν ἔτι τὸ κωλῦσον ἐστίν, οὕτω φανερῶς ἀνῃρηκότων
ὑμῶν τὰ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὅρκια *** βουλεύεσθε τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον αἰτιάσασθαι. πάντα γὰρ αὐτῷ πέπρακται κατὰ τοὺς ἱερούς τε
καὶ πατρικοὺς νόμους τά τε πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὅσια καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δίκαια. δικασταὶ δὲ τῶν μενόντων ἐν ταῖς ὁμολογίαις
οἱ λαχόντες πολέμους ἐπισκοπεῖν ἔσονται θεοί. μέλλων δὲ ἀπιέναι τήν τε περιβολὴν κατὰ κεφαλῆς εἵλκυσε καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνασχὼν
εἰς τὸν οὐρανόν, ὡς ἔθος ἐστίν, ἀρὰς ἐποιήσατο τοῖς θεοῖς· εἰ μὲν ἄδικα πάσχουσα ὑπὸ Σαυνιτῶν ἡ Ῥωμαίων πόλις καὶ μὴ δυναμένη
μετὰ λόγου καὶ κρίσεως διαλῦσαι τὰς διαφορὰς ἐπὶ τὰ ἔργα χωρήσαι, βουλάς τε ἀγαθὰς αὐτῇ θεοὺς καὶ δαίμονας ἐπὶ νοῦν ἄγειν,
καὶ † πράξειεν πᾶσι διδόναι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐντυχεῖν· εἰ δὲ αὐτή τι πλημμελοῦσα τὰ περὶ τῆς φιλίας ὅρκια προφάσεις κατασκευάζεται
τῆς ἔχθρας οὐκ ἀληθεῖς, μήτε βουλὰς ὀρθοῦν αὐτοῖς μήτε πράξεις. Ὡς διελύθησαν ἐκ τοῦ συλλόγου καὶ τὰ λεχθέντα ἐδήλωσαν ἑκάτεροι
ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πόλεσιν, τὰς ἐναντίας ἔσχον ὑπὲρ ἀλλήλων δόξας ἀμφότεροι, Σαυνῖται μὲν βραδύτερα τὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἔσεσθαι νομίζοντες,
ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς ἔθος ἐστὶ ποιεῖν, ὅτε μέλλοιεν ἄρχειν πολέμου, Ῥωμαῖοι δ' ἐν ὀλίγῳ τὴν Σαυνιτῶν στρατιὰν ἥξειν ἐπὶ τοὺς αὑτῶν
ἀποίκους Φρεγελλάνους οἰόμενοι. ἔπειτ' αὐτοῖς τὰ εἰκότα παθεῖν συνέβη. οἱ μὲν γὰρ παρασκευαζόμενοι καὶ μέλλοντες ἀπώλεσαν
τοὺς καιροὺς τῶν πράξεων· Ῥωμαῖοι δ' ἐν ἑτοίμῳ πᾶσαν ἔχοντες παρασκευὴν ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὰς ἀποκρίσεις τόν τε πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο
καὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀπέστειλαν ἀμφοτέρους· καὶ πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους τὴν ἔξοδον, ἥ τε νεωστὶ καταγραφεῖσα καὶ ἡ περὶ
Οὐολούσκους χειμερίζουσα δύναμις, ἣν εἶχε Κορνήλιος, ἐντὸς ἦν τῶν Σαυνιτικῶν ὅρων. 3. Ὅτι ὁ Σαυνιτικὸς αὖθις ἀνερριπίσθη πόλεμος
ἀπὸ τοιαύτης αἰτίας ἀρξάμενος. μετὰ τὰς σπονδάς, ἃς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν οἱ Σαυνῖται, χρόνον ὀλίγον ἐπισχόντες
ἐπὶ Λευκανοὺς ἐστράτευσαν ὁμόρους ὄντας ἐκ παλαιᾶς τινος ὁρμηθέντες ἔχθρας. κατ' ἀρχὰς μὲν οὖν ταῖς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεσι πιστεύοντες
οἱ Λευκανοὶ τόν [τε] πόλεμον διέφερον· ἐν ἁπάσαις δὲ μειονεκτοῦντες ταῖς μάχαις καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἀπολωλεκότες ἤδη χωρία, κινδυνεύοντες
δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἄλλης γῆς ἁπάσης, ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων βοήθειαν ἠναγκάσθησαν καταφυγεῖν, συνειδότες μὲν
