History of the Arians.

Part I.

Arian Persecution Under Constantine.

And not long after they put in execution the designs for the sake of which they had had recourse to these artifices; for they no sooner had formed their plans, but they immediately admitted Arius and his fellows to communion. They set aside the repeated condemnations which had been passed upon them, and again pretended the imperial authority1    §33. in their behalf. And they were not ashamed to say in their letters, ‘since Athanasius suffered, all jealousy2    φθόνος. has ceased, and let us henceforward receive Arius and his fellows;’ adding, in order to frighten their hearers, ‘because the Emperor has commanded it.’ Moreover, they were not ashamed to add, ‘for these men profess orthodox opinions;’ not fearing that which is written, ‘Woe unto them that call bitter sweet, that put darkness for light3    Is. v. 20.;’ for they are ready to undertake anything in support of their heresy. Now is it not hereby plainly proved to all men, that we both suffered heretofore, and that you now persecute us, not under the authority of an Ecclesiastical sentence4    Infr. §76., but on the ground of the Emperor’s threats, and on account of our piety towards Christ? As also they conspired in like manner against other Bishops, fabricating charges against them also; some of whom fell asleep in the place of their exile, having attained the glory of Christian confession; and others are still banished from their country, and contend still more and more manfully against their heresy, saying, ‘Nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ5    Rom. viii. 35.?’

2. Arians sacrifice morality and integrity to party.

And hence also you may discern its character, and be able to condemn it more confidently. The man who is their friend and their associate in impiety, although he is open to ten thousand charges for other enormities which he has committed; although the evidence and proof against him are most clear; he is approved of by them, and straightway becomes the friend of the Emperor, obtaining an introduction by his impiety; and making very many pretences, he acquires confidence before the magistrates to do whatever he desires. But he who exposes their impiety, and honestly advocates the cause of Christ, though he is pure in all things, though he is conscious of no delinquencies, though he meets with no accuser; yet on the false pretences which they have framed against him, is immediately seized and sent into banishment under a sentence of the Emperor, as if he were guilty of the crimes which they wish to charge upon him, or as if, like Naboth, he had insulted the King; while he who advocates the cause of their heresy is sought for and immediately sent to take possession of the other’s Church; and henceforth confiscations and insults, and all kinds of cruelty are exercised against those who do not receive him. And what is the strangest of all, the man whom the people desire, and know to be blameless6    1 Tim. iii. 2., the Emperor takes away and banishes; but him whom they neither desire, nor know, he sends to them from a distant place with soldiers and letters from himself. And henceforward a strong necessity is laid upon them, either to hate him whom they love; who has been their teacher, and their father in godliness; and to love him whom they do not desire, and to trust their children to one of whose life and conversation and character they are ignorant; or else certainly to suffer punishment, if they disobey the Emperor.

3. Recklessness of their proceedings.

In this manner the impious are now proceeding, as heretofore, against the orthodox; giving proof of their malice and impiety amongst all men everywhere. For granting that they have accused Athanasius; yet what have the other Bishops done? On what grounds can they charge them? Has there been found in their case too the dead body of an Arsenius? Is there a Presbyter Macarius, or has a cup been broken amongst them? Is there a Meletian to play the hypocrite? No: but as their proceedings against the other Bishops shew the charges which they have brought against Athanasius, in all probability, to be false; so their attacks upon Athanasius make it plain, that their accusations of the other Bishops are unfounded likewise. This heresy has come forth upon the earth like some great monster, which not only injures the innocent with its words, as with teeth7    Vid. Dan. vii. 5, 7.; but it has also hired external power to assist it in its designs. And strange it is that, as I said before, no accusation is brought against any of them; or if any be accused, he is not brought to trial; or if a shew of enquiry be made, he is acquitted against evidence, while the convicting party is plotted against, rather than the culprit put to shame. Thus the whole party of them is full of idleness; and their spies, for Bishops8    Cf. §49. [The play on words cannot be rendered.] they are not, are the vilest of them all. And if any one among them desire to become a Bishop, he is not told, ‘a Bishop must be blameless9    1 Tim. iii. 2.;’ but only, ‘Take up opinions contrary to Christ, and care not for manners. This will be sufficient to obtain favour for you, and friendship with the Emperor.’ Such is the character of those who support the tenets of Arius. And they who are zealous for the truth, however holy and pure they shew themselves, are yet, as I said before, made culprits, whenever these men choose, and on whatever pretences it may seem good to them to invent. The truth of this, as I before remarked, you may clearly gather from their proceedings.

