Apologia Contra Arianos. (Defence Against the…
Chapter II.—Letter of Julius to the Eusebians at Antioch.
Eusebius and his fellows wrote also to Julius, and thinking to frighten me, requested him to call a council, and to be himself the judge, if he so pleased63 a.d. 339. vid. Hist. Arian. §11. [Socrates (iii. 5) and Sozomenus (ii. 8, &c.), confuse the Antiochene Synod, which sent the letter referred to, with the Synod of the ‘Dedication’ held in 341 a.d., after the receipt of the letter of Julius.] Cf. Orat. i. 2 and notes.. When therefore I went up to Rome, Julius wrote to Eusebius and his fellows as was suitable, and sent moreover two of his own Presbyters64 Vito and Vincentius, Presbyters, had represented Silvester at Nicæa. Liberius sent Vincentius, Bishop, and Marcellus, Bishop, to Constantius; and again Lucifer, Bishop, and Eusebius, Bishop. [The practice was common to all bishops, not peculiar to that of Rome.] S. Basil suggests that Damasus should send legates into the East, Ep. 69. The Council of Sardica, Can. 5, recognised the Pope’s power of sending legates into foreign Provinces to hear certain appeals; “ut de Latere suo Presbyterum mittat.” [It conferred the power (1) upon Julius (2) without any right of initiative, in Can. 3; Can. 5 simply regulates the exercise of the power thus conferred. The genuineness of these Canons has been disputed: at Rome they were quoted in the fifth century as ‘Nicene.’] vid. Thomassin. de Eccl. Disc. Part I. ii. 117. [D.C.B. iii. 530, D.C.A. 197, 1658.] Ad. Ep. Æg. §22. supr. §11., Elpidius and Philoxenus65 [Date uncertain; see Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) sub fin., and note there.] [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) ad fin.] Athan. speaks more openly against this arrangement. infr. §71.. But they, when they heard of me, were thrown into confusion, as not expecting my going up thither; and they declined the proposed Council, alleging unsatisfactory reasons for so doing, but in truth they were afraid lest the things should be proved against them which Valens and Ursacius afterwards confessed66 Infr. §58. [According to the tenses in the original the five months mark the date not of Alexander’s death (April 17, 328), but of the renewed Meletian troubles. The settlement did not keep them quiet for five months. The terminus a quo of the five months is somewhat doubtful; but it certainly is not the Council of Nicæa, see §71, &c. Montf. Monit. in Vit. S. Athanasii, also Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) and ch. v. §3 a.]. However, more than fifty Bishops assembled, in the place where the Presbyter Vito held his congregation; and they acknowledged my defence, and gave me the confirmation67 Vid. infr. §36. Ad. Ep Æg. 23. both of their communion and their love. On the other hand, they expressed great indignation against Eusebius and his fellows, and requested that Julius would write to the following effect to those of their number who had written to him. Which accordingly he did, and sent it by the hand of Count Gabianus.
The Letter of Julius.
Julius to his dearly beloved brethren68 By Danius, which had been considered the same name as Dianius, Bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, Montfaucon in loc. understands the notorious Arian Bishop of Nicæa, called variously Diognius (supr. §13.), Theognius (infr §28.), Theognis (Philost. Hist. ii. 7.), Theogonius, (Theod. Hist. i. 19.), and assigns some ingenious and probable reasons for his supposition. [‘Danius’ was the Bishop of Cæsarea in Cappad., he also signs at Philippopolis. See D.C.B. under Dianius and Basil.] Flacillus, Arian Bishop of Antioch, as Athan. names him, is called Placillus (in S. Jerome’s Chronicon, p. 785.), Placitus (Soz. iii. 5.), Flacitus (Theod. Hist. i. 21.). Theodorus was Arian Bishop of Heraclea, whose Comments on the Psalms are supposed to be those which bear his name in Corderius’s Catena. [He was not a thorough Arian.] Supr. §7, and de Decr. 27., Danius, Flacillus, Narcissus, Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, and their friends, who have written to me from Antioch, sends health in the Lord.
21. I have read your letter69 Some of the topics contained in the Eusebian Letter are specified in Julius’s answer. It acknowledged, besides, the high dignity of the [church] of Rome, as being a “School (φροντιστήριον) of Apostles and a Metropolis of orthodoxy from the beginning,” but added that “doctors came to it from the east; and they ought not themselves to hold the second place, for they were superior in virtue, though not in their Church.” And they said that they would hold communion with Julius if he would agree to their depositions and substitutions in the Eastern Sees. Soz. iii. 8. παλατῖνοι, vid. Apol. ad Const. §19. which was brought to me by my Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I am surprised to find that, whereas I wrote to you in charity and with conscious sincerity, you have replied to me in an unbecoming and contentious temper; for the pride and arrogance of the writers is plainly exhibited in that letter. Yet such feelings are inconsistent with the Christian faith; for what was written in a charitable spirit ought likewise to be answered in a spirit of charity and not of contention. And was it not a token of charity to send Presbyters to sympathize with them that are in suffering, and to desire those who had written to me to come thither, that the questions at issue might obtain a speedy settlement, and all things be duly ordered, so that our brethren might no longer be exposed to suffering, and that you might escape further calumny? But something seems to shew that your temper is such, as to force us to conclude that even in the terms in which you appeared to pay honour to us, you have expressed yourselves under the disguise of irony. The Presbyters also whom we sent to you, and who ought to have returned rejoicing, did on the contrary return sorrowful on account of the proceedings they had witnessed among you. And I, when I had read your letter, after much consideration, kept it to myself, thinking that after all some of you would come, and there would be no need to bring it forward, lest if it should be openly exhibited, it should grieve many of our brethren here. But when no one arrived, and it became necessary that the letter should be produced, I declare to you, they were all astonished, and were hardly able to believe that such a letter had been written by you at all; for it is expressed in terms of contention rather than of charity.
