66

to be properly understood of bodies, for instance, of man and of the other animals, and of trees and plants, whose participation and generation are from a like thing; but `homoiousion` of incorporeal things, for instance, of God and of angels, each being understood in relation to himself according to his own 3.18.4 substance. By such arguments as these, the emperor Constantius was persuaded. And in thought, as I conjecture, he held opinions similar to his father and his brother, but having changed one expression for another, instead of `homoousios` he said `homoiousios`. For it seemed to their proponents to name it more accurately in this way, arguing that if one did not say this, he would be in danger of conceiving the incorporeal as a body. Which seemed foolish to many; for they said it was necessary to transfer names from visible things to intelligible things as well, and that there was no danger in the expression, if the error is not in the concept. 3.1.1 But it is not surprising if the emperor was influenced in this way, since even many of the priests accepted this name without contention, agreeing in thought with those who had assembled at Nicaea, while others used both expressions as differing in no way, with the same meaning. So that it seems to me that that account is very far 3.1.2 embellished from the truth by those who hold the opinions of Arius. For they say that after the council at Nicaea, many of the priests, among whom were Eusebius and Theognis, could no longer bear to say that the Son was `homoousios` with the Father, and 3.1.3 Constantine, becoming angry, condemned them to live in exile. But in a dream or a waking vision, it was divinely revealed to the emperor's sister, that they held orthodox opinions and had suffered these things unjustly. Thereupon the emperor recalled them and inquired why on earth they held opinions contrary to the decisions at Nicaea, and 3.1.4 this, after they had been participants in the creed on the faith set forth there. And they said that they had not consented from conviction, but out of fear, lest, as was likely, strife having arisen over this, he would condemn the dogma as doubtful and turn to Hellenism and persecute the church, having recently begun to be a Christian and being still unbaptized. At this defense, they say that Constantine granted them 3.1.5 pardon, and planned to assemble another synod again. But while he was planning these things, his death intervened, and he enjoined upon Constantius, as his eldest son, to carry this out, as his kingdom was of no benefit to him unless the divine was worshiped in harmony by all. And he, 3.1.6 obeying his father, convened the synod at Ariminum. By which the falsehood is especially detected. For they assembled during the consulship of Hypatius and Eusebius, when Constantius was completing about the twenty-second year of his reign after his father's death, many synods having taken place in the meantime, 3.1.7 in which there was an investigation concerning `homoousios` and `homoiousios`. But no one at all was willing to profess that the Son was <un>like the Father in substance, until he became angry with Aetius concerning this, and for the abolition of such a dogma he commanded the priests to assemble at the same time in Ariminum and Seleucia, so that the true cause of this synod was not the command of Constantine, but the investigation concerning Aetius. That these things are so, the subsequent events will also demonstrate. 3..1 But Constans, having learned what had happened at Sardica, wrote to his brother to restore to Athanasius and Paul their own churches. But when he procrastinated, he wrote again either to receive the men or 3..2 to prepare for war. And Constantius, having conferred about this with the bishops throughout the East, thought it foolish to choose civil war for this reason, and he recalled Athanasius from Italy, giving him public carriages for his return and often urging him in letters to return more quickly. 3..3 But Athanasius, who was then staying in Aquileia, having received Constantius' letters, came to Rome to take leave of Julius and his companions. And he sent him away very kindly, giving him a letter to the clergy and people of Alexandria, as was fitting, admiring the man for having become most renowned through his many dangers and rejoicing with him

