De legationibus
1. That Valerian, fearing the attack of the Persians, (for his army was plague-stricken, and especially the Maurusii), having gathered an unspeakable
rested. But those having evil in their hearts declared to their kinsmen: Arrive most quickly. For behold, the king and his wealth are with us. And wit
while welcoming the Greeks, on the contrary, they would ask the Neapolitans neither to make treaties with the Romans or their subjects, nor to break t
of our colonists, nor to incite your subjects to every kind of aggression but if these things which some were doing were not approved by all of you,
having broken for themselves the agreements they had previously made with them, 12 in which they had established friendship and an alliance, not despa
recounting the outrages they had suffered from them and offering the garment of Postumius as proof of their words. And when great indignation arose fr
the events that have happened at this time recall me to my own command. And I give all pledges, as many as confirm the agreements of men, both alone a
before, and especially since, four years ago, when I was sent leading an army against the Samnites and Lucanians and Brettians, holding the consular o
she said that publicly she tried to see to it that no wrong was done to the Romans by the Illyrians, but that privately it was not customary for the k
being against them because it had been done without their own consent. And they used an example from the Romans themselves for this for they said tha
falls under their dominion. Similarly, the Romans make treaties concerning Latium itself, but do not mention the rest of Italy because it did not fall
the main points of the written agreements were these: the Carthaginians were to withdraw from all the islands lying between Italy 27 and Sicily the a
the Carthaginians war, both according to the treaty of Lutatius, by which the allies of each side were to have security from each side, and according
to the temple of Athena Chalkioikos, and that the ephors were to complete the business of the sacrifice, lingering there about the sacred precinct. At
Therefore, when they also at that time admitted that they had indeed made the voyage, wishing to watch over his youth and preserve his rule for him, b
The scarcity had advanced so that a Sicilian medimnus cost fifteen drachmas. But nevertheless, though such was the situation, they did not neglect the
of the place to see already the enemy's camp. But the escorts, when they had passed the river as arranged, took their leave of the Romans and sailed b
an enumeration of the benefactions previously done by him for the people, an account of his actions against Philip at the present time, and finally an
At the same time came also of the Ten, Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, and Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius from Thasos. Their arrival being quick
having themselves established rulers, and having aggrandized some, making their domains many times greater than their own. Of whom, they brought forwa
because of fear, as it seemed that the punishment from Philip would be at hand for those who opposed him, while the aid of the Romans was far away. Bu
that Pharnaces was overstepping all the bounds of good faith, he was forced to do likewise. And when he had already gathered his forces, Attalus and h
but being readily disposed, they might carry out what was decided by it. At that time, bringing these things before the Romans and showing the prepara
of the times. But the party of Gaius, when the assembly of the Achaeans had been convened, were said to have planned to accuse the party of Lycortas a
But when Attalus sent ambassadors, and they had arrived at the first assembly, and spoken with the Achaeans about restoring the honors to the king, an
they sailed up to Cyprus, wishing also to speedily cast out from the island the forces there. And having arrived and found Ptolemy’s generals defeated
he showed all violence and lawlessness, the senate, angered and taking the event badly, appointed ten ambassadors from its own body, namely Lucius Ani
Attalus. But Prusias, having repented, for a while followed him entreating, but when he accomplished nothing, he departed and was at a loss. The Roman
escorting and requiring almost no justification, but rather awaiting the outcome from the Achaeans themselves, and in general exhorting them not to pr
as never before. For all the cities were in an uproar, the whole populace, and especially somehow that of the Corinthians. But to a very few what was
respecting his fatherland, and honoring the dignity of his ancestors who had done him no wrong. But he only answered them that they should come back i
reminded the Tarentines of the ancient treaties, that the Romans should not sail beyond the Lacinian promontory, and having incited them, he persuaded
to Caesar, and after they had separated from each other, he demanded to come together again for talks. But when Caesar did not come together, but sent
Book 5. 1. That Alaric, having come to Rome, surrounded the city and all its gates, and seizing the Tiber river, he prevented the supply of provisions
Palladius to measure what was to be given by the extent of each person's property, and being unable to collect the whole amount, either because some o
the barbarian to need office or dignity, nor to wish to receive for habitation the former provinces even at the present, but only both Noricums, situa
will report to the consular. But when letters were sent by Vitellius, and Caesar signified to him that things had become clear to him since Herod had
they sank both him, who was suspicious, and many others. But when the Romans learned these things, they took it hard, as was to be expected, yet they
for against each other) as being the causes of the things that had happened to them, with Diaeus the general especially inciting them. And although th
had happened, and Corbulo, having come to the Euphrates with incredible speed, waited there. When therefore they met each other, one might have notice
but he did not accept this, and in addition he ordered him to rebuild the destroyed fortresses and cities, to withdraw completely from Mesopotamia, an
a man of repute and known to Cavades himself from his fathers, and a man from the Persians, most powerful and wielding great authority, by name Seoses
to be sent to Byzantium, but the others were to remain until he himself should return, and a period of nine days was agreed upon with Rufinus for his
they sinned against him, nor are they able to oppose the Persian army. For it is least of all fitting for a king ** those who are retreating and are i
for their own salvation they think they ought not even now to carry out the agreements, but shamelessly thus, trusting in the strength of their positi
for, he said, the Persians will have a secure peace with them. guarding the Caspian gates themselves and no longer being vexed with them because of th
to be in a difficult position. For he had never had any money, and for this reason he had not even planned from the beginning to rescue the Surenas, a
they arrived, he recounted both what he had done before and in what manner he had enslaved the territories of the Romans, and he threatened that the E
would be pleasing, and Demetrius and Hypatius reported all that they had heard Theudatus say, and how Theudatus, using only his own power among the Tu