4. Arians persecute Eustathius and others.

There was one Eustathius10    Apol. Fug. 3, note 9., Bishop of Antioch, a Confessor, and sound in the Faith. This man, because he was very zealous for the truth, and hated the Arian heresy, and would not receive those who adopted its tenets, is falsely accused before the Emperor Constantine, and a charge invented against him, that he had insulted his mother11    If the common slander of the day concerning S. Helena was imputed to S. Eustathius, Constantine was likely to feel it keenly. ‘Stabulariam,’ says S. Ambrose, ‘hanc primo fuisse asserunt, sic cognitam Constantio.’ de Ob. Theod. 42, Stabularia, i.e. an innkeeper; so Rahab is sometimes considered to be ‘cauponaria sive tabernaria et meretrix,’ Cornel. à Lap. in Jos. ii. 1. ἐξ ὁμιλιας γυναικὸς οὐ σεμνῆς ουδὲ κατὰ νόμον συνελθούσης. Zosim, Hist. ii. p. 78. Constantinus ex concubina Helena procreatus. Hieron. in Chron. Euseb. p. 773. (ed. Vallars.) Tillemont however maintains (Empereurs, t. 4. p. 613), and Gibbon fully admits (Hist. ch. 14. p. 190), the legitimacy of Constantine. The latter adds, ‘Eutropius (x. 2.) expresses in a few words the real truth, and the occasion of the error, “ex obscuriori matrimonio ejus filius.”’ [Cf. Soz. ii. 19.]. And immediately he is driven into banishment, and a great number of Presbyters and Deacons with him. And immediately after the banishment of the Bishop, those whom he would not admit into the clerical order on account of their impiety were not only received into the Church by them, but were even appointed the greater part of them to be Bishops, in order that they might have accomplices in their impiety. Among these was Leontius the eunuch12    Below, §28, note., now of Antioch, and his predecessor Stephanus, George of Laodicea, and Theodosius who was of Tripolis, Eudoxius of Germanicia, and Eustathius13    Ep. Æg. 7., now of Sebastia.

5. Did they then stop here? No. For Eutropius14    Ap. Fug. 3., who was Bishop of Adrianople, a good man, and excellent in all respects, because he had often convicted Eusebius, and had advised them who came that way, not to comply with his impious dictates, suffered the same treatment as Eustathius, and was cast out of his city and his Church. Basilina15    Julian’s mother. was the most active in the proceedings against him. And Euphration of Balanea, Kymatius of Paltus, Carterius of Antaradus16    [The text must be corrected thus; see Apol. Fug. 3.], Asclepas of Gaza, Cyrus of Berœa in Syria, Diodorus of Asia, Domnion of Sirmium, and Ellanicus of Tripolis, were merely known to hate the heresy; and some of them on one pretence or another, some without any, they removed under the authority of royal letters, drove them out of their cities, and appointed others whom they knew to be impious men, to occupy the Churches in their stead.

6. Case of Marcellus.

Of Marcellus17    Apol. Ar. 32., the Bishop of Galatia, it is perhaps superfluous for me to speak; for all men have heard how Eusebius and his fellows, who had been first accused by him of impiety, brought a counter-accusation against him, and caused the old man to be banished. He went up to Rome, and there made his defence, and being required by them, he offered a written declaration of his faith, of which the Council of Sardica approved. But Eusebius and his fellows made no defence, nor, when they were convicted of impiety out of their writings, were they put to shame, but rather assumed greater boldness against all. For they had an introduction to the Emperor from the women18    i.e. Constantia, Constantine’s sister., and were formidable to all men.

