De capta thessalonica 3 a work by eustathios of thessalonica on its hopefully later capture, which had been weakened by a narrative of cachexia during

 Bearable and full of mourning and wanting springs of tears and some such things, but he who, as they say, was sown in a net and, like us, was caught u

 Most people raised their eyes as to mountains, to the acropolis, where they eagerly awaited help would be for them. but what especially accuses the gr

 Having practiced stretching out his hands like a woman to his pursuers, to slip into a fortress and to give trouble to those who ran after him, lest t

 David, who had lost his senses, whom i had previously blessed when he was in his right mind. and i thus also admired the emperor andronikos in other t

 Completely under age, not only unable to rule a very great empire by himself, but not even to be firmly disposed as boys are, of course, he had alread

 The protostrator alexios and john the eparch, and imprisonment held them and before that, things exceedingly dishonorable. but the boiling of anger on

 For should one measure things beyond measure?) a great disturbance of those of the palace, as much as was for god and the truth according to him, of

 But when the illusion proved false and the war was brought to an end in the late afternoon, having cast down many and filled the southern cemetery, th

 Thus men suffer for for the most part we multiply and magnify what we admire, as being unable to be precise because the soul is confounded by astound

 The present evils are fitting. and to recount the terrible things of that time, all that the latins saw, the fire which spread through their quarters,

 Kontostephanos, an energetic and sensible man, and countless others. but these things were unknown to the crowd and they did not know that he raged ag

 And he also sent them into exile into perpetual banishment. and after a short while, having divided those who had been imprisoned, he separated them i

 To be shamed but if not even so he should yield, being stubborn, to try even violence, and they say it is better for that one to suffer what he does

 Moreover and not enduring it if, having just found an opportunity, he would not take wing, like some demonic figure, he himself tries to surpass in ev

 Having said what seemed best, he was quiet. and for the rest, so that i may not chatter on about worldly unpleasantness, a rush of evils takes place t

 Manuel, and he curses, that he would not come to a worthy state of living in peace, that those alone would be grandeurs when his father died. and he b

 The marchese was left to remain in peace, just as neither was the kral of hungary and any other powerful neighbor. and generally, wherever there was m

 A certain boy, who appeared to be of a similar complexion and age to the emperor alexios. and that child was, they say, a peasant boy from somewhere i

 He annihilated the rest. and his knights were so boastful in their nature that each would stand against three hundred men in war, not at all unlike co

 About to happen, inferring it from many signs. we, at least, anticipating the enemy's attack, sent away those who were children of constantinople with

 For the man was truly master of his hands but he provoked the victorious one to exhaust his desire to laugh at the emperor, and drove the matter to a

 Laws of city-takers, in which, on account of their unwieldiness from size, no effect shone forth, but those around the eastern parts, and they were es

 Not to meddle further, unless they should choose to suffer evils. though he was obliged to supply sufficient grain for the city, he neglected it to su

 Having completely withdrawn his skill, lets the ship be dashed against a reef and sink to the bottom with its cargo and men. so too a guard of a fruit

 Of those seated around to release even one stone from a sling, then also to suggest to the sandal-stitchers on the walls to reproach the latins rounda

 The besiegers because the latins had entirely turned to resisting against choumnos, he, having with difficulty opened the gates and having allowed, fo

 To rebuke the general and to join in leading towards the good. and one might call these men, who had undertaken to remain in the city, no longer civil

 Stripping and running down the streets, known to those who saw them, thus giving proof that they were formerly conspirators. and there is no way that

 He wished, and as a result the enemy host was more emboldened, and even more so especially when, after choumnos had joined battle, though it was possi

 Very strongly fortified. we spoke thus, and the speech flowed away at random, itself as well. and the small stone-throwers were vexing the city, casti

 To the enemies. and with the soldiers shouting in a common cry, komnenos, halt and dismount, he, as if snorting back a final mount up and as you

 But i think this was stranger than that, that when rain poured down from what the enemies were scattering, plowing, indeed, but not sowing the beautif

 In blood, i was led about on horseback through heaps of others, the greater part of whom lay strewn before the wall, so densely packed, that my little

 Of the storm. and if it were made useless for the trees, and especially the fig trees, whose unripe fruit was unlawfully served to the savage beasts f

 But this would be judged as bordering on fighting against god. for the barbarians, rushing in even against each one of them, were committing all sorts