you will be more worthy, you will come to us, and besides we are not calling the Goths to foreign or otherwise unknown customs, but to customs with wh
they were already sending heralds. But Belisarius was no less on his guard to prevent the barbarians from bringing in provisions, and he commanded Vit
to them, on the condition that, if no help should arrive for them from Byzantium within this very truce, they will surrender both themselves by agreem
disregarding those brought to the most pitiable of all conditions, to shew a firm mind towards any of the others, but, as if some other token of his n
Belisarius and his men were permitted to go somewhere outside the Portus, but he himself with the rest of the army went against both John and the Luca
of the lands of Thrace, on the condition that having settled there they would be allies of the Romans for all time and would guard the country careful
Concerning Roman embassies to the gentiles. From the Gothic History of Priscus the rhetor and sophist. 1. That when Roua was king of the Huns, having
for envoys of the highest rank to cross over to him for this had not happened in the time of his ancestors nor in the time of others who had ruled th
urging us to depart. But when we first asked them to come to dinner, they dismounted from their horses, were feasted, and on the next day led the way
to obtain gifts. Therefore, in the absence of Onegesius, it was necessary for us, or rather for his brother, to cooperate in the good deed. And they s
having given instructions about what was to be given to those who would come with him for the transaction, he departed. And when they were curious as
answering that we were disturbed by the storm, they invited us to their homes, received us, and provided warmth by lighting many reeds. And when the w
who had great power with Attila among the Scythians, was building, having transported stones from the land of the Paeonians for neither stone nor tre
for the Scythians to live in inactivity after the war, each one enjoying what they have and in no way or only a little troubling or being troubled, bu
weeping, said that the laws are fine and the constitution of the Romans good, but the rulers, not thinking like those of old, are ruining it. While we
because of the golden bowls, with Rusticius of Constantius' party and Constantiolus, a man from the country of the Paeonians which was subject to Atti
the barbarian inquired about our purpose having conferred with Maximinus, I returned to Onegesius, saying that the Romans wished him to come to them
Others were moved to tears, those whose bodies were weakened by time and 145 whose passion was forced to be still. After the songs, a certain Scythian
that another wife be given to him, who would bring in so great a dowry. At dinner time, therefore, the barbarian ordered Maximinus to tell the emperor
doing no wrong. And without any delay, he told what had been plotted by him and Edecon and the eunuch and the emperor, and he continually turned to su
was bringing the king's gifts, and when threatened with death if he did not give them, he said: It is not fitting for Scythians to ask for things whic
11. That in the time of Leo, emperor of the Romans, Tatianus, who was enrolled in the rank of the patricians, was sent as an ambassador to the Vandals
were ready to tear the prefect to pieces. And those who had brought fire to the praetorium were about to set it ablaze, had not the sacred orders and
the barbarian has rushed for this, and that these things are pleasing to the emperor, and that Adamantius was sent for this purpose it was therefore
to wait in Scampia and to send a man ahead, who would make Sabinianus swear that upon Adamantius's safe return he would send back the hostages unharme
the emperor should send, he would destroy all the Goths in Thrace, on the condition that, if he should do this, he himself would become general instea
he thought no one would stand against him, with no battlement or tower standing, and that when he entered the whole populace would join him out of hat
from whom I hoped to find consolation for my mistake. 6. That the ruler of Egypt, who was sent out with barely 50 pounds of gold, as if she had become
approaching the general, they said that he was reproaching them with good reason, and that it was not fitting to be destroyed any further, nor, neglec
indeed it is not otherwise seemly to utterly destroy those of the same race, not to mention that they are of the same tongue and dwell with us and use
from the war. Let one of you picture in the contemplations of your soul, as if they were present, the fallen bewailing themselves, let him also consid
a stipulated sum for each year to be received from the Romans for not using their weapons and having received in advance for forty years, or at the v
used, in a narrative Peter related a certain story of this kind, that there was once in ancient and most remote times an Egyptian king named Sesostris
to assist Peter as he went to Chosroes on account of Suania. Then, when Zich brought up matters concerning Ambrus, son of Alamundarus, the leader of t
a multitude of an army to be stationed at Dara, except as much as will suffice for the garrison of the city, and that the general of the East not be e
coming forth to the palace, he spoke thus: We have come to you, O king, having already been fortunate to have the peace secured, and not being vexed t
to receive, so far from what is just did I think you spoke, inasmuch as I was not close to being persuaded by the irrationality of the report. Yet I s
The rulers of the Suanians were under the Lazi. The emperor: If we grant to you that the letter brought forward by you, which is beneficial to your st
But I will add this also: I would be very amazed and utterly astounded by one who embraces the Roman position while advocating for those who wish to d
to overshadow the wrongdoing and to offer excuses, that the Suani themselves rejected the Roman proposals, but rather not even to have accepted such a
There were some men clothed in gold, and likewise a couch of beaten gold, which indeed four golden peacocks held suspended. And in front of the dwelli
of these nations, surely and further, Usdibad the Gepid and those with him for about these no one will argue that they are not by nature the slaves
of the territory, but not indeed also concerning that in Armenia, having paid down presumably for this reason alone with thousands of gold nomismata,
to receive the embassy for by this he thought he would greatly frighten the Romans. And so, having completed the journey through the so-called clime
the city forever guarded by God. But the king of the Persians, before Theodore was sent away by him, when he came near Theodosiopolis, perceived the c
with tongues, but using a single deceit? and as he spoke he stopped his own mouth with his ten fingers. Then he spoke again: just as there are ten fin
tongue they call the customary rites for the dead) Bringing these wretches, therefore, into the midst along with their paternal horses, he commanded i
as their enmity also distressed him in other ways, because they did not become his subjects, not to mention that he had suffered irreparable things at
and Theodore to have the authority of ambassadors of the highest rank and to arrange the peace as they would be able. After these things, while the tw
