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“something not too accurately ascertained, I am not at all accustomed either to believe it myself or 7.32.26 to report it to the emperor. I wish, therefore, either to become a hearer of the words myself, or for one of my associates, by your arrangement, to hear the man 7.32.27 saying something clear concerning these matters.” When Germanus heard this, he ordered his son Justin to see to it that Marcellus's instruction should be carried out. 7.32.28 He, however, no longer had anything to say to Arsaces about this, since, as has been told by me, he had flatly refused him. 7.32.29 But he inquired of Chanaranges whether Arsaces had recently come to him with the knowledge of Artabanes. “For I,” he said, “would never have dared to leave any of the secrets with 7.32.30 a man such as he is. But if he should wish to tell me anything of importance himself, after deliberating in common 7.32.31 we might perhaps accomplish something good.” Concerning these matters, Chanaranges, after conferring with Artabanes, reported everything to Justin, as much as Arsaces had happened to tell him before. 7.32.32 And since Justin both agreed to carry out everything himself and to present his father as being in agreement, it seemed best to Germanus to meet with Chanaranges, 7.32.33 and a fixed day was agreed upon for the conversation. Germanus, having indicated this to Marcellus, asked him to provide one of his associates to them, to be an eyewitness of the words of Cha7.32.34naranges. And he provided Leontius, the son-in-law of Athanasius, a man who laid claim to just speech and knew exceedingly well how to speak the truth. 7.32.35 Germanus brought him into his house and sat him in a small room, where a thick linen curtain hung as a screen for the couch on which he was accustomed to dine. 7.32.36 And he hid Leontius inside this linen curtain, 7.32.37 while he himself with his son Justin remained outside. There, when Chanaranges arrived, Leontius clearly heard him saying everything that had been planned by him and Arta7.32.38banes and Arsaces. Among these things this also came into the discussion, that if they should kill the emperor while Belisarius was still on the road to Byzantium, none of their plans would succeed for them; since, while they wished to establish Germanus as emperor, it was likely that Belisarius would gather a multitude of soldiers from the regions of Thrace, and thus when the man came against them they would by no means be able to push him back. 7.32.39 It would be necessary, therefore, to postpone the deed until the arrival of Belisarius, and when the man had arrived at Byzantium as quickly as possible and was with the emperor in the Palace, then indeed, when it was somewhere in deep evening, they should arrive there unexpectedly carrying daggers, and kill Mar7.32.40cellus and Belisarius along with the emperor. For thus thereafter they would manage things as they wished with less fear. Marcellus, learning these things from Leontius, even so did not decide to report the matter to the emperor, but was still held by great hesitation, lest he should rashly bring about the ruin of Artabanes with great haste. 