7. Martyrdom of Paul of Constantinople.

And I suppose no one is ignorant of the case of Paul19    Ap. Fug. 3. For the presence of Ath. at CP. in 337, see Prolegg. ii. §5 fin.], Bishop of Constantinople; for the more illustrious any city is, so much the more that which takes place in it is not concealed. A charge was fabricated against him also. For Macedonius his accuser, who has now become Bishop in his stead (I was present myself at the accusation), afterwards held communion with him, and was a Presbyter under Paul himself. And yet when Eusebius with an evil eye wished to seize upon the Bishopric of that city (he had been translated in the same manner from Berytus to Nicomedia), the charge was revived against Paul; and they did not give up their plot, but persisted in the calumny. And he was banished first into Pontus by Constantine, and a second time by Constantius he was sent bound with iron chains to Singara in Mesopotamia, and from thence transferred to Emesa, and a fourth time he was banished to Cucusus in Cappadocia, near the deserts of Mount Taurus; where, as those who were with him have declared, he died by strangulation at their hands. And yet these men who never speak the truth, though guilty of this, were not ashamed after his death to invent another story, representing that he had died from illness; although all who live in that place know the circumstances. And even Philagrius20    [Cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) note 3.], who was then Deputy-Governor21    Vicarius, i.e. ‘vicarius Præfecti, agens vicem Præfecti;’ Gothofred in Cod. Theod. i. tit. 6. vid. their office, &c., drawn out at length, ibid. t. 6, p. 334. of those parts, and represented all their proceedings in such manner as they desired, was yet astonished at this; and being grieved perhaps that another, and not himself, had done the evil deed, he informed Serapion the Bishop, as well as many other of our friends, that Paul was shut up by them in a very confined and dark place, and left to perish of hunger; and when after six days they went in and found him still alive, they immediately set upon the man, and strangled him. This was the end of his life; and they said that Philip who was Prefect was their agent in the perpetration of this murder. Divine Justice, however, did not overlook this; for not a year passed, when Philip was deprived of his office in great disgrace, so that being reduced to a private station, he became the mockery of those whom he least desired to be the witnesses of his fall. For in extreme distress of mind, groaning and trembling like Cain22    Gen. iv. 12, LXX. supr. p. 241., and expecting every day that some one would destroy him, far from his country and his friends, he died, like one astounded at his misfortunes, in a manner that he least desired. Moreover these men spare not even after death those against whom they have invented charges whilst living. They are so eager to shew themselves formidable to all, that they banish the living, and shew no mercy on the dead; but alone of all the world they manifest their hatred to them that are departed, and conspire against their friends, truly inhuman as they are, and haters of that which is good, savage in temper beyond mere enemies, in behalf of their impiety, who eagerly plot the ruin of me and of all the rest, with no regard to truth, but by false charges.

8. Restoration of the Catholics.

Perceiving this to be the case, the three brothers, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, caused all after the death of their father to return to their own country and Church; and while they wrote letters concerning the rest to their respective Churches, concerning Athanasius they wrote the following; which likewise shews the violence of the whole proceedings, and proves the murderous disposition of Eusebius and his fellows.

A copy of the Letter of Constantine Cæsar to the people of the Catholic Church in the city of the Alexandrians.

I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your pious minds23    Given above, Apol. contr. Arian. §87., &c.

This is his letter; and what more credible witness of their conspiracy could there be than he, who knowing these circumstances has thus written of them?