Now if the author of it wrote with an ambition of exhibiting his power of language, such a practice surely is more suitable for other subjects: in ecclesiastical matters, it is not a display of eloquence that is needed, but the observance of Apostolic Canons, and an earnest care not to offend one of the little ones of the Church. For it were better for a man, according to the word of the Church, that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the sea, than that he should offend even one of the little ones70 Matt. xviii. 6. Infr. §71 fin. Sozom. ii. 25.. But if such a letter was written, because certain persons have been aggrieved on account of their meanness of spirit towards one another (for I will not impute it to all); it were better not to entertain any such feeling of offence at all, at least not to let the sun go down upon their vexation; and certainly not to give it room to exhibit itself in writing.
22. Yet what has been done that is a just cause of vexation? or in what respect was my letter to you such? Was it, that I invited you to be present at a council? You ought rather to have received the proposal with joy. Those who have confidence in their proceedings, or as they choose to term them, in their decisions, are not wont to be angry, if such decision is inquired into by others; they rather shew all boldness, seeing that if they have given a just decision, it can never prove to be the reverse. The Bishops who assembled in the great Council of Nicæa agreed, not without the will of God, that the decisions of one council should be examined in another71 As this determination does not find a place among the now received Canons of the Council, the passage in the text becomes of great moment in the argument in favour of the twenty Canons extant in Greek being but a portion of those passed at Nicæa. vid. Alber. Dissert. in Hist. Eccles. vii. Abraham Ecchellensis has argued on the same side (apud Colet. Concil. t. ii. p. 399. Ed. Ven. 1728), also Baronius, though not so strongly, Ann. 325. nn. 157 &c. and Montfaucon in loc. Natalis Alexander, Sæc. 4. Dissert. 28 argues against the larger number, and Tillemont, Mem. vi. 674. [But it is far more likely that Julius is making a free use of Can. Nic. 5; the Arabic canons are apparently referred to in the above note: no one now defends them.] στιχάρια, ecclesiastical. [See D.C.A. p. 1933.], to the end that the judges, having before their eyes that other trial which was to follow, might be led to investigate matters with the utmost caution, and that the parties concerned in their sentence might have assurance that the judgment they received was just, and not dictated by the enmity of their former judges. Now if you are unwilling that such a practice should be adopted in your own case, though it is of ancient standing, and has been noticed and recommended by the great Council, your refusal is not becoming; for it is unreasonable that a custom which had once obtained in the Church, and been established by councils, should be set aside by a few individuals.
For a further reason they cannot justly take offence in this point. When the persons whom you, Eusebius and his fellows, dispatched with your letters, I mean Macarius the Presbyter, and Martyrius and Hesychius the Deacons, arrived here, and found that they were unable to withstand the arguments of the Presbyters who came from Athanasius, but were confuted and exposed on all sides, they then requested me to call a Council together, and to write to Alexandria to the Bishop Athanasius, and also to Eusebius and his fellows, in order that a just judgment might be given in presence of all parties. And they undertook in that case to prove all the charges which had been brought against Athanasius. For Martyrius and Hesychius had been publicly refuted by us, and the Presbyters of the Bishop Athanasius had withstood them with great confidence: indeed, if one must tell the truth, Martyrius and his fellows had been utterly overthrown; and this it was that led them to desire that a Council might be held. Now supposing that they had not desired a Council, but that I had been the person to propose it, in discouragement of those who had written to me, and for the sake of our brethren who complain that they have suffered injustice; even in that case the proposal would have been reasonable and just, for it is agreeable to ecclesiastical practice, and well pleasing to God. But when those persons, whom you, Eusebius and his fellows, considered to be trustworthy, when even they wished me to call the brethren together, it was inconsistent in the parties invited to take offence, when they ought rather to have shewn all readiness to be present. These considerations shew that the display of anger in the offended persons is petulant, and the refusal of those who decline to meet the Council is unbecoming, and has a suspicious appearance. Does any one find fault, if he sees that done by another, which he would allow if done by himself? If, as you write, each council has an irreversible force, and he who has given judgment on a matter is dishonoured, if his sentence is examined by others; consider, dearly beloved, who are they that dishonour councils? who are setting aside the decisions of former judges? Not to inquire at present into every individual case, lest I should appear to press too heavily on certain parties, the last instance that has occurred, and which every one who hears it must shudder at, will be sufficient in proof of the others which I omit.
