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having displayed works of both intelligence and courage, he would be, as was likely, famous to all men. And yet they were saying that not even Belisarius would be able to do anything for the future without them at least. For the greatest part of the army which he commanded had already been left behind in both the forts and the cities which he himself had captured, and they enumerated them all in order, beginning from Sicily as far as Picenum. And when Narses heard these things, he was exceedingly pleased by the suggestion and could neither restrain his thought nor any longer remain in the established state of affairs. Often, therefore, when Belisarius urged him to take up some other task, he would fall back on various pretexts at different times and reject the exhortation. Belisarius, perceiving this, called together all the commanders and spoke as follows: "It seems to me, O commanders, that I do not think the same as you concerning this war. For I see you looking down upon the enemy as though they have been utterly defeated. But I think that because of this over-confidence of yours we will fall into manifest danger, since I know that the barbarians have been defeated by us not because of any cowardice or lack of manpower, but having been out-generaled by foresight and counsel alone, have been turned to flight from here. And I fear that you, being deceived by a false opinion, may do irreparable harm both to yourselves and to the Roman state. For those who seem to have won are more easily destroyed, being elated by their achievements, than those who have stumbled contrary to expectation, but for the future are possessed by fear and great concern towards their opponents. For carelessness on the part of those in a good position has destroyed some, but toil with anxiety has helped many of those who have been unfortunate. Since the power of those who yield to negligence for the most part tends to be diminished, but diligence is naturally well-suited to implant strength. Therefore let each of you consider that in Ravenna there is both Vittigis and many myriads of Goths, and Uraias is both besieging Mediolanum and has encompassed all of Liguria, and Auximum is now full of a large and noteworthy army, and many other places are garrisoned against us by formidable barbarians as far as Urviventum, which happens to be in the neighbourhood of Rome. So that now more than before our affairs are in danger, since we have fallen into a sort of encirclement by the enemy. For I pass over saying that they say even the Franks have been arrayed with them in Liguria, a fact quite worthy of coming to the memory of all Romans, not without great fear. I for my part, therefore, say that it is necessary for a portion of the army to be sent to Liguria and Mediolanum, and for the rest, for the moment, to proceed against both Auximum and the enemy there, to accomplish whatever God may