 They tore down when they arrived. and the ruler restrained the murders there, but there was no stopping the suffocation of those who fled into the chu

 By the command of the counts. and it was a sabbath, not having a flight, which one might evangelically pray to avert, but the destruction of so great

 Redness. it was therefore a task to recognize even one's dearest friend among them and each man would ask each other who on earth he might be, becaus

 Thus confounding good order and dissolving the sacred harmony. and i spoke reverently about this also to count alduin, if somehow order might be estab

 To crush the man, goading the horse to kick. thus did these men love us, frequently for every word and every deed putting forward as a justification f

 Of the longed for ones the executioners, or may they have pity. for something like this did indeed happen at times, as if a hungry and biting lion, th

 To relate moderate things out of countless ones but the events of the nights, not even they fail to rival these in contention. and for a time, with t

 They grieved those who kept treasure-houses by ransacking them for the sake of wealth, thus themselves implying that they understood hades as plouton.

 Through all of us and most provident. for it is reported to us that he ordered all-night vigils around the great churches, he jesting even then. for w

 They busied their swords upon them, and afterwards they left completely empty what it contained within, both things for healing and with which the suf

 They cast our people in, and declaring blessed not them but the disease, and now perhaps even death according to the people of gades, among whom hades

 Is fitting, but only by thanksgivings and glory to the most high, from whom and through whom are our affairs. what then prevents me from ceasing after

 Mercilessness towards those who offend in some small way, from which came the merciless thing that just now cast us down, a most just thing, since we,

De capta Thessalonica 3 A work by Eustathios of Thessalonica on its hopefully later capture, which had been weakened by a narrative of cachexia during the unfortunate reign of Andronikos Komnenos, which he, managing things poorly against the civilized world, had for a long time amassed, but was very quickly healed by the liberator, the great emperor Isaac Angelos, who succeeded him fortunately and happily for the world by the providence and goodwill of God not many days after the city was captured, by using a swiftness of action, as was most necessary, in which God assisted him, as another account will relate when it finds the opportunity. Preface to such a work. Narratives or treatises of the captures of cities are for the most part managed by the same methods. Nor will the writer necessarily handle all the appropriate ones, nor indeed will he manage the good ones on both sides in the same way; but one who is writing a history and writing dispassionately will at times theologize and will elaborate on the logic of nature and will rather unsparingly rouge his phrasing for beauty and will adorn it with topography and descriptions and generally, as one speaking without emotion, he will arrange many things for the pleasure of the ear, nor will he abstain from probabilities, considering here, at least, that he was not present at the evils being narrated, so as to be affected and to describe those very things. And so much for the one who is reporting matters of history. But he who is composing a treatise and has been colored by the evil will necessarily touch upon all those things, but not to such an extent, being obliged to excel only in emotion, and that in proportion to his own personal quality. For if he is of the people, what blame could he have for being affected to satiety? But one who is dedicated to the spiritual life and who sees between mourning and giving thanks to the Almighty not a strong fortress but a great chasm, would refrain from unrestrainedly composing tragedy. The same man would not play, dancing amidst mourning, which is just what overly embellishing one's words cosmetically in gloomy sufferings is like. And he will handle the other types of composition moderately according to his own method, neither setting forth paradoxical reports like the dispassionate histo 4 rian nor other things, such as those outside the passion contrive for the sake of not-inopportune ambition and a display of great learning. If, then, the present work will show me to be such a person, it will soon be apparent. The account set out below will necessarily begin from the suffering itself, because it was not possible for one in pitiable circumstances not to speak tragically, at least at first. Then, ceasing from pity and having with some gravity reproached the one responsible and jointly responsible for the evil, it will become one of narrating both distinctly and clearly, and to some extent also grandly; and in some places simply, as was needed, and in others more elegantly, and having begun from the head, than which nothing is more appropriately senior, it will descend to the subsequent events in a sequence and order not entirely devoid of talkativeness and will again touch upon the matters of the capture more broadly, out of all necessity, since this especially has been set before the work as its subject. And that the divine also reveals signs in such circumstances, which indeed here also shone forth clearly beforehand, the account will also touch upon some such things to a moderate degree. Nor will it refrain from setting forth the sinful causes, on account of which the terrible things happened, which those composing treatises also reasonably make their task. But the work will investigate such causes faintly later in the whole account according to a didactic method. For it was not read and published at another time, but when the preliminaries of the holy days of fasting are catechized to the ears, so that the account concludes with ecclesiastical instruction, having begun otherwise from the evils which the city suffered. The beginning, then, of the written account of the capture. The present time in our day has also revealed, if any other of old, a subject, which a dispassionate man standing far from its danger would call great and calamitous and all-terrible and abominable and not easy