23. The Arians who were excommunicated for their impiety by Alexander, the late Bishop of Alexandria, of blessed memory, were not only proscribed by the brethren in the several cities, but were also anathematised by the whole body assembled together in the great Council of Nicæa. For theirs was no ordinary offence, neither had they sinned against man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, the Son of the living God. And yet these persons who were proscribed by the whole world, and branded in every Church, are said now to have been admitted to communion again; which I think even you ought to hear with indignation. Who then are the parties who dishonour a council? Are not they who have set at nought the votes of the Three hundred72 The number of the Fathers at the Nicene Council is generally considered to have been 318, the number of Abraham’s servants, Gen. xiv. 14. Anastasius (Hodeg. 3. fin.) referring to the first three Ecumenical Councils, speaks of the faith of the 318, the 150, and the 200. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1).] They are lost., and have preferred impiety to godliness? The heresy of the Arian madmen was condemned and proscribed by the whole body of Bishops everywhere; but the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus have many supporters who speak and write in their behalf. We have received testimony in favour of Marcellus73 Cf. §32. Suburb of Nicomedia, infr. §65., that he resisted the advocates of the Arian doctrines in the Council of Nicæa; and in favour of Athanasius74 Cf. §73. ἀρχιερεσίαν, that at Tyre nothing was brought home to him, and that in the Mareotis, where the Reports against him are said to have been drawn up, he was not present. Now you know, dearly beloved, that ex parte proceedings are of no weight, but bear a suspicious appearance. Nevertheless, these things being so, we, in order to be accurate, and neither shewing any prepossession in favour of yourselves, nor of those who wrote in behalf of the other party, invited those who had written to us to come hither; that, since there were many who wrote in their behalf, all things might be enquired into in a council, and neither the guiltless might be condemned, nor the person on his trial be accounted innocent. We then are not the parties who dishonour a council, but they who at once and recklessly have received the Arians whom all had condemned, and contrary to the decision of the judges. The greater part of those judges have now departed, and are with Christ; but some of them are still in this life of trial, and are indignant at learning that certain persons have set aside their judgment.
24. We have also been informed of the following circumstance by those who were at Alexandria. A certain Carpones, who had been excommunicated by Alexander for Arianism, was sent hither by one Gregory with certain others, also excommunicated for the same heresy. However, I had learnt the matter also from the Presbyter Macarius, and the Deacons Martyrius and Hesychius. For before the Presbyters of Athanasius arrived they urged me to send letters to one Pistus at Alexandria, though at the same time the Bishop Athanasius was there. And when the Presbyters of the Bishop Athanasius came, they informed me that this Pistus was an Arian, and that he had been excommunicated75 Cf. supr. Depos. Ar. Cf. §§46, 72, 77. by the Bishop Alexander and the Council of Nicæa, and then ordained76 Cf. Ep. Æg. 7, 19, Hist. Ar. 63. Cf. de Syn. 16, [and Fest Ind. passim]. by one Secundus, whom also the great Council excommunicated as an Arian. This statement Martyrius and his fellows did not gainsay, nor did they deny that Pistus had received his ordination from Secundus. Now consider, after this who are most justly liable to blame? I, who could not be prevailed upon to write to the Arian Pistus; or those, who advised me to do dishonour to the great Council, and to address the irreligious as if they were religious persons? Moreover, when the Presbyter Macarius, who had been sent hither by Eusebius with Martyrius and the rest, heard of the opposition which had been made by the Presbyters of Athanasius, while we were expecting his appearance with Martyrius and Hesychius, he departed in the night, in spite of a bodily ailment; which leads us to conjecture that his departure arose from shame on account of the exposure which had been made concerning Pistus. For it is impossible that the ordination of the Arian Secundus should be considered valid in the Catholic Church. This would indeed be dishonour to the Council, and to the Bishops who composed it, if the decrees they framed, as in the presence of God, with such extreme earnestness and care, should be set aside as worthless.
25. If, as you write77 Vid. also Hilar. Fragm. iii. 20. [Cf. the list of Mareotic clergy supr., p. 72. The three deacons of Alexandria are in the list, p. 71]., the decrees of all Councils ought to be of force, according to the precedent in the case of Novatus78 The instance of Novatian makes against the Eusebians, because for some time after Novatian was condemned in the West, his cause was abandoned in the East. Tillemont, Mem. t. 7. p. 277. Vid. §60. and Paul of Samosata, all the more ought not the sentence of the Three hundred to be reversed, certainly a general Council ought not to be set at nought by a few individuals. For the Arians are heretics as they, and the like sentence has been passed both against one and the other. And, after such bold proceedings as these, who are they that have lighted up the flame of discord? for in your letter you blame us for having done this. Is it we, who have sympathised with the sufferings of the brethren, and have acted in all respects according to the Canon; or they who contentiously and contrary to the Canon have set aside the sentence of the Three hundred, and dishonoured the Council in every way? For not only have the Arians been received into communion, but Bishops also have made a practice of removing from one place to another79 Vid. supr. §6. Dalmatius was the name of father and son, the brother and nephew of Constantine. Socrates, Hist. i. 27. gives the title of Censor to the son; but the Chron. Pasch. p. 531 (Dind.) gives it to the father. Valesius, and apparently Tillemont (Empereurs, vol. 4. p. 657) think Socrates mistaken. The younger Dalmatius was created Cæsar by Constantine a few years before his death; and as well as his brother Hannibalian, and a number of other relatives, was put to death by the soldiery, on the death of Constantine. vid. Hist. Ar. 69. [Gwatkin, p. 108 note].. Now if you really believe that all Bishops have the same and equal authority80 Cyprian. de Unit. Eccl. 4. Ecclus. 30. 4., and you do not, as you assert, account of them according to the magnitude of their cities; he that is entrusted with a small city ought to abide in the place committed to him, and not from disdain of his trust to remove to one that has never been put under him; despising that which God has given him, and making much of the vain applause of men. You ought then, dearly beloved, to have come and not declined, that the matter may be brought to a conclusion; for this is what reason demands.
But perhaps you were prevented by the time fixed upon for the Council, for you complain in your letter that the interval before the day we appointed81 προθεσμία δέσποτα. Theod. H. E. i. 5. init. was too short. But this, beloved, is a mere excuse. Had the day forestalled any when on the journey, the interval allowed would then have been proved to be too short. But when persons do not wish to come, and detain even my Presbyters up to the month of January82 a.d. 340. [The μονὴ here is not a monastery in the later sense, but a village or cluster of cells. This intercepted letter demonstrates the existence of Meletian monks, of which there is other evidence also: (see below, Introd. to Vit. Ant. The objection of Weingarten to the genuineness of this letter is purely arbitrary)]., it is the mere excuse of those who have no confidence in their cause; otherwise, as I said before, they would have come, not regarding the length of the journey, not considering the shortness of the time, but trusting to the justice and reasonableness of their cause. But perhaps they did not come on account of the aspect of the times83 The Persian war. Hist. Arian. §11. According to the system of government introduced by Diocletian and Constantine, there were thirty-five military commanders of the troops, under the Magistri militum, and all of these bore the name of duces or dukes; the comites, or counts, were ten out of the number, who were distinguished as companions of the Emperor. vid. Gibbon, ch. 17. Three of these dukes were stationed in Egypt [i.e. in the whole prefecture; one only in the province of Egypt in the narrower sense]., for again you declare in your letter, that we ought to have considered the present circumstances of the East, and not to have urged you to come. Now if as you say you did not come because the times were such, you ought to have considered such times beforehand, and not to have become the authors of schism, and of mourning and lamentation in the Churches. But as the matter stands, men, who have been the cause of these things, shew that it is not the times that are to blame, but the determination of those who will not meet a Council.
26. But I wonder also how you could ever have written that part of your letter, in which you say, that I alone wrote, and not to all of you, but to Eusebius and his fellows only. In this complaint one may discover more of readiness to find fault than of regard for truth. I received the letters against Athanasius from none other than Martyrius, Hesychius and their fellows, and I necessarily wrote to them who had written against him. Either then Eusebius and his fellows ought not alone to have written, apart from you all, or else you, to whom I did not write, ought not to be offended that I wrote to them who had written to me. If it was right that I should address my letter to you all, you also ought to have written with them: but now considering what was reasonable, I wrote to them, who had addressed themselves to me, and had given me information. But if you were displeased because I alone wrote to them, it is but consistent that you should also be angry, because they wrote to me alone. But for this also, beloved, there was a fair and not unreasonable cause. Nevertheless it is necessary that I should acquaint you that, although I wrote, yet the sentiments I expressed were not those of myself alone, but of all the Bishops throughout Italy and in these parts. I indeed was unwilling to cause them all to write, lest the others should be overpowered by their number. The Bishops however assembled on the appointed day, and agreed in these opinions, which I again write to signify to you; so that, dearly beloved, although I alone address you, yet you may be assured that these are the sentiments of all. Thus much for the excuses, not reasonable, but unjust and suspicious, which some of you have alleged for your conduct.
27. Now although what has already been said were sufficient to shew that we have not admitted to our communion our brothers Athanasius and Marcellus either too readily, or unjustly, yet it is but fair briefly to set the matter before you. Eusebius and his fellows wrote formerly against Athanasius and his fellows, as you also have written now; but a great number of Bishops out of Egypt and other provinces wrote in his favour. Now in the first place, your letters against him are inconsistent with one another, and the second have no sort of agreement with the first, but in many instances the former are answered by the latter, and the latter are impeached by the former. Now where there is this contradiction in letters, no credit whatever is due to the statements they contain. In the next place if you require us to believe what you have written, it is but consistent that we should not refuse credit to those who have written in his favour; especially, considering that you write from a distance, while they are on the spot, are acquainted with the man, and the events which are occurring there, and testify in writing to his manner of life, and positively affirm that he has been the victim of a conspiracy throughout.
Again, a certain Bishop Arsenius was said at one time to have been made away with by Athanasius, but we have learned that he is alive, nay, that he is on terms of friendship with him. He has positively asserted that the Reports drawn up in the Mareotis were ex parte ones; for that neither the Presbyter Macarius, the accused party, was present, nor yet his Bishop, Athanasius himself. This we have learnt, not only from his own mouth, but also from the Reports which Martyrius, Hesychius and their fellows, brought to us84 Infr. §83 fin. Cf. §28.; for we found on reading them, that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but neither Macarius, nor the Bishop Athanasius; and that the Presbyters of Athanasius desired to attend, but were not permitted. Now, beloved, if the trial was to be conducted honestly, not only the accuser, but the accused also ought to have been present. As the accused party Macarius attended at Tyre, as well as the accuser Ischyras, when nothing was proved, so not only ought the accuser to have gone to the Mareotis, but also the accused, so that in person he might either be convicted, or by not being convicted might shew the falseness of the accusation. But now, as this was not the case, but the accuser only went out thither, with those to whom Athanasius objected, the proceedings wear a suspicious appearance.