ch1
... αὐτοὶ δὲ ὧν ταῦτα ἐμηχανήσαντο χάριν, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπλήρωσαν. ἅμα γὰρ ἐπεβούλευσαν καὶ εὐθὺς τοὺς περὶ Ἄρειον εἰς κοινωνίαν ἐδέξαντο. καὶ τὰς μὲν τοσαύτας κατ' αὐτῶν κρίσεις παρεωράκασι, βασιλικὴν δὲ πάλιν ἐξουσίαν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν προεφασίσαντο· γράφοντές τε οὐκ ᾐσχύνθησαν εἰπεῖν ὅτι «Ἀθανασίου παθόντος ὁ μὲν φθόνος πέπαυται, τοὺς δὲ περὶ Ἄρειον λοιπὸν δεξώμεθα», προστιθέντες πρὸς φόβον τῶν ἀκουόντων ὅτι «τοῦ το γὰρ βασιλεὺς προσέταξεν». εἶτα οὐκ ᾐσχύνθησαν προσθεῖναι, ὅτι καὶ ὀρθῶς φρονοῦ σιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, μὴ φοβηθέντες τὸ γεγραμμένον· «οὐαὶ οἱ λέγοντες τὸ πικρὸν γλυκύ, οἱ τιθέντες τὸ σκότος φῶς». πάντα γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῆς αἱρέσεως ὑπομένειν εἰσὶν ἕτοιμοι. ἆρ' οὖν οὐχὶ καὶ ἐκ τούτου πᾶσιν ἄντικρυς δείκνυται, ὡς οὐκ ἐκκλησιαστικῇ κρίσει, ἀλλ' ἐκ βασιλέως ἀπειλῆς διὰ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν εὐσέβειαν καὶ τότε πεπόνθαμεν καὶ νῦν διωκόμεθα; καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἑτέροις οὕτως ἐπεβούλευσαν ἐπισκόποις πλασάμενοι καὶ κατ' ἐκείνων πάλιν προφάσεις, ὧν οἱ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἐξορισμοῖς ἐκοιμήθησαν ἔχοντες τὸ καύχημα τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν ὁμολογίας, οἱ δὲ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὑπερόριοι τυγχάνουσιν, ἀνδριζόμενοι μᾶλλον κατὰ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἐκείνων καὶ λέγοντες· «οὐδὲν ἡμᾶς χωρίσει ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ Χριστοῦ ».
Ἔξεστι δὲ καὶ ἐκ τούτου πάλιν αὐτὴν καταμαθεῖν καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτῆς καταγνῶναι. ὁ μὲν γὰρ φίλος καὶ συνασεβῶν ἐκείνοις, κἂν ἐν ἄλλοις πλημμελήμασι καὶ μυρίοις ἐγκλήμασιν ὑπεύθυνος τυγχάνῃ, κἂν ἔχῃ τοὺς ἐλέγχους καὶ τὰς ἀποδείξεις λευκοτάτας, οὗτος δόκιμος παρ' αὐτοῖς καὶ βασιλέως εὐθὺς γίνεται φίλος ἔχων τὴν σύστασιν ἐκ τῆς ἀσεβείας, χρηματισθείς τε πλεῖστα λαμβάνει καὶ παρρησίαν ποιεῖν, ἃ βούλεται, παρὰ τοῖς δικασταῖς. ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀσέβειαν ἐκείνων ἐλέγχων καὶ τὰ Χριστοῦ γνησίως πρεσβεύων, οὗτος, κἂν καθαρὸς ἐν πᾶσιν ὑπάρχῃ, κἂν μηδὲν ἑαυτῷ συγγινώσκῃ, κἂν μὴ κατήγορον ἔχῃ, ἀλλ' ἐκείνων προφάσεις πλασαμένων εὐθὺς ἁρπάζεται καὶ κρίσει βασιλέως αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπερόριος γίνεται ὡς ὑπεύθυνος, οἷς ἂν ἐκεῖνοι θελήσωσιν, ἢ ὡς βασιλέα ὑβρίσας ὡς ὁ Ναβουθέ. ὁ δὲ πρεσ βεύων τὰ τῆς αἱρέσεως ἐκείνων ζητεῖται καὶ εὐθὺς ἀποστέλλεται εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐκείνου καὶ λοιπὸν δημεύσεις καὶ ὕβρεις καὶ πάντα τὰ δεινὰ κατὰ τῶν μὴ δεχομένων ἐκεῖνον. καὶ τὸ παραδοξότατον, ὃν μὲν οἱ λαοὶ βούλονται καὶ γινώσκουσιν ἀνεπίληπτον, τοῦτον ἀφαιρεῖται καὶ ἐξορίζει βασιλεύς, ὃν δὲ μήτε βούλονται μήτε γινώσκουσι, τοῦτον μακρόθεν μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἀποστέλλει καὶ γραμμάτων ἑαυτοῦ. καὶ λοιπὸν ἀνάγκη πολλὴ μισεῖν μὲν ὃν ἀγαπῶσι τὸν κατηχήσαντα καὶ πατέρα γενόμενον ἐν θεοσεβείᾳ, ἀγαπᾶν δὲ ὃν οὐ βούλονται καὶ πιστεύειν ἑαυτῶν τὰ τέκνα, οὗ τὸν βίον καὶ τὴν ἀναστροφὴν καὶ τίς ἐστιν οὐ γινώσκουσιν, ἢ δηλονότι τιμωρίαν ὑπομένειν, ἢν μὴ πείθωνται βασιλεῖ.
Ταῦτα καὶ νῦν δρῶσι καὶ πάλαι πεποιήκασιν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς κατὰ τῶν ὀρθοδόξων γνώρισμα τῆς ἑαυτῶν κακοηθείας καὶ ἀσεβείας πανταχοῦ παρὰ πᾶσι παρασχόντες. ἔστω γάρ, Ἀθανάσιον ᾐτιάσαντο· τί καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι πεποιήκασιν ἐπίσκοποι; ποίας ἄρα προφάσεις εἶχον ἢ ποῖος ἄρα κἀκεῖ νεκρὸς Ἀρσένιος εὑρέθη; ποῖος παρ' αὐτοῖς Μακάριος πρεσβύτερος καὶ ποτήριον πέπλασται; ποῖος Μελιτιανὸς ὑπεκρίνετο; ἀλλ' ὡς ἔοικεν ἐξ ἐκείνων καὶ τὰ κατὰ Ἀθανάσιον δείκνυται ψευδῆ. καὶ ἐξ ὧν δὲ Ἀθανασίῳ ἐπεχείρησαν, δῆλα καὶ τὰ κατ' ἐκείνων ἐστὶ πεπλασμένα. μέγα τι θηρίον ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ γῆς ἡ αἵρεσις αὕτη. οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοῖς ῥήμασιν ὡς τοῖς ὀδοῦσι βλάπτει τοὺς ἀκεραίους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἔξωθεν ἐξουσίαν ἐμισθώσατο πρὸς ἐπιβουλήν. καὶ τὸ παράδοξον, ὅτι, καθὰ προεῖπον, οὐδεὶς ἐξ ἐκείνων κατηγορεῖται, ἂν δὲ κατηγορηθῇ, οὐ κρίνεται ἢ δόξας ἀκούεσθαι δικαιοῦται κατὰ τῶν ἐλεγχόντων, καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ ἐλέγχων ἐπιβουλεύεται ἢ ὁ ὑπεύθυνος ὅλως ἐντρέπεται. πάντες γοῦν οἱ παρ' αὐτοῖς μεστοὶ ῥύπου τυγχάνουσι καὶ οἱ παρ' αὐ τοῖς κατάσκοποι, οὐ γὰρ ἐπίσκοποι, μᾶλλόν εἰσι πάντων ῥυπαρώτεροι. καὶ εἴ τις παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐπίσκοπος θέλει γενέσθαι, οὐκ ἀκούει· «δεῖ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἀνεπίληπτον εἶναι», ἀλλὰ μόνον· «φρόνει κατὰ Χριστοῦ καὶ μὴ φρόντιζε περὶ τρόπων, ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ἐκεῖνό σοι πρὸς σύστασιν καὶ πρὸς βασιλέως φιλίαν». ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν τὰ Ἀρείου φρονούντων, οἱ δὲ τῆς ἀληθείας ζηλωταί, κἂν ἅγιοι καὶ καθαροὶ φαίνωνται, καθὰ προ εῖπον, ἀλλ' ὑπεύθυνοι γίνονται, ὅταν οὗτοι θέλωσι καὶ ὡς ἂν αὐτοῖς δοκῇ πρόφασιν πλα σαμένοις. καὶ τοῦτο ἔξεστι, καθὰ προεῖπον, ἐκ τῶν παρ' αὐτῶν πραχθέντων συνιδεῖν.
Εὐστάθιός τις ἦν ἐπίσκοπος τῆς Ἀντιοχείας, ἀνὴρ ὁμολογητὴς καὶ τὴν πίστιν εὐ σεβής. οὗτος ἐπειδὴ πολὺς ἦν ζηλῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας τήν τε ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν ἐμίσει καὶ τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὰ ἐκείνης οὐκ ἐδέχετο, διαβάλλεται Κωνσταντίνῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρόφασίς τε ἐπινοεῖται ὡς τῇ μητρὶ αὐτοῦ ποιήσας ὕβριν. καὶ εὐθὺς ἐξόριστος αὐτός τε γίνεται καὶ πολὺς σὺν αὐτῷ πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων ἀριθμός. καὶ λοιπὸν οὓς οὐκ ἐδέχετο διὰ τὴν ἀσέβειαν εἰς κλῆρον, τούτους μετὰ τὸ ἐξορισθῆναι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον οὐ μόνον εἰσήγαγον εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πλείστους ἐπισκόπους κατέστησαν, ἵν' ἔχωσι συνωμότας ἑαυτῶν εἰς τὴν ἀσέβειαν. ἐκ τούτων ἐστὶ Λεόντιος ὁ ἀπόκοπος ὁ νῦν ἐν Ἀντιο χείᾳ καὶ ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ Στέφανος Γεώργιός τε ὁ ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ καὶ ὁ γενόμενος ἐν Τριπόλει Θεοδόσιος Εὐδόξιός τε ὁ ἐν Γερμανικείᾳ καὶ Εὐστάθιος ὁ νῦν ἐν Σεβαστείᾳ.
Ἆρ' οὖν μέχρι τούτων ἔστησαν; οὐχί· καὶ γὰρ καὶ Εὐτρόπιος ὁ ἐν Ἀδριανουπόλει γενόμενος ἐπίσκοπος, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ ἐν πᾶσι τέλειος, ἐπειδὴ πολλάκις τὸν Εὐσέβιον ἤλεγξε τοῖς τε διοδεύουσι συνεβούλευε μὴ πείθεσθαι τοῖς ἀσεβέσιν Εὐσεβίου ῥήμασι, τὰ αὐτὰ τῷ Εὐσταθίῳ πάσχει καὶ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκβάλλεται. Βασιλίνα γὰρ ἦν ἡ πάνυ κατ' αὐτοῦ σπουδάζουσα. Εὐφρατίων γὰρ ὁ ἐν Βαλανέαις καὶ Κυμάτιος ὁ ἐν Παλτῷ καὶ Καρτέριος [ἕτερος] ὁ ἐν Ἀνταράδῳ καὶ ὁ ἐν Γάζῃ Ἀσκληπᾶς καὶ Κῦρος ὁ ἐν Βεροίᾳ τῆς Συρίας καὶ ∆ιόδωρος ὁ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ∆ομνίων ὁ ἐν Σιρμίῳ καὶ Ἑλλανικὸς ὁ ἐν Τριπόλει μόνον ἐγνώσθησαν μισοῦντες τὴν αἵρεσιν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν μετὰ προφάσεως, τοὺς δὲ χωρὶς ταύτης βασιλικοῖς γράμμασι μεταστήσαντες τῆς τε πόλεως ἐκβαλόντες ἑτέρους ἀντ' αὐτῶν, οὓς ἐγίνωσκον ἀσεβοῦντας, εἰς τὰς ἐκείνων ἐκκλησίας κατέστησαν.