De capta Thessalonica 3 Εὐσταθίου τοῦ Θεσσαλονίκης συγγραφὴ τῆς εἴθε ὑστέρας κατ' αὐτὴν ἁλώσεως, ἠρρωστημένης μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς κατὰ τὸν Κομνηνὸν Ἀνδρόνικον δυσδαίμονος βασιλείας καχεξίας λόγῳ, ἣν ἐκεῖνος φαῦλα διαιτῶν κατὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης πολλὴν ἐκ μακροῦ ἤθροιζε, ταχὺ δὲ πάνυ τεθεραπευμένης ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐλευθερωτοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως Ἰσαακίου τοῦ Ἀγγέλου, διαδεξαμένου ἐκεῖνον εὐδαιμόνως καὶ εὐτυχῶς τῷ κόσμῳ προνοίᾳ καὶ εὐμενείᾳ θεοῦ μετ' οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας τοῦ ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν, ἐν τῷ χρήσασθαι ὀξυχειρίᾳ ἔργων, ὡς δέον μάλιστα ἦν, ἧς αὐτῷ θεὸς συνεφήψατο, καθὰ λόγος ἕτερος καιρὸν εὑρηκὼς περιηγήσεται. Προθεωρία τῆς τοιαύτης συγγραφῆσ Πόλεων ἁλώσεις ἱστορούμεναι εἴτε συγγραφόμεναι μεθόδοις διοικοῦνται ὡς τὰ πολλὰ ταῖς αὐταῖς. Οὔτε δὲ ἁπάσας τὰς ἐπιβαλλούσας ἠναγκασμένως ὁ γράφων διαχειρίσεται, οὐδὲ μὴν τὰς ἀμφοτέρωθι χρηστὰς ὡσαύτως διοικονομήσεται· ἀλλὰ καθιστορῶν μὲν καὶ ἀπαθῶς γράφων καὶ θεολογήσει ἔστιν οὗ καὶ πρὸς φύσεως λόγον ἐμπλατυνεῖται καὶ τὴν φράσιν δὲ ψιμυθιώσει πρὸς κάλλος ἀφειδέστερον καὶ τοπογραφήσει καὶ ἐκφράσεσιν ἐναγλαΐσεται καὶ ὅλως, οἷα ἔξω πάθους λαλῶν, πολλὰ διαθήσεται πρὸς χάριν ἀκοῆς, οὐκ ἀφέξεται δὲ οὐδὲ τῶν ὡς εἰκός, στοχαζόμενος αὐτὸς ἐνταῦθά γε, ὅτι μηδὲ παρῆν τοῖς ἀφηγουμένοις κακοῖς, ὡς καὶ παθαίνεσθαι καὶ αὐτὰ δὴ φράζειν ἐκεῖνα. Καὶ οὕτω μὲν ὁ τὰ πρὸς ἱστορίαν δηλῶν. Ὁ δὲ καὶ συγγραφόμενος καὶ χρωτισθεὶς τῷ κακῷ πάντων ἐκείνων προσάψεται μὲν ἀναγκαίως, οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον δέ, μόνῳ πλεονάζειν ὀφείλων τῷ πάθει, καὶ αὐτῷ ἀναλόγως τῇ κατ' αὐτὸν προσωπικῇ ποιότητι. Τοῦ λαοῦ μὲν γὰρ ὤν, τίνα ἂν ἔχοι ψόγον εἰς κόρον παθαινόμενος; Βίῳ δὲ ἀνειμένος τῷ κατὰ πνεῦμα καὶ μεταξὺ τοῦ πενθεῖν καὶ τοῦ εὐχαριστεῖν τῷ κρείττονι οὐκ ἐπιτείχισμα ἐρυμνὸν ἀλλὰ χάος μέγα βλέπων, φείδοιτ' ἂν ἀκράτως τραγῳδεῖν. Ὁ δ' αὐτὸς οὐδ' ἂν παίζοι χορεύων ἐν πένθεσιν, ὁποῖον δή τι καὶ τὸ πάνυ καλλύνειν τοὺς λόγους κομμωτικῶς ἐν σκυθρωποῖς πάθεσι. Καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δὲ συγγραφικὰ εἴδη σωφρόνως μεταχειριεῖται κατὰ μέθοδον ἰδίαν, οὔτε παράδοξα ἐκτιθεὶς ἀκούσματα κατὰ τὸν ἀπαθῆ ἱστο 4 ρικὸν οὔτ' ἄλλα, ὅσα πρὸς οὐκ ἄκαιρον φιλοτιμίαν καὶ πολυμαθίας ἔνδειξιν οἱ ἔξω πάθους τεχνάζονται. Εἰ τοίνυν καὶ ἐμὲ τοιονδέτινα ἡ παροῦσα συγγραφὴ διαδείξει, αὐτίκα φανεῖται. Ἄρξεται δὲ ὁ ὑποτεταγμένος λόγος ἀναγκαίως ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάθους, ὅτι μηδὲ ἦν τὸν ἐν ἐλεεινοῖς ὄντα μὴ τραγικεύσασθαι τό γε πρῶτον. Εἶτα καθιστάμενος τοῦ οἴκτου καί τι πρὸς βάρος ὑπομεμψάμενος τὸν αἴτιον καὶ συναίτιον τοῦ κακοῦ, γενήσεται τοῦ καὶ εὐκρινῶς καὶ σαφῶς, ἐπί τι δὲ καὶ μεγαλείως ἀφηγεῖσθαι· καὶ πῆ μὲν ἀφελῶς, ὡς ἐχρῆν, πῆ δὲ καὶ γλαφυρώτερον καὶ ἀπὸ κεφαλῆς ἠργμένος, ἧς οὐδὲν καιρίως πρεσβύτερον, καταβήσεται εἰς τὰ ἐχόμενα καθ' εἱρμὸν καὶ τάξιν οὐ πάντῃ ἀπεριλάλητον καὶ ἅψεται πάλιν τῶν τῆς ἁλώσεως πλατύτερον κατὰ πᾶσαν ἀνάγκην, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὕτη μάλιστα πρὸ ἔργου ὑποβέβληται τῇ συγγραφῇ. Ὅτι δὲ καὶ σημεῖα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις προφαίνει τὸ θεῖον, ἃ δὴ κἀνταῦθα ἐμφανῶς προέλαμψε, προσεφάψεται καὶ τοιούτων τινῶν ὁ λόγος εἰς σύμμετρον. Οὐκ ἀποστήσεται δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦ ἐκθέσθαι ἁμαρτητικὰς αἰτίας, ὧν ἕνεκεν τὰ δεινά, ὃ καὶ αὐτὸ οἱ συγγραφόμενοι ἐν ἔργῳ ἐλλόγως τίθενται. Ἀνασκαλεύσει δὲ ἀμυδρῶς ἡ συγγραφὴ τὰ τοιαῦτα αἴτια ἐν ὑστέρῳ τοῦ ὅλου λόγου κατὰ μέθοδον διδασκαλικήν. Οὐ γὰρ ἐν ἑτεροίῳ καιρῷ καὶ ἀνέγνωσται καὶ ἐκδέδοται, ἀλλ' ὅτε οἱ προεισόδιοι τῶν νηστίμων ἁγίων ἡμερῶν κατηχοῦνται εἰς ἀκοάς, ὡς ἀποτελευτᾶν τὸν λόγον εἰς διδασκαλίαν ἐκκλησιαστικήν, ἀρξάμενον ἄλλως ἀφ' ὧν κακῶν ἡ πόλις ἔπαθεν. Ἀρχὴ αὐτοῦ δὴ τοῦ συγγραφικοῦ λόγου τῆς ἁλώσεωσ Ἔφηνε καὶ ὁ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἄρτι χρόνος, εἴπερ τις ἕτερος τῶν πάλαι, ὑπόθεσιν, ἣν ἀπαθὴς μὲν ἄνθρωπος καὶ μακρὰν ἑστὼς τοῦ κατ' αὐτὴν κινδύνου μεγάλην εἴποι ἂν καὶ βαρυσύμφορον καὶ πάνδεινον καὶ ἀπευκταίαν καὶ οὐ ῥᾷον