28. And he complained also that the persons who went to the Mareotis went against his wish, for that Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who were the persons they sent out, were of suspected character. This he shewed not by his own assertions merely, but from the letter of Alexander who was Bishop of Thessalonica; for he produced a letter written by him to Dionysius85 Infr. §80. Vid. supr. p. 92, note 3; the (so-called) Apostolical Canon apparently referred to here, is Can. 27. according to Beveridge., the Count who presided in the Council, in which he shews most clearly that there was a conspiracy on foot against Athanasius. He has also brought forward a genuine document, all in the handwriting of the accuser Ischyras himself86 §64. Cf. p. 95, note 4., in which he calls God Almighty to witness that no cup was broken, nor table overthrown, but that he had been suborned by certain persons to invent these accusations. Moreover, when the Presbyters of the Mareotis arrived87 §74. i.e. Meletian Bishops who had conformed; or, since they are not in the list, §71. Catholic Bishops with whom the conforming party were familiar; or Meletians after the return of Meletius. vid. Tillemont, Mem. vol. 8. p. 658., they positively affirmed that Ischyras was not a Presbyter of the Catholic Church and that Macarius had not committed any such offence as the other had laid to his charge. The Presbyters and Deacons also who came to us testified in the fullest manner in favour of the Bishop Athanasius, strenuously asserting that none of those things which were alleged against him were true, but that he was the victim of a conspiracy.
And all the Bishops of Egypt and Libya wrote and protested88 Supr. §6. On the “cursus publicus,” vid. Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5. It was provided for the journeys of the Emperor, for persons whom he summoned, for magistrates, ambassadors, and for such private persons as the Emperor indulged in the use of it, which was gratis. The use was granted by Constantine to the Bishops who were summoned to Nicæa, as far as it went, in addition (though aliter Valesius in loc.) to other means of travelling. Euseb. v. Const. iii. 6. The cursus publicus brought the Bishops to the Council of Tyre. ibid. iv. 43. In the conference between Liberius and Constantius, Theod. Hist. ii. 13. it is objected that the cursus publicus is not sufficient to convey Bishops to the Council which Liberius proposes; he answers that the Churches are rich enough to convey their Bishops as far as the sea. Thus S. Hilary was compelled (data evectionis copia, Sulp. Sev. Hist. ii. 57.) to attend at Seleucia, as Athan. at Tyre. Julian complains of the abuse of the cursus publicus, perhaps with an allusion to these Councils of Constantius. vid. Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5. l. 12. where Gothofred quotes Liban. Epitaph. in Julian. vol. i. p. 569. ed. Reiske.) Vid. the well-known passage of Ammianus, who speaks of the Councils being the ruin of the res vehicularia Hist. xxi. 16. The Eusebians at Philippopolis say the same thing. Hilar. Frag. iii. 25. The Emperor provided board and perhaps lodging for the Bishops at Ariminum; which the Bishops of Aquitaine, Gaul, and Britain, declined, except three British from poverty. Sulp. Hist. ii. 56. Hunneric in Africa, after assembling 466 Bishops at Carthage, dismissed them without modes of conveyance, provision, or baggage. Victor Utic. Hist. iii. init. In the Emperor’s letter previous to the assembling of the sixth Ecumenical Council, a.d. 678, (Harduin, Conc. t. 3. p. 1048 fin.) he says he has given orders for the conveyance and maintenance of its members. Pope John VIII. reminds Ursus, Duke of Venice (a.d. 876.), of the same duty of providing for the members of a Council, “secundum pios principes, qui in talibus munifice semper erant intenti.” Colet. Concil. (Ven. 1730,) t. xi. p. 14. that his ordination was lawful and strictly ecclesiastical, and that all that you had advanced against him was false, for that no murder had been committed, nor any persons despatched on his account, nor any cup broken, but that all was false. Nay, the Bishop Athanasius also shewed from the ex parte reports drawn up in the Mareotis, that a catechumen was examined and said89 Infr. §83. στρατόπεδον· vid. Chrys. on the Statues, p. 382, note 6. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. vi. 32, 1. 1. Castra sunt ubi Princeps est. ibid. 35, l. 15. also Kiesling. de Discipl. Cler. i. 5. p. 16. Beveridge in Can. Apost. 83. interprets στρατεία of any civil engagement as opposed to clerical., that he was within with Ischyras, at the time when they say Macarius the Presbyter of Athanasius burst into the place; and that others who were examined said,—one, that Ischyras was in a small cell,—and another, that he was lying down behind the door, being sick at that very time, when they say Macarius came thither. Now from these representations of his, we are naturally led to ask the question, How was it possible that a man who was lying behind the door sick could get up, conduct the service, and offer? and how could it be that Oblations were offered when catechumens were within90 Bingh. Ant. X. v. 8.? for if there were catechumens present, it was not yet the time for presenting the Oblations. These representations, as I said, were made by the Bishop Athanasius, and he showed from the reports, what was also positively affirmed by those who were with him, that Ischyras has never been a presbyter at all in the Catholic Church, nor has ever appeared as a presbyter in the assemblies of the Church; for not even when Alexander admitted those of the Meletian schism, by the indulgence of the great Council, was he named by Meletius among his presbyters, as they deposed91 Infr. §71.; which is the strongest argument possible that he was not even a presbyter of Meletius; for otherwise, he would certainly have been numbered with the rest. Besides, it was shewn also by Athanasius from the reports, that Ischyras had spoken falsely in other instances: for he set up a charge respecting the burning of certain books, when, as they pretend, Macarius burst in upon them, but was convicted of falsehood by the witnesses he himself brought to prove it.