Καὶ περὶ Μαρκέλλου τοῦ τῆς Γαλατίας ἐπισκόπου περιττὸν ἴσως ἐστὶ λέγειν, πάντες γὰρ ἔγνωσαν, ὡς πρότερον ἐγκαλούμενοι παρ' αὐτοῦ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀσεβείας ἀντενεκά λεσαν αὐτῷ καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ πεποιήκασιν ἐξορισθῆναι τὸν γέροντα. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνελ θὼν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπελογήσατο καὶ ἀπαιτούμενος παρ' αὐτῶν δέδωκεν ἔγγραφον τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πίστιν, ἣν καὶ ἡ κατὰ Σαρδικὴν σύνοδος ἀπεδέξατο, οἱ δὲ περὶ Εὐσέβιον οὔτε ἀπελογήσαντο οὔτε ἐλεγχόμενοι ἐξ ὧν ἔγραψαν ἀσεβεῖς, ἐνετράπησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐθρασύνοντο κατὰ πάντων· εἶχον γὰρ τὴν πρὸς βασιλέα παρὰ τῶν γυναικῶν σύστασιν καὶ πᾶσιν ἦσαν φοβεροί.
Περὶ δὲ Παύλου τοῦ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐπισκόπου νομίζω μηδένα ἀγνοεῖν. ὅσῳ γὰρ ἐπιφανὴς ἡ πόλις, τοσούτῳ καὶ τὸ γενόμενον οὐ κέκρυπται. καὶ κατὰ τούτου τοίνυν πρόφασις ἐπλάσθη. καὶ γὰρ ὁ κατηγορήσας αὐτοῦ Μακεδόνιος ὁ νῦν ἐπίσκοπος ἀντ' αὐτοῦ γενόμενος παρόντων ἡμῶν κατὰ τὴν κατηγορίαν κεκοινώνηκεν αὐτῷ καὶ πρεσ βύτερος ἦν ὑπ' αὐτὸν τὸν Παῦλον. καὶ ὅμως ἐπειδὴ Εὐσέβιος ἐπωφθαλμία θέλων ἁρπάσαι τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς πόλεως (οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἀπὸ Βηρυτοῦ εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν μετῆλθεν), ἔμεινεν ἡ πρόφασις κατὰ Παύλου, καὶ οὐκ ἠμέλησαν τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, ἀλλ' ἔμειναν διαβάλ λοντες. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εἰς τὸν Πόντον ἐξωρίσθη ὑπὸ Κωνστατίνου, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον παρὰ Κωνσταντίου, δεθεὶς ἁλύσεσι σιδηραῖς, εἰς Σίγγαρα τῆς Μεσοποταμίας ἐξωρίσθη, εἶτα ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Ἔμισαν μετηνέχθη, καὶ τὸ τέταρτον εἰς Κούκουσον τῆς Καππαδοκίας περὶ τὰ ἔρημα τοῦ Ταύρου, ἔνθα καί, ὡς οἱ συνόντες ἀπήγγειλαν, ἀποπνιγεὶς παρ' αὐτῶν ἐτελεύτησε. τοῦτο μέντοι δράσαντες οὐκ ᾐσχύνθησαν οὐδὲ μετὰ θάνατον οἱ μηδὲν ἀληθεύοντες πλάσασθαι πάλιν πρόφασιν ὡς ἀπὸ νόσου τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ, καίτοι τοῦτο γινωσκόντων πάντων τῶν κατοικούντων τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον. καὶ γὰρ καὶ Φιλάγριος, βικάριος ὢν τότε τῶν τόπων ἐκείνων καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐκείνων ὑποκρι νόμενος, ὡς ἂν αὐτοὶ θέλωσιν, ὅμως ἐπὶ τούτῳ θαυμάζων καὶ λυπηθεὶς ἴσως, ὅτι μὴ αὐτὸς ἀλλ' ἕτερος εἰργάσατο τὸ κακόν, ἀπήγγειλε πολλοῖς τε ἄλλοις καὶ γνωρίμοις ἡμῶν καὶ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Σαραπίωνι, ὡς