and not for him. Having said these things, they held to the road. From that time, another man came from the Persians, who delayed their journey and ma
they brought them back again, until, having filled them with many vexations, so that each of them indeed fell into a most grievous illness, they expel
joined the continents by being both present and superior everywhere, what do you think the Persians would have suffered or for how long would they hav
though it appeared to be in a very decayed state. But indeed both Apsich and the Avars with him, who had previously been lying in wait, had displayed
the most powerful men, persuading the Khagan not to decree death against Comentiolus, and they persuade him that it would be sufficient for the ambass
was restraining the barbarian's insolence with examples. It was not inconsistent to also tell the things of the story. For he said: Listen, Chagan, t
having used many words, he persuades the barbarian to be honored with gifts. And on the next day, the barbarian, having established the peace, was loo
customs 230 and laws regarding this matter, but inferring from their own circumstances and concluding that it was likely that Philip would offer a gre
to have wished therefore now, since they were subject to him by war, he said he had the authority to deliberate about them as he might choose. But Ph
they were sending an embassy to Titus at Elateia. And having met with the aforementioned man, they set forth many and various arguments to this effect
When these things had been decided, and the Isthmian festival had arrived, and the most distinguished men from almost the entire civilized world had g
the senate, but they allowed them to keep the Phocians and the Locrians, just as they had them before, in their confederacy. As for Corinth and Triphy
humane acts towards the Romans but Lucius, cutting short their impulse, said that this kind of justification was not suitable for the present circums
to be handed over to the Romans. But when the matter was reported to the king, he quickly ordered those in charge of these things to treat Nicander we
the Aetolian nation, but in their having conquered Antiochus and gained control of Asia. Therefore, as soon as the Athenians mentioned the dissolution
of Scipio, showing the treaties made with the Aetolians concerning the truces and the march of the infantry armies to the Hellespont. And likewise als
Then this happened to Publius for as the army was about to cross, this time overtook him, so that he was unable to change his location. Therefore it
being wary of the king, lest on account of the previous friction he might be more eager to harm them but finding him, contrary to expectation, modera
with a disposition according to truth. And that this is easy to understand. For they will say, when they enter, that they are here neither asking anyt
we suppose, and especially since we share in your power. But if you do not decide to do this, but rather to withdraw from Asia altogether, we say it i
we are abandoning the rank of friends, but we have not hesitated to remind you with frankness of what we think is both fitting and advantageous for yo
he announced that he was remaining quite alone, and the crossing of Marcus and his forces against them, then indeed they fell into complete helplessne
towards the peace treaties. Amynander, therefore, in accordance with his own purpose, approached the Ambraciots, urging them to save themselves *** an
to use an example appropriate to the present matter in his speech. For he said that they were reasonably angry with the Aetolians for the Aetolians,
and he would do everything ordered and 266 saying these things at the same time he offered a crown of fifteen talents. Having heard these things, he
should come to them, and when Attalus’s men promised that Gnaeus would come, they then dispersed on these terms. But the Galatians made these postpone
King Eumenes they sailed down to Ephesus, when summer was already beginning and after recovering from the voyage for two days they went up to Apamea.
He sent his brother Lucius, who had just brought the money from the Oroandians, to Syria, instructing him to receive the oaths from the king and to co
and that the protection of the Romans had been dissolved, they went to Rome and made an accusation against those who had been administered and against
She fell silent, and the Megarians ceased the seizures after an embassy *** concerning the contracts. 33. That a dispute arose for the Lycians against
having declared the great goodwill and benevolence of the king towards the nation, they ceased their speech. After them, Apollonidas of Sicyon stood u
to renounce for the present the gift of ships. And then, having deliberated about these things, they each dispersed to their own cities but after thi
the justification, and those with Apollonidas the Sicyonian informed the senate that it was altogether impossible for matters concerning Sparta to be
The generals, having brought them in, summoned all the accusers of Philip, and brought them forward one embassy at a time. And as the embassies were m
he persuaded his father to consent to the death of Demetrius. Therefore, concerning these matters, how the details were handled, we shall declare in w
they clung to Demetrius and said that on his account they had done and would do everything. The Macedonians, on the one hand, welcomed Demetrius, supp
for a reconciliation the Messenians appointed ambassadors and sent them out, begging to obtain pardon for their mistakes. But the general of the Achae
they appointed. And the exiles sent Cletis and Diactorius to plead their case in the Senate against the ambassadors from the Achaeans. When the ambass
of the arms, which he had previously sent, and of the money, and at the same time to take over the ships and make provision for their transport. They
that when they had voted for the war, they not only ravaged all their country unjustly, but also exiled some of the most distinguished of the citizens
all the deserters and in addition to these, from the money and the treasure which he had carried off from Morzius and Ariarathes, to give back to the
54. That at this time ambassadors arrived, from the Thespians those with Lasus and Callias, and from Neon, Ismenias those with Lasus surrendering the
of the choice of each. Therefore to the others he sent the letters through the letter-carriers themselves, but to Rhodes he also sent ambassadors with
For this is entirely the custom and tradition among the Romans, to appear most arrogant and harsh in setbacks, but most moderate in successes. That th
none of these things, although clearly knowing what had happened among them, † to export one hundred thousand medimni of grain from Sicily. The senate
he did well not to take this path, by which, either having conquered all, he would have held arrogant power, or, having failed, would have caused many
he gave, that he might cut off his undertaking concerning the assistance. 67. That in Crete the Cydonians, fearing the Gorty 313 nians because in the
of Marcius he had received private instructions to remind the senate about ending the war, then indeed Deinon and his party concluded that the Romans
necessity towards each other and the advantage for each from the reconciliation. But the king, cutting the ambassador short while he was still speakin
was set down concerning public speaking, the council was divided, in which those choosing the side of Perseus appeared to be stronger than those eager