grant; and then also to manage the other tasks of the war in whatever way may seem best and most excellent." Belisarius said so much. And Narses replied thus: "As for the other things, O general, no one would dispute that all has been said by you with truth. But I think it is completely inexpedient for this whole army of the emperor to be assigned to Mediolanum and Auximum alone. But it is not at all unreasonable for you to lead the Romans against these places with whomever you yourself might wish, but we shall acquire for the emperor the land of the Aemilians, which they say the Goths especially claim as their own, and we shall throw Ravenna into confusion in such a way that you will deal with the enemies against you as you wish, since they will have been shut off from all hope of reinforcements. For if we should choose to lay siege at Auximum with you, I fear that with the barbarians coming from Ravenna it will be our lot both to be surrounded by the enemy and, being destitute of provisions, to be destroyed on the spot." And Narses said so much. But Belisarius, fearing that with the Romans going in many directions the emperor's affairs might collapse and be thrown into confusion by the resulting disorder, showed a letter from the Emperor Justinian, which he had written to the commanders of the army. And the letter indicated the following: "Narses our treasurer not for the purpose of commanding the army to

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ἔργα ξυνέσεώς τε καὶ ἀνδρείας ἐπιδειξάμενος διαβόητος ἀνθρώποις ἅπασιν, ὡς τὸ 6.18.8 εἰκὸς, εἴη. καίτοι οὐδὲ Βελισάριον ἔφασκον δυνήσε6.18.9 σθαί τι ἄνευ γε αὐτῶν τὸ λοιπὸν δρᾶσαι. στρατιᾶς γὰρ ἧς ἐκεῖνος ἄρχοι τὸ πλεῖστον ἤδη ἔν τε φρουρίοις καὶ πόλεσιν ἀπολελεῖφθαι, ἅσπερ αὐτὸς εἷλε, καὶ κατέλεγον ἀπὸ Σικελίας ἀρξάμενοι ἄχρι ἐς Πικηνοὺς ἑξῆς ἅπαντα. 6.18.10 Ναρσῆς τε ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν, ἥσθη ἐς ἄγαν τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ οὔτε κατέχειν τὴν διάνοιαν οὔτε μένειν 6.18.11 ἐν τοῖς καθεστῶσιν ἔτι ἐδύνατο. πολλάκις οὖν Βελισαρίου ἄλλου του ἔργου ἔχεσθαι ἀξιοῦντος ἐς σκήψεις τινὰς ἄλλοτε ἄλλας ἀναχωρῶν τὴν παρακέλευσιν ἀπε6.18.12 κρούετο. ὧν δὴ αἰσθόμενος Βελισάριος ξυγκαλέσας τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἅπαντας ἔλεξε τοιάδε «Οὐ ταὐτὰ ὑμῖν, «ἄνδρες ἄρχοντες, περὶ τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου δοκῶ μοι 6.18.13 «γιγνώσκειν. ὑμᾶς μὲν γὰρ ὁρῶ τῶν πολεμίων ἅτε 6.18.14 «παντάπασιν ἡσσημένων ὑπερφρονοῦντας. ἐγὼ δὲ «ταύτῃ ὑμῶν τῇ παρρησίᾳ ἐς προὖπτον ἡμᾶς ἐμπεσεῖ»σθαι κίνδυνον οἶμαι, ἐπεὶ τοὺς μὲν βαρβάρους οὔτε «ἀνανδρίᾳ τινὶ οὔτε ὀλιγανθρωπίᾳ ἡσσῆσθαι ἡμῶν, «προνοίᾳ δὲ μόνῃ καὶ βουλῇ καταστρατηγηθέντας ἐς 6.18.15 «φυγὴν ἐνθένδε τετράφθαι οἶδα. δέδοικα δὲ μὴ ταῦτα «ὑμεῖς τῇ οὐκ ἀληθεῖ δόξῃ σφαλλόμενοι τὰ ἀνήκεστα «ὑμᾶς τε αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα δράσητε. 