Παῦλος ἀποκλεισθεὶς παρ' ἐκείνων εἰς τόπον τινὰ βραχύτατον καὶ σκοτεινὸν ἀφείθη λιμῷ διαφθαρῆναι, εἶτα μεθ' ἡμέρας ἕξ, ὡς εἰσ ελθόντες εὗρον αὐτὸν ἔτι πνέοντα, λοιπὸν ἐπελθόντες ἀπέπνιξαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. καὶ οὕτω τέλος ἔσχε τοῦ βίου τούτου. τοῦ δὲ τοιούτου θανάτου διάκονον ἔλεγον γεγε νῆσθαι Φίλιππον τὸν γενόμενον ἔπαρχον. ἀλλ' οὐδὲ τοῦτο παρεῖδεν ἡ θεία δίκη· οὐδὲ γὰρ παρῆλθεν ἐνιαυτός, καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀτιμίας καθῃρέθη τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Φίλιππος, οὕτως ὡς ἰδιώτην γενόμενον ὑφ' ὧν οὐκ ἤθελε καταπαίζεσθαι. πάνυ γοῦν καὶ αὐτὸς λυπούμενος καὶ κατὰ τὸν Κάιν «στένων καὶ τρέμων» καὶ καθ' ἡμέραν προσδοκῶν τὸν ἀναιροῦντα ἔξω τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ὥσπερ ἐκπλαγείς, ἐπεὶ μὴ οὕτως ἤθελεν, ἀπέθανε. πλὴν ὅτι καὶ κατὰ νεκρῶν οὐ φείδονται, καθ' ὧν καὶ ζώντων ἐπλάσαντο προφάσεις· οὕτω γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς πρὸς πάντας φοβεροὺς ἐπιδεικνύειν ἐσπούδασαν, καὶ ζῶντας μὲν ἐξορίζουσιν, ἀποθανόντας δὲ οὐκ ἐλεοῦσιν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε μόνοι παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους μισοῦσι τοὺς ἀπελθόντας καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις αὐτῶν ἐπιβουλεύουσιν οἱ τῷ ὄντι ἀπάνθρωποι καὶ μισόκαλοι καὶ πλέον ἐχθρῶν τὸν τρόπον ἄγριον ἔχοντες διὰ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀσέβειαν οἱ μὴ ἐξ ἀληθείας, ἀλλ' ἐκ πεπλασμένων προφάσεων ἡμῖν τε καὶ τοῖς ἑτέροις πᾶσιν ἐπιβουλεύειν σπουδάσαντες.
Ταῦτα συνορῶντες οἱ τρεῖς ἀδελφοὶ Κωνσταντῖνος Κωνστάντιος καὶ Κώνστας ἐποίησαν πάντας μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν γράψαντες περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἰδίᾳ τῇ ἑκάστου ἐκκλησίᾳ, περὶ δὲ Ἀθανασίου ταῦτα, ἃ πάλιν τὴν μὲν τοῦ πράγματος βίαν δείκνυσι, τὴν δὲ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀνδροφόνον προαίρεσιν ἐλέγχει. 8.2τ Ἀντίγραφον Κωνσταντῖνος Καῖσαρ τῷ λαῷ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας πόλεως τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων. Οὐδὲ τὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας ἱερᾶς ἐννοίας διαπεφευγέναι γνῶσιν οἶμαι, διὰ τοῦτο Ἀθα νάσιον τὸν τοῦ προσκυνητοῦ νόμου ὑποφήτην ... (Ἐγράφη ὀπίσω εἰς τὸν οεʹ λόγον ἀπαραλλάκτως.) Τὰ μὲν οὖν γραφέντα ταῦτα, τῆς δὲ συσκευῆς αὐτῶν τίς ἕτερος ἀξιόπιστος τούτου μάρτυς ἂν γένοιτο; ταῦτα γὰρ εἰδὼς οὕτως καὶ αὐτὸς ἔγραψεν.