to establish a foreign mercenary force of a thousand men. It happened that the kings had a greater relationship with the said men from the deeds which
on account of Marcius, they withdrew from affairs to speak against the letter. And so the matter of the assistance thus fell through for the kings, bu
supposing that he would again come in privately about these matters, she promised to send the ambassadors with him and honored him magnificently with
of ten thousand gold pieces and having appointed Theaetetus as ambassador and at the same time admiral, they sent him out at the beginning of summer,
of the benefactions done to them and they released the Lacedaemonian Menalcidas, who had actively used the opportunities against the kingdom for his
84. That the Athenians came as ambassadors at first on behalf of the safety of the Haliartians, but being ignored on this point, they changed their tu
to strengthen those who were of that mind, but to diminish in every way those who chose the Roman side and wished to conduct their government in accor
Again making it manifest from this, because the nation had neither heard the defense of the accused nor made any judgment concerning them, it asks the
And this is clear from the events that happened afterwards. For immediately appointing as ambassadors Tiberius Octavius, Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius
that the alienation and stumbling of the crowds towards him should come to be wherefore also, when the affairs concerning Cyrene were given to him co
this Menyllus, the Alabandian, was present as an ambassador from the elder king Ptolemy in order to come to a settlement and plead his case with the y
about to sail. The shipmasters were indifferent, since the freight agreed upon at the beginning remained theirs and they had long since made all the p
who was by birth an Egyptian, but was entrusted with the care of everything by the king, at the time when he made his voyage to Rome. When these thing
of what was fitting. Nevertheless, the Carthaginians were finally brought to this point by the decisions at the times now spoken of, so that they not
he has done these things by the will of the gods. And finally, because of his readiness and eagerness, this man was brought without bonds or guard, bu
Miltiades, since they were compared, a multitude against one man, and in their other curtailment were fortunate, being regarded in contrast to one who
showing the scars of his wounds to their sight and setting forth the rest of his dreadful tale in sequence, 356 he was calling the people to pity. And
of these things, but they also understood the construction of the drama and openly detested Heraclides but the majority, having been won over by the
after a year of his generalship in Iberia, and when those who had served with him had reported to Rome the continuous dangers from battle, the multitu
Since they had deliberated well, the senate gives them their freedom and their laws, and furthermore all their land and the possession of their other
to bring to them, so that they might obtain a safe return to their own land through them. 2. That Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews, wishing to ren
generals while he continues and preserves his good will towards us, that we should do everything we can devise for the honor and favor of the man's ze
he gave and presented to all the notion, that in his services he showed things much greater and more splendid than the kingdom which he had. This also
a partaker in troublesome things because of goodwill, and in pleasant things because of the honor. And when the affairs concerning Pontus, for which A
of the money and not quickly in this way nor as the agreements permitted, having often gone to Saturninus and Volumnius, the governors of Syria, and
Indeed, with him were Antiochus, king of Commagene, Damason Sampsigeranus, and Herod this man was his brother, and ruled Chalcis. He conversed with a
But the death of Julian alone was sufficient for their destruction, so that until now the Roman emperors have been able to recover none of these thing
And Stilicho, having in such a manner accomplished the peace with 379 Alaric, was setting out on his departure to put an end to what he had decided. 4
lists of armies indicated in golden letters all of which were displayed stretched out on silver-plated poles. And before these things thus arranged,
Come, since you believe we pursue by all means the pleasure of ease, which peace provides, hold to the same attempt as before, and do not, holding for
When they had spoken to one another, both the emperor and the barbarians, the meeting was dissolved, and on the next day the multitude of the Roman so
army. For he hoped that barbarians would be more formidable guards than the Romans, and for this reason he henceforth neglected to increase the Roman
If you wish, the emperors of the Romans will make war. And understanding that the Persian was preparing with all his might, he set himself in oppositi
He was dux of Moesia and every day he trained the army and having learned beforehand of their arrogance, for many days he did not receive them, givin
you guarded, who, having deceived him with guile, seized him and until extreme old age and a dishonorable death did not release him, then after his de
for reading. 16. That the barbarians in the time of Julian the apostate were asking for peace but he came to make a truce with them and sought to tak
to those who have been conquered in war and that the envoys to him at Lysimachia should authoritatively instruct him about these things. That Antioch
who along with the generals would have everything. But when they returned to their fatherlands, and the ten envoys met in council with Scipio and Aemi
to defend themselves against the accusations. For in the war against Perseus they seemed to have inclined their loyalties toward the king and to have
nowhere adding the city of Carthage, but concealing its destruction. that they would obtain these kindnesses, if they gave three hundred sons of the s
reproached their sons, and children their parents, and wives their husbands. And having returned to their initial disposition and not given up their a
he showed that he held great insolence against the senate in the embassy. And with the senators provoking the envoys and promising to cooperate, those
they gained the country. And Ptolemy the king of Egypt, surnamed Philadelphus, when he learned that Pyrrhus had departed in bad shape and that the Rom
to hand over, and for the future to possess neither elephants nor ships, and to withdraw from all of his (possessions) that they held and give them to
Those around Mancinus spoke of the necessity of the agreements and the number of those who had been saved, and that they held all that they had previo
of his right hand and with tears, and persuaded them that he be sent to Mithridates. For he would arrange the peace on the terms he wished, and if he
he wished. And he sent for him, requesting to discuss something with him. But when he did not obey, but said: If Caesar wishes to say anything to me,
then they returned, having put forward some pretext, so that the sickness of the government might not be revealed even to the barbarians, and after th
naming Vitellius, and they challenged one another, both reviling and praising each one and at times one would speak privately to another: Fellow-sol