7.32.41 Germanus, however, reported everything to both Bouzes and Constantianus, fearing, which is what happened, that he might incur some suspicion from the delay. 7.32.42 But many days later, when it was announced that Belisarius was present and very near, Marcellus reported the whole matter to the emperor, who immediately ordered Artabanes and his associates to be led away to the prison, and he entrusted the torture of them to some of the officials. 7.32.43 And since the whole plot had now come to light and was explicitly in writing, the emperor seated all those of the senatorial council in the Palace, where they are accustomed to hold inquiries concerning disputed matters. 7.32.44 They, after reading everything that had happened to be related by those under investigation, nonetheless brought the charge against Germanus and his son Justin, until Germanus, by providing the testimony of Marcellus and Leontius, was able to dispel the 7.32.45 suspicion. For they themselves and Constantianus and Bouzes affirmed under oath that they had concealed nothing from Germanus for these reasons, but that everything had transpired in this way, just as it has recently been narrated by me. 7.32.46
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«δέ τι μὴ λίαν ἀκριβολογησάμενος ἢ πιστεύειν αὐτὸς ἢ 7.32.26 «βασιλεῖ ἐσαγγέλλειν οὐδαμῆ εἴωθα. βούλομαι τοίνυν «ἢ τῶν λόγων αὐτήκοος γενέσθαι ἢ τῶν μοι ἐπιτη»δείων τινὰ ἐκ παρασκευῆς ὑμετέρας ἀκοῦσαι τοῦ ἀν7.32.27 «θρώπου λέγοντός τι ὑπὲρ τούτων διαφανές.» ταῦτα ὁ Γερμανὸς ἀκούσας Ἰουστῖνον τὸν παῖδα ἐκέλευε πράσσειν ὅπως ἡ Μαρκέλλου ἐπίταξις ἐπιτελὴς εἴη. 7.32.28 ὁ δὲ Ἀρσάκῃ μέν τι ὑπὲρ τούτου εἰπεῖν οὐκέτι εἶχεν, ἐπεὶ ἄντικρυς αὐτῷ, ὥσπερ μοι ἐρρήθη, ἀπειπὼν ἔτυχε. 7.32.29 τοῦ δὲ Χαναράγγου ἀνεπυνθάνετο εἰ Ἀρταβάνου γνώμῃ ἔναγχος Ἀρσάκης παρ' αὐτὸν ἥκοι. «Ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ «οὐκ ἄν ποτε» ἔφη «τῶν τι ἀπορρήτων ἐθάρσησα ἐπ' 7.32.30 «ἐκείνῳ τοιῷδε ὄντι καταλιπεῖν. ἀλλ' εἴ μοι βούλοιό «τι αὐτὸς τῶν προὔργου εἰπεῖν, ἐπὶ κοινῆς βουλευ7.32.31 «σάμενοι τάχα ἄν τι καὶ ἀγαθὸν πράξαιμεν.» ὑπὲρ τούτων ὁ Χαναράγγης τῷ Ἀρταβάνῃ κοινολογησάμενος ἅπαντα ἐς τὸν Ἰουστῖνον ἐξήνεγκεν, ὅσα δὴ πρότερον Ἀρσάκης αὐτῷ εἰπὼν ἔτυχεν. 7.32.32 Ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἰουστῖνος αὐτός τε ἅπαντα ἐπιτελέσειν καὶ τὸν πατέρα ὡμολόγει ὁμογνωμονοῦντα παρέξεσθαι, ἐδόκει τῷ Γερμανῷ τὸν Χαναράγγην ἐς λόγους ξυμ7.32.33 μῖξαι, τακτή τε ἡμέρα τῷ διαλόγῳ ξυνέκειτο. ταῦτα ὁ Γερμανὸς Μαρκέλλῳ σημήνας ἠξίου τῶν τινά οἱ ἐπιτηδείων παρέχεσθαι σφίσιν, αὐτήκοον τῶν Χα7.32.34 ναράγγου λόγων ἐσόμενον. ὁ δὲ Λεόντιον παρείχετο, τὸν Ἀθανασίου γαμβρὸν, ἄνδρα λόγου τε τοῦ δικαίου μεταποιούμενον καὶ ἀληθίζεσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενον μάλιστα. 