29. Now when these things were thus represented to us, and so many witnesses appeared in his favour, and so much was advanced by him in his own justification, what did it become us to do? what did the rule of the Church require of us, but that we should not condemn him, but rather receive him and treat him like a Bishop, as we have done? Moreover, besides all this he continued here a year and six months92 Spring of 339 a.d. to autumn of 340., expecting the arrival of yourselves and of whoever chose to come, and by his presence he put everyone to shame, for he would not have been here, had he not felt confident in his cause; and he came not of his own accord, but on an invitation by letter from us, in the manner in which we wrote to you93 Hist. Ar. 9.. But still you complain after all of our transgressing the Canons. Now consider; who are they that have so acted? we who received this man with such ample proof of his innocence, or they who, being at Antioch at the distance of six and thirty posts94 Or rather, halts, μοναὶ. They are enumerated in the Itinerary of Antoninus, and are set down on Montfaucon’s plate. The route passes over the Delta to Pelusium, and then coasts all the way to Antioch. These μοναὶ were day’s journeys, Coustant in Hilar. Psalm 118, Lit. 5. 2. or half a day’s journey, Herman. ibid; and were at unequal intervals, Ambros. in Psalm 118, Serm. 5. §5. Gibbon says that by the government conveyances, “it was easy to travel an 100 miles in a day along the Roman roads.” ch. ii. Μονὴ or mansio properly means the building, where soldiers or other public officers rested at night (hence its application to monastic houses). Such buildings included granaries, stabling, &c. vid. Con. Theod. ed. Gothofr. 1665. t. 1. p. 47, t. 2. p. 507. Du Cange Gloss. t. 4. p. 426. Col. 2., nominated a stranger to be Bishop, and sent him to Alexandria with a military force; a thing which was not done even when Athanasius was banished into Gaul, though it would have been done then, had he been really proved guilty of the offence. But when he returned, of course he found his Church unoccupied and waiting for him.
30. But now I am ignorant under what colour these proceedings have been carried on. In the first place, if the truth must be spoken, it was not right, when we had written to summon a council, that any persons should anticipate its decisions: and in the next place, it was not fitting that such novel proceedings should be adopted against the Church. For what canon of the Church, or what Apostolical tradition warrants this, that when a Church was at peace, and so many Bishops were in unanimity with Athanasius the Bishop of Alexandria, Gregory should be sent thither, a stranger to the city, not having been baptized there, nor known to the general body, and desired neither by Presbyters, nor Bishops, nor Laity—that he should be appointed at Antioch, and sent to Alexandria, accompanied not by presbyters, nor by deacons of the city, nor by bishops of Egypt, but by soldiers? for they who came hither complained that this was the case.
Even supposing that Athanasius was in the position of a criminal after the Council, this appointment ought not to have been made thus illegally and contrary to the rule of the Church, but the Bishops of the province ought to have ordained one in that very Church, of that very Priesthood, of that very Clergy95 Vid. Bingh. Ant. II. xi.; and the Canons received from the Apostles ought not thus to be set aside. Had this offence been committed against any one of you, would you not have exclaimed against it, and demanded justice as for the transgression of the Canons? Dearly beloved, we speak honestly, as in the presence of God, and declare, that this proceeding was neither pious, nor lawful, nor ecclesiastical. Moreover, the account which is given of the conduct of Gregory on his entry into the city, plainly shews the character of his appointment. In such peaceful times, as those who came from Alexandria declared them to have been, and as the Bishops also represented in their letters, the Church was set on fire; Virgins were stripped; Monks were trodden under foot; Presbyters and many of the people were scourged and suffered violence; Bishops were cast into prison; multitudes were dragged about from place to place; the holy Mysteries96 Athan. only suggests this, supr. Encyc. 3. S. Hilary says the same of the conduct of the Arians at Toulouse; “Clerks were beaten with clubs; Deacons bruised with lead; nay, even on Christ Himself (the Saints understand my meaning) hands were laid.” Contr. Constant. 11., about which they accused the Presbyter Macarius, were seized upon by heathens and cast upon the ground; and all to constrain certain persons to admit the appointment of Gregory. Such conduct plainly shews who they are that transgress the Canons. Had the appointment been lawful, he would not have had recourse to illegal proceedings to compel the obedience of those who in a legal way resisted him. And notwithstanding all this, you write that perfect peace prevailed in Alexandria and Egypt. Surely not, unless the work of peace is entirely changed, and you call such doings as these peace.
31. I have also thought it necessary to point out to you this circumstance, viz. that Athanasius positively asserted that Macarius was kept at Tyre under a guard of soldiers, while only his accuser accompanied those who went to the Mareotis; and that the Presbyters who desired to attend the inquiry were not permitted to do so, while the said inquiry respecting the cup and the Table was carried on before the Prefect and his band, and in the presence of Heathens and Jews. This at first seemed incredible, but it was proved to have been so from the Reports; which caused great astonishment to us, as I suppose, dearly beloved, it does to you also. Presbyters, who are the ministers of the Mysteries, are not permitted to attend, but an enquiry concerning Christ’s Blood and Christ’s Body is carried on before an external judge, in the presence of Catechumens, nay, worse than that, before Heathens and Jews, who are in ill repute in regard to Christianity. Even supposing that an offense had been committed, it should have been investigated legally in the Church and by the Clergy, not by heathens who abhor the Word and know not the Truth. I am persuaded that both you and all men must perceive the nature and magnitude of this sin. Thus much concerning Athanasius.