66

σωμάτων κυρίως νοεῖσθαι, οἷον ἀνθρώπου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζῴων καὶ δένδρων καὶ φυτῶν, οἷς ἐξ ὁμοίου ἡ μετουσία καὶ ἡ γένεσίς ἐστι, τὸ δὲ ὁμοιούσιον ἐπὶ ἀσωμάτων, οἷον ἐπὶ θεοῦ καὶ ἀγγέλων, ἑκατέρου πρὸς ἑαυτὸν νοουμένου κατ' ἰδίαν 3.18.4 οὐσίαν. ὑπὸ δὴ τῶν τοιούτων καὶ Κωνστάντιος ὁ βασιλεὺς μετεπείσθη. καὶ κατὰ μὲν διάνοιαν, ὡς εἰκάζω, ὅμοια τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἐφρόνει, ῥητὸν δὲ ῥητοῦ ἀμείψας ἀντὶ ὁμοουσίου ὁμοιούσιον ἔλεγε. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐδόκει τοῖς τούτων εἰσηγηταῖς ἀκριβέστερον ὧδε ὀνομάζειν ἰσχυριζομένοις, ὡς εἴ τις μὴ τοῦτο λέγοι, κινδυνεύοι σῶμα τὸ ἀσώματον νοεῖν. ὅπερ εὔηθες εἶναι πολλοῖς ἐδόκει· ἐκ γὰρ τῶν φαινομένων ἔφασκον χρῆναι καὶ περὶ τῶν νοητῶν τὰ ὀνόματα μεταλαμβάνειν, λέξεώς τε κίνδυνον μηδένα εἶναι, ἢν μὴ περὶ ἔννοιαν ἡ ἁμαρτία γένηται. 3.1.1 Οὐ θαυμαστὸν δέ, εἰ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸ τοῦτο πεπόνθει, ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων πολλοὶ ἀφιλονίκως τὸ ὄνομα τοῦτο προσίεντο, τῇ διανοίᾳ συνᾴδοντες τοῖς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνεληλυθόσιν, οἱ δὲ ἑκατέρᾳ λέξει μηδὲν διαφερόμενοι ἐχρῶντο ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς σημασίας. ὥστε μοι δοκεῖ παρὰ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας 3.1.2 κεκομψεῦσθαι ἐκεῖνον τὸν λόγον τοῖς τὰ ᾿Αρείου φρονοῦσι. λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς μετὰ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ σύνοδον πολλοὶ τῶν ἱερέων, ὧν ἦσαν Εὐσέβιος καὶ Θεόγνιος, οὐκέτι λέγειν ἠνείχοντο ὁμοούσιον εἶναι τῷ πατρὶ τὸν υἱόν, καὶ 3.1.3 χαλεπήνας Κωνσταντῖνος ὑπερορίαν αὐτοὺς οἰκεῖν κατεδίκασεν. ὄναρ δὲ ἢ ὕπαρ θεόθεν προεφάνη τῇ ἀδελφῇ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς ὀρθῶς δοξάζουσι καὶ ἀδίκως τάδε πεπόνθασιν. ἐκ τούτου δὲ τὸν βασιλέα μετακαλέσασθαι αὐτοὺς καὶ πυθέσθαι τί δή ποτε παρὰ τὰ ἐν Νικαίᾳ δόξαντα φρονοῦσι, καὶ 3.1.4 ταῦτα κοινωνοὶ γενόμενοι τῆς ἐκτεθείσης ἐνθάδε ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει γραφῆς. τοὺς δὲ φάναι οὐκ ἀπὸ γνώμης συναινέσαι, δεδιότας δέ, μὴ ὡς εἰκὸς ἔριδος ἐπὶ τούτῳ γενομένης καταγνῷ ὡς ἀμφιβόλου τοῦ δόγματος καὶ πρὸς ῾Ελληνισμὸν τραπείη καὶ διώξοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἔναγχος χριστιανίζειν ἀρξάμενος καὶ ἔτι ἀβάπτιστος ὤν. ἐπὶ ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ ἀπολογίᾳ φασὶ Κωνσταντῖνον συγγνώμην 3.1.5 αὐτοῖς νεῖμαι, προνοῆσαι δὲ πάλιν ἑτέραν ἀθροῖσαι σύνοδον. ἐν δὲ τῷ ταῦτα βουλεύεσθαι φθασάσης τῆς αὐτοῦ τελευτῆς οἷα πρεσβυτέρῳ παιδὶ ἐντείλασθαι Κωνσταντίῳ τοῦτο ἐπιτελέσαι, ὡς οὐδὲν ὄφελος ὂν αὐτῷ βασιλείας, εἰ μὴ συμφώνως πρὸς πάντων τὸ θεῖον θρησκεύοιτο. τὸν δὲ τῷ 3.1.6 πατρὶ πειθόμενον τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ συγκροτῆσαι σύνοδον. ᾗ μάλιστα τὸ ψεῦδος φωρᾶται. συνεληλύθασι γὰρ ῾Υπατίου καὶ Εὐσεβίου ὑπατευόντων, ἡνίκα ἀμφὶ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἐν τῇ ἡγεμονίᾳ διήνυε Κωνστάντιος μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήν, πολλῶν ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ συνόδων γενομένων, 3.1.7 ἐν αἷς περὶ ὁμοουσίου καὶ ὁμοιουσίου ζήτησις ἦν. τὸ δὲ κατ' οὐσίαν <ἀν>όμοιον τῷ πατρὶ τὸν υἱὸν δοξάζειν παντελῶς οὐδεὶς ἠθέλησεν, εἰσότε περὶ τούτου ᾿Αετίῳ χαλεπῶς ἤνεγκε καὶ ἐπὶ ἀναιρέσει τοῦ τοιούτου δόγματος ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ καὶ Σελευκείᾳ προσέταξε κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοὺς ἱερέας συνελθεῖν, ὥστε τὴν ἀληθῆ αἰτίαν ταυτησὶ τῆς συνόδου γενέσθαι οὐ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου κέλευσιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν κατ' ᾿Αέτιον ζήτησιν. ὅτι μὲν οὖν τάδε ὧδε ἔχει, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς ἐπιδείξει. 3..1 ῾Ο δὲ Κώνστας τὰ ἐν Σαρδικῇ γεγενημένα μαθὼν ἔγραψε τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον καὶ Παῦλον τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐκκλησίας. ὡς δὲ ἀνεβάλλετο, πάλιν ἔγραψεν ἢ δέχεσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἢ πρὸς πόλεμον 3..2 παρασκευάσασθαι. κοινωσάμενος δὲ περὶ τούτου Κωνστάντιος τοῖς ἀνὰ τὴν ἕω ἐπισκόποις εὔηθες ἐνόμισε τούτου χάριν ἐμφύλιον αἱρεῖσθαι μάχην, μετακαλεῖται δὲ ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ιταλίας, δημόσια ὀχήματα δοὺς αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐπάνοδον καὶ γράμμασι πολλάκις προτρέψας θᾶττον ἐπανελθεῖν. 3..3 ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ ἐν ᾿Ακυλίᾳ τότε διάγων δεξάμενος τὰ Κωνσταντίου γράμματα ἧκεν εἰς ῾Ρώμην τοῖς ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Ιούλιον συνταξόμενος. ὁ δὲ μάλα φιλοφρόνως ἀπέπεμψεν αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν δοὺς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων κλῆρον καὶ λαόν, ὡς εἰκὸς τὸν ἄνδρα θαυμάζουσαν ἐπιδοξότατον τοῖς πολλοῖς κινδύνοις γεγενημένον καὶ συνηδομένην