7.32.35 ὃν δὴ ὁ Γερμανὸς ἐς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐσαγαγὼν ἐν δωματίῳ ἐκάθισεν, ἵνα δὴ ἀπεκρέματό τις παχεῖα σινδὼν παραπέτασμα τῆς στιβάδος οὖσα, ἐφ' ἧς ἑστιᾶσθαι εἰώθει. 7.32.36 ταύτης τε τῆς σινδόνος τὸν μὲν Λεόντιον ἐντὸς ἔκρυψεν, 7.32.37 αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν Ἰουστίνῳ τῷ παιδὶ ἐκτὸς ἔμενεν. ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Χαναράγγου ἀφικομένου ἤκουσε σαφῶς ὁ Λεόντιος ἅπαντα λέγοντος, ἅπερ αὐτῷ τε καὶ Ἀρτα7.32.38 βάνῃ καὶ τῷ Ἀρσάκῃ ἐν βουλῇ ἐγεγόνει. ἐν τοῖς καὶ τόδε ἐς τὸν λόγον ἦλθεν, ὡς, ἢν βασιλέα κτείνωσι, Βελισαρίου ἔτι ἐς Βυζάντιον ὁδῷ ἰόντος οὐδὲν ἂν τῶν βεβουλευμένων προχωρήσειε σφίσιν· εἴπερ αὐτοῖς μὲν βασιλέα Γερμανὸν καταστήσεσθαι βουλομένοις εἴη, Βελισάριον δὲ πλῆθος στρατιᾶς ἀθροίσειν εἰκὸς ἐκ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης χωρίων, οὕτω τε σφίσιν ἐπιόντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐδεμιᾷ μηχανῇ ἀπωθεῖσθαι ἱκανοὶ ἔσονται. 7.32.39 δεήσει γοῦν ἐς μὲν τὴν Βελισαρίου παρουσίαν ἀποθέσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ τάχιστα ἐς Βυζάντιόν τε ἀφίκηται καὶ παρὰ βασιλέα ἐν Παλατίῳ εἴη, τότε δὴ, ἑσπέρας βαθείας που οὔσης, ἐγχειρίδια φέροντας ἀπροσδοκήτους ἐνταῦθα γενέσθαι, καὶ Μάρ7.32.40 κελλόν τε καὶ Βελισάριον ξὺν βασιλεῖ κτεῖναι. οὕτω γὰρ τὸ ἐνθένδε ἀδεέστερον ᾗ βούλονται διοικήσονται. ταῦτα Μάρκελλος πρὸς Λεοντίου μαθὼν οὐδ' ὣς ἐς βασιλέα τὸν λόγον ἀνενεγκεῖν ἔγνω, ἀλλ' ἔτι ὀκνήσει πολλῇ εἴχετο, τοῦ μὴ τὸν Ἀρταβάνην σπουδῇ πολλῇ 7.32.41 κατεργάσασθαι ἀπερισκέπτως. ὁ μέντοι Γερμανὸς ἅπαντα ἔς τε Βούζην καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸν ἐξήνεγκε, δείσας, ὅπερ ἐγένετο, μή τινα ἐκ τῆς μελλήσεως ὑποψίαν λάβῃ. 7.32.42 Ἡμέραις δὲ πολλαῖς ὕστερον, ἐπειδὴ παρὼν Βελισάριος ἄγχιστά που ἤδη ἠγγέλλετο, Μάρκελλος μὲν ἐς βασιλέα τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀνήνεγκεν, ὁ δὲ αὐτίκα ἐς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἀπαχθῆναι τοὺς ἀμφὶ Ἀρταβάνην ἐκέλευε, τῶν τε ἀρχόντων τισὶ τὴν ἐπ' αὐτοῖς ἐπέτρεπε βάσα7.32.43 νον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ ἐπιβουλὴ ξύμπασα ἐς φῶς τε ἤδη ἐληλύθει καὶ διαρρήδην ἐν γράμμασιν ἦν, ἅπαντας βασιλεὺς τοὺς ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἐν Παλατίῳ ἐκάθισεν, οὗπερ εἰώθασι τὰς ἀμφὶ τοῖς ἀντιλεγομένοις 7.32.44 ποιεῖσθαι γνώσεις. οἵπερ ἀναλεξάμενοι ἅπαντα, ὅσα τοῖς εὐθυνομένοις δεδιηγῆσθαι τετύχηκεν, οὐδέν τι ἧσσον ἐς Γερμανόν τε καὶ Ἰουστῖνον τὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα τὸ ἔγκλημα ἦγον, ἕως ὁ Γερμανὸς Μαρκέλλου τε καὶ Λεοντίου τὴν μαρτυρίαν παρασχόμενος ἐκλύειν τὴν 7.32.45 ὑποψίαν ἔσχεν. αὐτοί τε γὰρ καὶ Κωνσταντιανὸς καὶ Βούζης διώμοτοι ἰσχυρίσαντο μηδ' ὁτιοῦν σφᾶς τούτων δὴ ἕνεκα τὸν Γερμανὸν ἀποκρύψασθαι, ἀλλὰ ταύτῃ πάντα ξυνενεχθῆναι, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔναγχος δεδιή7.32.46