And having set fire to some of the nearby buildings, so that by this means they might prevent the Romans from advancing further, even if they should g
47. Because many of the Dacians were deserting to Trajan, and for certain other reasons, Decebalus again requested peace. But as he was not persuaded
he requested not to say anything in front of the crowd, and thus having been led into the tent he obtained none of the things he wanted. When he there
they took in Italy itself. and some of them living in Ravenna started a revolt, so that they even dared to seize the city. and for this reason he no l
to receive tribute or even to have immortal food were worthy. And since the Iazyges were proving very useful to him, he remitted many of the demands i
1. That the Athenians after this, having recalled Cleisthenes and the seven hundred households that had been banished by Cleomenes, sent 436 ambassado
to do. But if not, they themselves would be forced, with the others compelling them, to make friends of those whom they did not wish, others rather th
for this reason he was not at all in favor of the embassy, nor did he think it right to reap wars at home for the sake of foreign misfortunes. But Leu
Sarosius the leader of the Alans, so that through him they might become known to the Romans. And he reported about the Avars to Justin, the son of Ger
of the Cunimons, how while saying one thing, they mean another, and how they use words that are moderate to the highest degree, and how they put forwa
rather a benefactor than the purveyor of luxury, who seems to be a friend, but having seized upon a small pretext, he immediately destroyed the one su
when the ambassadors of the Saracens were before Justinian together with all those with them, and that he, wishing to preserve the custom, would act t
And so Sizabulos is persuaded and sends Sogdian envoys and Maniakh led the embassy. And so, arriving before the king of the Persians, they made a req
rebelled against their dominion, and if any are still with you. There are indeed, O Emperor, those who still love our ways, but those who fled I think
10. That when the Avars and Franks had made a truce with one another, and the peace was holding very firmly, Baian indicated to Sigisbert, the leader
it happened to be unguarded, as they were sitting according to their custom to spy on the enemy, watching and observing from a lookout point to see if
If, then, our emperor will treat you kindly with gifts, we for our part will surely not hesitate, being both joyful and following the emperor, to acco
and concerning what the Avar nation wishes. And the Romans and Avars made a complete truce. 19. That when the Avars had made a truce and were departin
sending Jacob to the emperor, who knew how to make the Persian words clear in the Greek tongue. For having understood to the utmost that the Romans, n
of arbitrators, whom one might call secretaries, having been captured in war, was killed by Chosroes, having been detected as he had secretly written
those related to them by blood, and to put it briefly, all those who wish to partake in the Roman state, would never be surrendered. And it seemed tha
to deposit money, and indeed without delay. These things, therefore, Zacharias, if not openly, nevertheless hinted at to Mebodes, but he for his part
Since they were Christians, the leader of the sacred rites of Christ permitted the mystagogue, having taken whatever gold and silver they had, to depa
striking the water unevenly with the oars, he moved suddenly with the light boats along the river, and he himself, with all the army of the Avars, pro
31. That when the ambassadors of the Avars arrived at the capital and asked the emperor to prepare the ships for the Chagan and the army of the Avars
most justly, and that it belonged to him, having formerly been a possession of the Gepaids, but since they had been warred upon by the Avars, it was f
the beast gives orders to the Caesar, whether being astounded or disparaging what was admired, I am unable to say for I would not have concealed it.
of the ambassador's speech, the Romans were voting against him, hissing and making a disturbance with their shouts, as if suffering terribly at the wo
To the one who does not remember wrongs, greetings. The divine power from above and from the beginning has arranged that the whole world be illuminate
For he was considering that this one should not withdraw far from the Persian state, so that the enterprise of tyranny might not from this be firmly e
Having appointed Comentiolus in place of Narses, who happened to be the general's adjutant, he confers the command. And on the sixth day, Maurice sent
It ran literally thus: To the emperor of the Romans, the Khagan, the great lord of seven tribes and master of the regions of the world. 15. That as sp
Ambazoukes, a Hun by race, and a friend to the Romans and to the emperor Anastasius. When this man arrived at a deep old age and was about to die, sen
should be adopted, and he expressed the opinion that peace should be concluded with them at once, but that the foremost men should be sent by the empe
of money, on the condition that he would come over to the Romans, and he produced letters which Justinian had indeed written to Alamundarus about thes
to make a journey. And he undertook to accomplish these things as well, if they would give him someone of note by way of a hostage for this agreement,
makes Emperor Valentinian a friend, on condition that he would bring tribute each year from Libya to the emperor, and on this agreement he handed over
he handed over a letter. Peter and Rusticus, therefore, having arrived in Byzantium, reported to the emperor what had previously been decided, just as
coming, they might throw into confusion what was being done, but rather the Romans, who would make him an enemy to Justinian. For this very reason the
they ever prevailed, but being bound by treaty and the greatest of friends to the Romans and receiving many gifts in the name of friendship every year
possessed by an irrational boldness. But since the war has now somehow come to hand, these men, who are recoiling from the affair because they are wel
it happened that between the former truce and this one, while each side was sending embassies to the other, another six centenaria were spent. For on
in all the lands in Thrace he ordered to settle. When Sandil, the king of the Utigurs, learned these things, he was provoked and enraged, that while h
in other respects would be obedient to him. But the emperor, paying no heed to what was said, sent all the envoys away, being hostile towards the name
4. That Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmians, came to Alexander with one thousand five hundred horsemen. And Pharasmanes said that he lived as a neigh
10. That Alexander, returning to Babylon, finds Peucestas having come from the Persians, leading an army of Persians of about twenty thousand, and lea
you would find a loss of fifty thousand young men at once. He said so much, and his son replied: That you have said, O father, things most contrary to
they were entering the city. But the magistrates entered by day out of necessity, and the insignia of their office lay upon them, but they did nothing
he ordered them to celebrate the settlements and surrender themselves to Pyrrhus on a specified day, and he imposed death on those who missed the day.