6.18.16 «ῥᾷον γὰρ οἱ νενικηκέναι δοκοῦντες τοῖς πεπραγμένοις «ἐπαιρόμενοι διαφθείρονται ἢ οἱ παρὰ δόξαν μὲν «ἐπταικότες, δέει δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν καὶ φροντίδι πολλῇ ἐς 6.18.17 «τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐχόμενοι. ῥᾳθυμία μὲν γὰρ τῶν εὖ «καθεστώτων τινὰς ἔφθειρε, πόνος δὲ ξὺν μερίμνῃ 6.18.18 «τῶν δεδυστυχηκότων πολλοὺς ὤνησεν. ἐπεὶ τῶν μὲν «ὀλιγωρίᾳ εἰκόντων ἡ δύναμις ὡς τὰ πολλὰ ἐλασσοῦ»σθαι φιλεῖ, μελέτη δὲ ἰσχὺν ἐντιθέναι ἱκανῶς πέφυ6.18.19 «κεν. οὐκοῦν ἐνθυμείσθω ὑμῶν ἕκαστος ὡς ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ «μὲν Οὐίττιγίς τέ ἐστι καὶ Γότθων μυριάδες πολλαὶ, «Οὐραΐας δὲ Μεδιόλανόν τε πολιορκεῖ καὶ περιβέβλη»ται Λιγουρίαν ὅλην, Αὔξιμος δὲ ἤδη στρατιᾶς πλήρης «πολλῆς τε καὶ λόγου ἀξίας, ἄλλα τε χωρία πολλὰ «πρὸς ἀξιομάχων ἡμῖν φρουρεῖται βαρβάρων μέχρι ἐς «Οὐρβιβεντὸν, ἣ Ῥώμης ἐν γειτόνων τυγχάνει οὖσα. 6.18.20 «ὥστε νῦν μᾶλλον ἡμῖν ἢ πρότερον ἐν κινδύνῳ τὰ «πράγματα κεῖται, ἐς κύκλωσίν τινα τῶν πολεμίων 6.18.21 «ἐμπεπτωκόσιν. ἐῶ γὰρ λέγειν ὡς καὶ Φράγγους αὐτοῖς «ἐν Λιγουρίᾳ ξυντετάχθαι φασὶν, ὅπερ οὐκ ἔξω «δέους μεγάλου ἐς μνήμην ἰέναι πᾶσι Ῥωμαίοις ἱκανῶς 6.18.22 «ἄξιον. φημὶ τοίνυν ἔγωγε χρῆναι μοῖραν μὲν τοῦ «στρατοῦ ἐς Λιγουρίαν τε καὶ Μεδιόλανον στέλλεσθαι, «τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐν μὲν τῷ παραυτίκα ἐπί τε Αὔξιμον «καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ πολεμίους χωρεῖν, ὅσα ἂν ὁ θεὸς «διδῷ πράξοντας· ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τἄλλα τοῦ πολέμου ἔργα «διαχειρίζειν ὅπη ἂν ἄριστά τε δοκῇ καὶ βέλτιστα εἶναι.» 6.18.23 Βελισάριος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. Ναρσῆς δὲ ἀμείβεται ὧδε «Τὰ μὲν ἄλλα, ὦ στρατηγὲ, μὴ οὐχὶ ξὺν ἀληθείᾳ σοι 6.18.24 «πάντα εἰρῆσθαι οὐδεὶς ἂν ἀντείποι. πάντα δὲ του»τονὶ τὸν βασιλέως στρατὸν ἐς Μεδιόλανόν τε καὶ «Αὔξιμον ἀποκεκρίσθαι μόνον ἀξύμφορον εἶναι παν6.18.25 «τελῶς οἶμαι. ἀλλὰ σὲ μὲν ἐπὶ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίων ἐξη»γεῖσθαι οἷς ἂν αὐτὸς βούλοιο οὐδὲν ἀπεικὸς, ἡμεῖς «δὲ βασιλεῖ τὴν Αἰμιλίων ἐπικτησόμεθα χώραν, ἣν «μάλιστα Γότθους προσποιεῖσθαί φασι, καὶ Ῥάβενναν «ξυνταράξομεν οὕτως ὥστε τοὺς καθ' ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς «πολεμίους ὅ τι βούλεσθε διεργάσεσθε, πάσης ἀπο6.18.26 «κεκλεισμένους τῆς τῶν ἀμυνόντων ἐλπίδος. ἢν γὰρ «ξὺν ὑμῖν ἐν Αὐξίμῳ προσεδρεύειν ἑλοίμεθα, δέδοικα «μὴ τῶν ἐκ Ῥαβέννης ἐπιόντων βαρβάρων περιέσται «ἡμῖν ἀμφιβόλοις τε γεγενῆσθαι πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων «καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἀπολελειμμένοις αὐτοῦ διεφθάρ6.18.27 «θαι.» καὶ Ναρσῆς μὲν τοσαῦτα ἔλεξε. Βελισάριος δὲ δείσας μὴ ἐς πολλὰ Ῥωμαίων ἰόντων καταρρεῖν τε τὰ βασιλέως ξυμβαίη πράγματα καὶ τῇ ἐνθένδε ἀκοσμίᾳ ξυγχεῖσθαι, γράμματα βασιλέως Ἰουστινιανοῦ ἔδειξεν, ἃ πρὸς τοὺς στρατοπέδου ἄρχοντας ἔγραψεν. 6.18.28 ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε «Ναρσῆν τὸν ἡμέτερον τα»μίαν οὐκ ἐφ' ᾧ ἄρξαι τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἐς