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 5. of the casting out of the infamous tome. 6. concerning madytos, how it was taken by the almogavars. 7. the carrying away of berenguer to genoa. 8.

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well-disposed to the emperor's interests, so as to cooperate with all his hand and mind, having been appointed, as was fitting, one of the emperor's magnates. But if he wished to learn the truth, he himself was more worthy than him even for the dignity of megas doux, since he was superior by a great measure in birth. The 486 emperor, therefore, considered matters concerning him of secondary importance, having only asked 486 and learned how he himself had arrived without being summoned, supposedly on the rumor of the imperial goodwill and of what he himself found upon his arrival; but the matter of the demanded wages pained him greatly.

(5) Wherefore on one of the days, showing a face of severity to the megas doux for demanding so much on their behalf, there are some who say that he himself even suggested that the emperor appear thus toward him, so that he might seem to be doing so much for them that he was even denying imperial favor and the interest of his friends. But the emperor, again putting forward the justifications to their face, having pointed out that they were very many, and the members of the senate on the other side, extended his speech long and wailingly, speaking to the Catalans, for the most part deliberately also attacking the megas doux. For neither had he in the beginning indicated in writing so many men to them, nor had he himself consented to receive them, but up to a thousand infantry and five hundred cavalry, this squadron of the army making up the number, and he, on hearing it, consented to receive them (and the golden 487 bulls to him were proof of what was said), but not to gather and bring such a multitude. But since he did bring them, he persuaded him to receive them for a time with specified honors. and for these reasons he had obeyed, to honor all of them absolutely with gifts and wages. Except that he thought it right to give the bundles of money to him without further inquiry, as he was the one leading them from the beginning, and for him to distribute it to whomever he wished and as he pleased. But he had not even appointed another besides him to lead them, but the one who had led them from the beginning. And the reason, he says, was so that, being subject to one they were accustomed to and a friend, they might be effective, being led with good order. But since the treasuries were emptied of so much money, what had been done by them, he asked, wishing to shame them, and what was the return for these things, since they had wintered at Cyzicus and not only had done none of the most useful things, but indeed some of the most destructive? And as for the things done afterwards in each city and country, the sufferers themselves were able to proclaim them like Stentor. And that they besieged Magnesia and beset his own people with danger 488 and for so long a time wore down the people of the Romans, how could he or they reasonably justify this to us, he said. One thing he had to attest for them, and he did not hide it, that for Philadelphia, which was in danger from a siege, they had for a short time pushed back the danger in the greatest degree. What then? But was this alone worthy of so great a pay, or rather did not their wickedness in other matters take away from the achievement in this one. But now he again needed so many chosen men and not all of them, as Rhomais was not able to support all the foreigners. And sufficient were the things which, having been mocked, he had expended in vain. He wished the others who were not present to learn this from those then listening; and he wished their leader to learn this, so that, he says, 'neither you demand things beyond my power, nor he trouble me by murmuring on your behalf.' These things and more than these the emperor said; but they, having nothing 489 to say in reply, only being filled with Italian drivel, as if they had been deceived, held fast to their leader.

6. Meanwhile, the Genoese in the great city, making their dwellings across the water, and having them again, built upon them on a grander scale, so that they even enclosed a great deal more land than before which they had seized, and

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εὐνοϊκῶς τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς συμπράττειν ὅλῃ καὶ χειρὶ καὶ γνώμῃ, ἕνα τῶν βασιλέως μεγιστάνων ὡς εἰκὸς κα ταστάντα. εἰ δέ γε καὶ μανθάνειν τἀληθὲς βούλοιτο, αὐτὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπὶ τῷ τοῦ μεγάλου δουκὸς ἀξιώματι ἀξιώτερον, ἅτε πολλῷ μέτρῳ τὸ γένος ὑπερῃρμένον. τὰ μὲν 486 τοίνυν περὶ αὐτοῦ βασιλεὺς ἐν δευτέρῳ εἶχεν, ἐρωτήσας μόνον 486 καὶ μαθὼν ὅπως καὶ αὐτὸς μὴ προσκληθεὶς παραγένοιτο, ὡς κατὰ φήμην δῆθεν τῆς βασιλικῆς εὐμενείας καὶ ὧν αὐτὸς προσχω ρήσας εὗρε· τὰ δὲ τῶν ἀπαιτουμένων μισθωμάτων αὐτὸν καὶ λίαν ὠδύνα.

(5) ὅθεν καὶ μιᾷ τῶν ἡμερῶν, πρόσωπον ἐμφα νίσας βαρύτητος τῷ μεγάλῳ δουκὶ ὡς τόσα ὑπὲρ τῶν αὐτοῦ ἀπαι τοῦντι, εἰσὶ δ' οἳ λέγουσιν ὅτι κἂν αὐτὸς ὑπέθετο οὕτω τὸν βασιλέα περὶ αὐτὸν φανῆναι, ἵν' ἅμα μὲν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον δόξοι ποιῶν ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐφ' ὅσον καὶ βασιλικὴν εὐμένειαν καὶ τὸ τῶν φίλων συμφέρον ἀρνούμενος ἦν. βασιλεὺς δ' αὖθις αὐ τοῖς προτείνας κατὰ πρόσωπον τὰς δικαιολογίας, παραστήσας ὅτι πλείστους ἐκείνους, καὶ τοὺς τῆς συγκλήτου ἑτέρωθεν, μα κρὰν καὶ διωλύγιον κατέτεινε τὴν δημηγορίαν, λέγων πρὸς Κατε λάνους, ἐς τὰ πολλὰ ἐξεπίτηδες καὶ τοῦ μεγάλου δουκὸς προσα πτόμενος. μηδὲ γὰρ τόσους τὴν ἀρχὴν μήτ' ἐκείνοις δηλῶσαι γράφοντα μήτ' αὐτὸν κατανεῦσαι δέξασθαι, ἀλλὰ μέχρι καὶ χι λίων μὲν πεζῶν ἱπποτῶν δὲ πεντακοσίων καὶ τοῦτον τὸν οὐλαμὸν τοῦ στρατεύματος συμποσοῦν, καὶ αὐτὸν ἀκούοντα κατανεύειν δέχεσθαι (τεκμήριον δ' εἶναι τῶν εἰρημένων καὶ τὰ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον 487 χρυσόβουλλα), οὐ μὴν δὲ τόσον περιαθροῖσαι πλῆθος καὶ ἐνεγ κεῖν. ἐπεὶ δ' ἐνέγκοι, πείθει δέχεσθαι πρὸς καιρὸν ἐφ' ὡρισμέ νοις φιλοτιμήμασι. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα αὐτὸν θʹ ὑπακοῦσαι ἁπαξα πλῶς πάντας ἀγάλλειν τοῖς δώροις καὶ τοῖς μισθοῖς. πλὴν ταυτὸν μὲν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διδόναι τοὺς ἀποδέσμους τῶν χρημάτων ἀπολυπραγμονήτως δικαιοῦν, ὡς ἐκείνους καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἄγοντα, ἐκεῖνον δὲ διανεμεῖν ᾧ τινὶ θέλοι καὶ ὥς γε βούλοιτο. ἀλλ' οὐδ' ἄλλον παρ' αὐτὸν τάττειν τὸν ἐκείνους ἄξοντα, τὸν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀγόμενον. καὶ τὸ αἴτιον, φησίν, ἵνα τῷ συνήθει καὶ φίλῳ δουλούμενοι ἐνεργοὶ μετ' εὐταξίας ἀγόμενοι εἶεν. ἀλλ' ὡς τόσων καὶ τόσων χρημάτων ἐκενώθησαν θησαυροί, τί τὸ γεγονὸς παρ' ἐκείνων, βουλόμενος ἐντρέπειν ἠρώτα, καὶ τίς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀντέκτισις, διαχειμασάντων μὲν κατὰ Κύζικον καὶ μὴ ὅτι γε μη δὲν τῶν ὀνηΐστων πραξάντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν λίαν λυμαντικῶν; τὰ δ' ἐφ' ἑκάστῃ πόλει καὶ χώρᾳ πραχθέντα μετέπειτα τοὺς πα θόντας αὐτοὺς Στέντορος δίκην οἵους τ' εἶναι δηλοῦν. τὸ δὲ καὶ Μαγνησίαν πολιορκεῖν καὶ τοῖς ἰδίοις αὐτοῦ περιιστᾶν κίνδυ 488 νον καὶ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων κατατρίβειν λαόν, πῶς ἂν ἡμῖν ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ ἐκεῖνοι εὐλόγως ἀπολογίσαιντο, ἔλεγεν. ἓν εἶχεν ἐκείνοις προσμαρτυρεῖν, καὶ οὐκ ἀπεκρύπτετο, τὸ τῇ Φιλαδελφείᾳ ἐκ πολιορκίας κινδυνευούσῃ τὰ μέγιστα ἐπ' ὀλίγον ὠθῆσαι τὸν κίνδυνον. τί δαί; ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο καὶ μόνον τῶν τοσούτων εἶναι μισθῶν ἀντάξιον, μᾶλλον μὲν οὖν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς λοιποῖς ἀλαστορίαν καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι κατόρ θωμα. νῦν δὲ ἀλλὰ καὶ αὖθις ἐκλεξαμένων χρῄζειν τοσῶνδε καὶ μὴ τῶν πάντων, ὡς μὴ οἵας τ' οὔσης τῆς Ῥωμαΐδος τοὺς πάν τας ξενοτροφεῖν. ἀποχρώντως δὲ καὶ ἃ κερτομηθεὶς διακενῆς ἐξήντλησε. τοῦτο γνῶναι θέλειν παρὰ τῶν ἀκουόντων τότε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους, οἳ δὴ καὶ οὐ παρῆσαν· τοῦτο γνῶναι καὶ τὸν τού των ἐξάρχοντα, ὡς μήθ' ὑμεῖς, φησίν, ἀπαιτοῖτε τὰ ὑπὲρ δύ ναμιν, μήτ' ἐκεῖνος ἐνοχλοίη τρύζων ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν. ταῦτα μὲν καὶ τὰ τούτοις πλείω βασιλεὺς ἔλεξεν· ἐκεῖνοι δὲ μηδὲν ἔχοντες 489 ἀντιλέγειν, μόνον κορύζης πλησθέντες Ἰταλικῆς, ὡς δῆθεν πα ραλογισθέντες, ἐπεῖχον τῷ ἄγοντι.

6. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ καὶ οἱ κατὰ τὴν μεγαλόπολιν Γεννουῗ ται πέραν τὰς οἰκήσεις ποιούμενοι, καὶ αὖθις σχόντες, πρὸς τὸ μεγαλειότερον ἐποικοδομησάμενοι, ὥστε καὶ πλείστην ὑπὲρ τὴν προτέραν περιβαλέσθαι γῆν ἧς ἐπελάβοντο, καὶ