having lost many. And perhaps he would have lost all of them, if darkness and rain and heavy thunder, falling upon them while the battle was still joi
it ended in this way, being four for them. And seven hundred ships of the Romans were lost in it, and five hundred of the Carthaginians. And thus the
against him. When these ambassadors sailed to Iberia and were coming up to the camp from the sea, Hannibal forbade them to approach. And so they saile
he commanded them openly to entrust themselves to the Romans (for he knew of no other terms worthy of the Romans), but secretly he promised what he wa
more humane terms for our misfortunes, which we will also be able to bear, now that we are attempting a change. So that it is no longer up to us, but
with triremes but others persuaded Hasdrubal the admiral, while anchored near the cape of Apollo, when the leading triremes should depart, to attack
of all, who both asked for peace before and, having received it, eagerly swore oaths. But cities are easily turned to the worse, and what is done to c
you surrender to the Romans, except for only ten, the elephants, as many as you have, and as much as you seized before, or the value of what was lost,
they did to us, he reckons accurately, this itself is the most terrifying thing about fortune, if they, who were able to do so many and such great thi
Shall we give it to Massanassa to hold? But even if he is a friend, it is not right to strengthen him immoderately either, but to consider that their
as though being at a disadvantage in them but the disputed matters are easy to make excuses for. But whenever they surrender themselves, and we take
of pretexts, and they kept the decision secret. They say that from that time Cato in the senate with constant opinion would say, Carthage must not ex
The consuls sent these to Rome and told the Carthaginians they would state the remaining terms in Utica. And having sailed across to it, they encamped
stone-throwers to the number of two thousand. As these were being brought, the sight was splendid and astonishing, with so many wagons being driven by
the razing of Carthage itself, which if it is lawful for you to destroy, how will you still leave her free or autonomous, as you were saying? These th
they then almost became mainlanders which also saved them for a very long time. For, O Carthaginians, life on the mainland is more stable, with tranq
Of the envoys, some ran away from the road, but the majority proceeded in silence. Some of the Carthaginians looked out from the walls for the envoys,
Sulla, and Apsar, a friend of Jugurtha, left in Bocchus's territory to watch what was happening, and Bocchus himself and Magdalses, a friend of Bocchu
to lead out of Greece the three garrisons, which he himself called the fetters of Greece, the one in Chalcis menacing the Boeotians and Euboeans and L
he remitted, of which he still owed but these Thracians, when the Romans were returning from their victory over Antiochus, with Philip no longer pres
troubled them, while they were pleased with Perseus for being a friend of the Greeks, some were being compelled to enter into agreements with the Roma
36. That after the victory, Perseus, whether mocking Crassus and jeering at him, or testing whether he still had any spirit, or suspecting the Romans'
he added more. Having granted these things to Amorkesos, and having made him ruler of the tribes he desired, Leo sent him away puffed up with pride, a
how much Theoderic, the son of Valamir, being general and friend, had ravaged the cities, and 572 not now to look at old enmities rather than at how s
to swear an oath concerning these things, and others whom he himself trusts among the Isaurians for this purpose. But Zeno, having learned this, repli
he rouses them by a signal and places the city under the enemy. When Margus had been ravaged in this way, the affairs of the barbarians were increased
nor to ratify the peace treaties, unless the Romans who had fled to them were given up or ransoms were given for them, and the barbarian captives take
he said, interpreting, that Edecon praised the palace and considered the wealth they had blessed. But Chrysaphius said that he himself would be master
he sent to the ruler of the Western Romans men to negotiate that Honoria should not be wronged in any way, whom he had betrothed to himself for marria
It happened that Maximinus fell ill and died. And when the barbarians learned of Maximinus' death, they forcibly took back the hostages and overran th
the coast near the ocean, just as the Saragurs also, having been driven out in search of land, came upon the Acatir Huns, and having engaged in many b
and to say what had often been said to them on embassies, that as they were enduring the battles and not allowing the approaching barbarian nations to
and not to be in danger by waiting for those from afar, or, when they arrived, to be worn down by the expense, with the war, if it so happened, being
Bound by shock and amazement, they were frozen into immobility, as if Julian had shown them not the young man, but a phantom. And the emperor, when a
adding to the dignities of the ambassa 595 dors, the emperor replied, that the ambassadors should suffer justice and that those present should be held
dared more terrible and tragic things than what he suffered. For all of Thrace and the adjacent lands of Macedonia and Thessaly are of such a nature a
you would find a loss of fifty thousand young men at once. He said so much, and his son replied: That you have said, O father, things most contrary to one another, I do not wonder; for you said beforehand that you would speak in extremes for both sides. But I will not kill so many men, being wary of the gods' retribution and revering the envy of men, nor will I take away from the nations their hopes in one another through an incurable evil. But concerning their release, it does not seem right even to me, 519 since the Romans have done many terrible things to us and still now hold our lands and cities, to release these captured men completely unharmed. I will not do it; for irrational philanthropy is folly. But consider, leaving me aside, also the matter of the Samnites, whose sons and fathers and brothers have died at the hands of the Romans and who, having been deprived of their property and possessions, are in need of consolation. By nature the victor is proud, and they look to their gains. Who then will tolerate me not killing these men, nor selling them, nor punishing them, but sending them away unharmed as if they were benefactors? For these reasons, then, let us set aside the extremes, since of the one I am not master, and the more inhuman one I cannot bear. But in order that I might take away some of the Romans' pride and be blameless in the eyes of others, I will take from them their weapons, which they have always used against us, and their money (for they have these things from us), and I will send them away safe under the yoke, a shame which they themselves have also used against others, and I will make a treaty for there to be peace for the nations, and I will select the most distinguished of the knights as hostages for these agreements, until the whole people ratifies them. And in doing these things I believe I shall perform the deeds of both a victor and a philanthropist, and that the Romans will be content with what they themselves, claiming to lay claim to virtue, have often done to others. As Pontius was saying these things, the old man wept and, mounting his wagon, drove away to Caudium. And Pontius, having called the envoys, asked if any peace-adjudicator was with them. But no one was with them, since they had marched out to a war without truce and without herald. He therefore ordered the envoys to speak to the consuls and the other leaders of the army and to the entire host: We have always made a treaty of friendship with the Romans, which you yourselves broke by allying with the Sidicini, our enemies; then again, when a friendship had been made with us, you made war on the Neapolitans, our neighbors. And we were not ignorant that these things were for you a preparation of greed against all of Italy. And in the previous battles, having gained much advantage through the inexperience of our generals, you showed nothing moderate toward us, nor were you content with ravaging the land and holding others' lands and cities and sending settlers into them, but also when we sent embassies to you twice and conceded many things, 520 you commanded other arrogant things to us, to lay down our entire authority and obey you, as if we had not made a treaty but had been captured. And on top of this you decreed this war without truce and without herald against men who were once your friends, against the descendants of the Sabines who dwell with you. On account of your greed, therefore, our dealings with you should also be without truce. But I, revering the retribution of the gods, which you have scorned, and remembering our kinship and former friendship, grant that each of you may depart safe under the yoke with one garment, if you swear to give back to us all the land and the territories, and to lead the settlers away from the cities, and never again to march against the Samnites. When these things were announced to the camp, there was wailing and lamentation for a very long time; for they considered the outrage of being under the yoke to be worse than death. And when they learned also about the knights, they lamented again for a very long time. But out of desperation they accepted them, and the oaths were sworn by Pontius and the two Roman consuls, Postumius and Veturius, and two quaestors and four taxiarchs and twelve chiliarchs, all who were in command after those who had been destroyed. When the oaths had been taken, Pontius, having dismantled part of the entrenchment and having fixed two spears into the ground and placed another across them, sent each of the Romans out under this, and he gave them some baggage animals for the sick, and food, to be carried as far as Rome. But this form of dismissal, which they here call the yoke, is able, it seems to me, to bring reproach as upon men captured by the spear. When the disaster was announced in the city, there was wailing and lamentation as if in mourning, and the women beat their breasts for those shamefully saved as if they were dead, and the senate laid aside its purple-bordered toga, and sacrifices and weddings and all other such things were suspended for the whole year, until they recovered from the disaster. Of those who were released, some fled into the fields out of shame, others by night into the
εὕροις βλάβος νέων ὁμοῦ πέντε μυριάδων. Ὁ μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπεν, ὁ δὲ παῖς ἀντέλεξεν· ὅτι μέν, ὦ πάτερ, ἐναντιώτατα εἶπας ἀλλήλοις,
οὐ θαυμάζω· προεῖπας γὰρ ἐρεῖν ὑπερβολὰς ἑκατέρων. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ κτενῶ μὲν ἄνδρας τοσούτους νέμεσίν τε θεοῦ φυλασσόμενος καὶ φθόνον
ἀνθρώπων αἰδούμενος, καὶ τὰ ἔθνη τὰς ἐς ἀλλήλους ἐλπίδας οὐκ ἀφαιρήσομαι δι' ἀνηκέστου κακοῦ. περὶ δὲ τῆς ἀφέσεως οὐδ' αὐτῷ
μέν μοι δοκεῖ, 519 Ῥωμαίων πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ δεδρακότων ἡμᾶς καὶ χωρία καὶ πόλεις ἡμετέρας ἔτι νῦν ἐχόντων, τούσδε τοὺς εἰλημμένους
ἀπολύειν παντὸς ἀπαθεῖς. οὐ ποιήσω· ἐμπληξία γὰρ ἡ ἄλογος φιλανθρωπία. ἐπισκόπει δέ, παρεὶς ἐμέ, καὶ τὸ Σαυνιτῶν, ὧν παῖδες
καὶ πατέρες καὶ ἀδελφοὶ τεθνᾶσιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καὶ κτήματα καὶ χρήματα ἀφῃρημένοι χρῄζουσι παραμυθίας. φύσει δὲ γαῦρον ὁ νενικηκώς,
καὶ τὰ κέρδη περιβλέπονται. τίς οὖν ἀνέξεταί μου τούσδε μὴ κτείνειν μήτε πωλεῖν μηδὲ ζημιοῦν, ἀλλ' ὡς εὐεργέτας ἀπαθεῖς προπέμπειν;
διὰ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα παρῶμεν τὰς ὑπερβολάς, ἐπεὶ τῆς μὲν οὐ κύριος ἐγώ, τῆς δ' ἀπανθρωποτέρας οὐκ ἀνέχομαι. ὡς δ' ἂν καὶ Ῥωμαίων
τι τοῦ φρονήματος περιέλοιμι καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀδιάβλητος εἴην, ὅπλα μὲν αὐτούς, οἷς ἐχρήσαντο ἀεὶ καθ' ἡμῶν, ἀφαιρήσομαι
καὶ χρήματα (καὶ γὰρ ταῦτ' ἔχουσι παρ' ἡμῶν), ἐκπέμψω δ' ὑπὸ ζυγὸν σώους, ᾗ τινι αἰσχύνῃ καὶ αὐτοὶ κατ' ἄλλων ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ
εἰρήνην εἶναι τοῖς ἔθνεσι συνθήσομαι τῶν τε ἱππέων ἐπιλέξομαι τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους ὅμηρα τῶνδε τῶν συνθηκῶν, ἕως ἅπας ὁ δῆμος
ἐπιψηφίσῃ. καὶ τάδε ποιῶν ἡγοῦμαι νενικηκότος τε ἔργα ποιήσειν καὶ φιλανθρώπου, Ῥωμαίους τε ἀγαπήσειν ὅσα καὶ αὐτοί, φάσκοντες
ἀρετῆς ἀντιποιεῖσθαι, πολλάκις ἐς ἄλλους ἔδρασαν. Ταῦτα τοῦ Ποντίου λέγοντος ὁ πρεσβύτης ἐδάκρυσέ τε καὶ ἐπιβὰς τῆς ἀπήνης
εἰς τὸ Καύδιον ἀπήλαυνεν. ὁ δὲ Πόντιος τοὺς πρέσβεις καλέσας ἤρετο εἴ τις εἰρηνοδίκης αὐτοῖς παρείη. τοῖς δὲ παρῆν οὐδεὶς
ὡς ἐπὶ ἄσπονδον καὶ ἀκήρυκτον πόλεμον ἐστρατευκόσι. τοῖς οὖν ὑπάτοις καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄρχουσι τῆς στρατιᾶς καὶ παντὶ τῷ πλήθει
λέγειν ἐκέλευε τοὺς πρέσβεις· ἡμεῖς ἀεὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐσπενδόμεθα φιλίαν, ἣν αὐτοὶ διελύσατε Σιττικηνοῖς τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐχθροῖς
συμμαχοῦντες· εἶτ' αὖθις αὖ φιλίας ἡμῖν γενομένης Νεαπολίταις ἐπολεμεῖτε τοῖς ἡμετέροις γείτοσιν. καὶ οὐκ ἠγνοοῦμεν ὅτι ταῦτ'
ἦν ὑμῖν παρασκευὴ πλεονεξίας ἐπὶ ὅλην τὴν Ἰταλίαν. ἔν τε ταῖς προτέραις μάχαις πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν τῶν ἡμετέρων στρατηγῶν
προλαβόντες οὐδὲν ἐπεδείξασθε μέτριον ἐς ἡμᾶς, οὐδ' ἠρκεῖσθε τὴν χώραν πορθοῦντες καὶ χωρία καὶ πόλεις ἔχοντες ἀλλοτρίας καὶ
κληρούχους ἐς αὐτὰ πέμποντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρεσβευσαμένων ἡμῶν δὶς πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ πολλὰ 520 συγχωρούντων, ὑπερήφανα ἡμῖν ἄλλ' ἐπετάσσετε,
τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅλην ἀποθέσθαι καὶ ὑμῶν ὑπακούειν, ὥσπερ οὐ σπενδομένους ἀλλὰ ἑαλωκότας. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε τὸν πόλεμον τόνδε ἄσπονδον
καὶ ἀκήρυκτον ἐψηφίσασθε κατ' ἀνδρῶν ποτὲ φίλων, κατὰ Σαβίνων ἐκγόνων τῶν ὑμῖν συνοικούντων. ἕνεκα μὲν οὖν τῆς ὑμετέρας πλεονεξίας
ἔδει καὶ τὰ παρ' ἡμῶν ὑμῖν ἄσπονδα εἶναι. ἐγὼ δὲ νέμεσίν τε θεῶν αἰδούμενος, ἣν ὑμεῖς ὑπερείδεσθε, καὶ συγγενείας καὶ φιλίας
τῆς ποτὲ μνημονεύων δίδωμι ἕκαστον ὑμῶν σὺν ἱματίῳ σῶον ὑπὸ ζυγὸν ἀπελθεῖν, ἢν ὀμόσητε τήν τε γῆν καὶ τὰ χωρία πάνθ' ἡμῖν
ἀποδώσειν καὶ τοὺς κληρούχους ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων ἀπάξειν καὶ μηδέ ποτ' ἐπὶ Σαυνίτας στρατεύσειν. Ἀπαγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὸ
στρατόπεδον ὀλοφυρμὸς ἦν καὶ θρῆνος ἐπὶ πλεῖστον· θανάτου γὰρ ἡγοῦντο εἶναι χείρονα τὴν ὕβριν τὴν ὑπὸ τῷ ζυγῷ. ὡς δὲ καὶ περὶ
τῶν ἱππέων ἐπύθοντο, αὖθις ἐθρήνουν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον. ὑπὸ δὲ ἀπορίας αὐτὰ ἐδέχοντο, καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ὤμνυον ὅ τε Πόντιος καὶ οἱ
Ῥωμαίων ὕπατοι δύο ὄντες, Ποστούμιός τε καὶ Βετούριος, καὶ ταμίαι δύο καὶ ταξιάρχαι δʹ καὶ χιλίαρχοι δώδεκα, σύμπαντες ὅσοι
μετὰ τοὺς διεφθαρμένους ἦρχον. γενομένων δὲ τῶν ὅρκων ὁ μὲν Πόντιος παραλύσας τι τοῦ διατειχίσματος καὶ δυσὶ δόρασιν ἐς τὴν
γῆν ἐμπεπηγόσιν ἐπικάρσιον ἄλλο ἐπιθεὶς ἐξέπεμπε Ῥωμαίων ἕκαστον ὑπὸ τούτῳ, καί τινα ὑποζύγια ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἐς τοὺς ἀρρωστοῦντας,
καὶ τροφήν, ἄχρι τῆς Ῥώμης φέρεσθαι. δύναται δ', ἐμοὶ δοκεῖν, τὸ εἶδος τῆς ἀφέσεως, ὃ καλοῦσιν οἱ τῇδε ζυγόν, ὀνειδίζειν ὡς
δοριαλώτοις. Ἀπαγγελθείσης δὲ τῆς συμφορᾶς ἐς τὴν πόλιν οἰμωγὴ καὶ θρῆνος ἦν ὡς ἐπὶ πένθει, καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες ἐκόπτοντο τοὺς
αἰσχρῶς περισεσωσμένους ὡς ἀποθανόντας, ἥ τε βουλὴ τὴν ἐπιπόρφυρον ἐσθῆτα ἀπέθετο, καὶ θυσίαι καὶ γάμοι καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα
ἐπέσχητο ἐπὶ τὸ ἔτος ὅλον, ἕως τὴν συμφορὰν ἀνέλαβον. τῶν δὲ ἀφειμένων οἱ μὲν ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς διέφευγον ὑπὸ αἰδοῦς, οἱ δὲ νυκτὸς
ἐς τὴν