32. With respect to Marcellus97 Julius here acquits Marcellus; but he is considered heretical by S. Epiphanius, loc. cit. S. Basil. Epp. 69, 125, 263, 265. S. Chrysostom in Hebr. Hom. ii. 2. Theodoret, Hær. ii. 10. vid. Petav. de Trin. i. 13. who condemns him, and Bull far more strongly, Def. F. N. ii. 1. §9. Montfaucon defends him (in a special Dissertation, Collect. Nov. tom. 2.) and Tillemont. Mem. tom. 7. p. 513, and Natalis Alex. Sæc. iv. Dissert. 30. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c.], forasmuch as you have charged him also of impiety towards Christ, I am anxious to inform you, that when he was here, he positively declared that what you had written concerning him was not true; but being nevertheless requested by us to give an account of his faith, he answered in his own person with the utmost boldness, so that we recognised that he maintains nothing outside the truth. He made a confession98 Vid. Epiph. Hær. 72. 2, 3. and §47. infr. of the same godly doctrines concerning our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ as the Catholic Church confesses; and he affirmed that he had held these opinions for a very long time, and had not recently adopted them: as indeed our Presbyters99 Vincentius and Vito., who were at a former date present at the Council of Nicæa, testified to his orthodoxy; for he maintained then, as he has done now, his opposition to Arianism (on which points it is right to admonish you, lest any of you admit such heresy, instead of abominating it as alien from sound doctrine100 1 Tim. i. 10.). Seeing then that he professed orthodox opinions, and had testimony to his orthodoxy, what, I ask again in his case, ought we to have done, except to receive him as a Bishop, as we did, and not reject him from our communion? These things I have written, not so much for the purpose of defending their cause, as in order to convince you, that we acted justly and canonically in receiving these persons, and that you are contentious without a cause. But it is your duty to use your anxious endeavours and to labour by every means to correct the irregularities which have been committed contrary to the Canon, and to secure the peace of the Churches; so that the peace of our Lord which has been given to us101 Joh. xiv. 27. may remain, and the Churches may not be divided, nor you incur the charge of being authors of schism. For I confess, your past conduct is an occasion of schism rather than of peace.
33. For not only the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus and their fellows came hither and complained of the injustice that had been done them, but many other Bishops also102 The names of few are known; perhaps Marcellus, Asclepas, Paul of Constantinople, Lucius of Adrianople. vid. Montf. in loc. Tillem. Mem. tom. 7. p. 272., from Thrace, from Cœle-Syria, from Phœnicia and Palestine, and Presbyters, not a few, and others from Alexandria and from other parts, were present at the Council here, and in addition to their other statements, lamented before all the assembled Bishops the violence and injustice which the Churches had suffered, and affirmed that similar outrages to those which had been committed in Alexandria had occurred in their own Churches, and in others also. Again there lately came Presbyters with letters from Egypt and Alexandria, who complained that many Bishops and Presbyters who wished to come to the Council were prevented; for they said that, since the departure of Athanasius103 These outrages took place immediately on the dismission of Elpidius and Philoxenus, the Pope’s legates, from Antioch. Athan. Hist. Ar. 12. even up to this time, Bishops who are confessors104 e.g. Sarapammon and Potamo, both Confessors, who were of the number of the Nicene Fathers, and had defended Athan. at Tyre, were, the former banished, the latter beaten to death. vid. infr. Hist. Ar. 12. have been beaten with stripes, that others have been cast into prison, and that but lately aged men, who have been an exceedingly long period in the Episcopate, have been given up to be employed in the public works, and nearly all the Clergy of the Catholic Church with the people are the objects of plots and persecutions. Moreover they said that certain Bishops and other brethren had been banished for no other reason than to compel them against their will to communicate with Gregory and his Arian associates. We have heard also from others, what is confirmed by the testimony of the Bishop Marcellus, that a number of outrages, similar to those which were committed at Alexandria, have occurred also at Ancyra in Galatia105 The Pseudo-Sardican Council, i.e. that of Philippopolis, retort this accusation on the party of Marcellus; Hilar. Fragm. iii. 9. but the character of the outrages fixes them on the Arians, vid. infr. §45, note [There were doubtless outrages on both sides].. And in addition to all this, those who came to the Council reported against some of you (for I will not mention names) certain charges of so dreadful a nature that I have declined setting them down in writing: perhaps you also have heard them from others. It was for this cause especially that I wrote to desire you to come, that you might be present to hear them, and that all irregularities might be corrected and differences healed. And those who were called for these purposes ought not to have refused, but to have come the more readily, lest by failing to do so they should be suspected of what was alleged against them, and be thought unable to prove what they had written.
34. Now according to these representations, since the Churches are thus afflicted and treacherously assaulted, as our informants positively affirmed, who are they that have lighted up a flame of discord106 Vid. supr. §25.? We, who grieve for such a state of things and sympathize with the sufferings of the brethren, or they who have brought these things about? While then such extreme confusion existed in every Church, which was the cause why those who visited us came hither, I wonder how you could write that unanimity prevailed in the Churches. These things tend not to the edification of the Church, but to her destruction; and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace, but of confusion: but our God is not a God of confusion, but of peace107 1 Cor. xiv. 33.. Wherefore, as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ knows, it was from a regard for your good name, and with prayers that the Churches might not fall into confusion, but might continue as they were regulated by the Apostles, that I thought it necessary to write thus unto you, to the end that you might at length put to shame those who through the effects of their mutual enmity have brought the Churches to this condition. For I have heard, that it is only a certain few108 Ad Ep. Æg. 5. de Syn. 5. who are the authors of all these things.
Now, as having bowels of mercy, take ye care to correct, as I said before, the irregularities which have been committed contrary to the Canon, so that if any mischief has already befallen, it may be healed through your zeal. And write not that I have preferred the communion of Marcellus and Athanasius to yours, for such like complaints are no indications of peace, but of contentiousness and hatred of the brethren. For this cause I have written the foregoing, that you may understand that we acted not unjustly in admitting them to our communion, and so may cease this strife. If you had come hither, and they had been condemned, and had appeared unable to produce reasonable evidence in support of their cause, you would have done well in writing thus. But seeing that, as I said before, we acted agreeably to the Canon, and not unjustly, in holding communion with them, I beseech you for the sake of Christ, suffer not the members of Christ to be torn asunder, neither trust to prejudices, but seek rather the peace of the Lord. It is neither holy nor just, in order to gratify the petty feeling of a few persons, to reject those who have never been condemned and thereby to grieve the Spirit109 Eph. iv. 30.. But if you think that you are able to prove anything against them, and to confute them face to face let those of you who please come hither: for they also promised that they would be ready to establish completely the truth of those things which they have reported to us.
35. Give us notice therefore of this, dearly beloved, that we may write both to them, and to the Bishops who will have again to assemble, so that the accused may be condemned in the presence of all, and confusion no longer prevail in the Churches. What has already taken place is enough: it is enough surely that Bishops have been sentenced to banishment in the presence of Bishops; of which it behoves me not to speak at length, lest I appear to press too heavily on those who were present on those occasions. But if one must speak the truth, matters ought not to have proceeded so far; their petty feeling ought not to have been suffered to reach the present pitch. Let us grant the “removal,” as you write, of Athanasius and Marcellus, from their own places, yet what must one say of the case of the other Bishops and Presbyters who, as I said before, came hither from various parts, and who complained that they also had been forced away, and had suffered the like injuries? O beloved, the decisions of the Church are no longer according to the Gospel, but tend only to banishment and death110 Hist. Arian. §67.. Supposing, as you assert, that some offence rested upon those persons, the case ought to have been conducted against them, not after this manner, but according to the Canon of the Church. Word should have been written of it to us all111 Coustant in loc. fairly insists on the word “all,” as shewing that S. Julius does not here claim the prerogative of judging by himself all Bishops whatever, and that what follows relates merely to the Church of Alexandria., that so a just sentence might proceed from all. For the sufferers were Bishops, and Churches of no ordinary note, but those which the Apostles themselves had governed in their own persons112 St. Peter (Greg. M. Epist. vii. Ind. 15. 40.) or St. Mark (Leo Ep. 9.) at Alexandria. St. Paul at Ancyra in Galatia (Tertull. contr. Marcion. iv. 5.) vid. Coustant. in loc..
And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church of the Alexandrians in particular? Are you ignorant that the custom has been for word to be written first to us, and then for a just decision to be passed from this place113 Socrates says somewhat differently, “Julius wrote back….that they acted against the Canons, because they had not called him to a Council, the Ecclesiastical Canon commanding that the Churches ought not to make Canons beside the will of the Bishop of Rome.” Hist. ii. 17. Sozomen in like manner, “for it was a sacerdotal law, to declare invalid whatever was transacted beside the will of the Bishop of the Romans.” Hist. iii. 10. vid. Pope Damasus ap. Theod. Hist. v. 10. Leon. Epist. 14. &c. In the passage in the text the prerogative of the Roman see is limited, as Coustant observes, to the instance of Alexandria; and we actually find in the third century a complaint lodged against its Bishop Dionysius with the Pope. [Prolegg. ch. iv. §4.]? If then any such suspicion rested upon the Bishop there, notice thereof ought to have been sent to the Church of this place; whereas, after neglecting to inform us, and proceeding on their own authority as they pleased, now they desire to obtain our concurrence in their decisions, though we never condemned him. Not so have the constitutions114 διατάξεις. St. Paul says οὕτως ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις διατάσσομαι1 Cor. vii. 17. τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ διατάξομαι. Ibid. xi. 34. vid. Pearson, Vind. Ignat. p. 298. Hence Coustant in col. Athan. would suppose Julius to refer to 1 Cor. v. 4. which Athan. actually quotes, Ep. Encycl. §2. supr. p. 93. Pearson, loc. cit. considers the διατάξεις of the Apostles, as a collection of regulation and usages, which more or less represented, or claimed to represent, what may be called St. Paul’s rule, or St. Peter’s rule, &c. Cotelier considers the διατάξεις as the same as the διδαχαὶ, the “doctrine” or “teaching” of the Apostles. Præfat. in Const. Apost. So does Beveridge, Cod. Can. Illustr. ii. 9. §5. of Paul, not so have the traditions of the Fathers directed; this is another form of procedure, a novel practice. I beseech you, readily bear with me: what I write is for the common good. For what we have received from the blessed Apostle Peter115 [Petri] in Sede sua vivit potestas et excellit auctoritas. Leon. Serm. iii. 3. vid. contra Barrow on the Supremacy, p. 116. ed. 1836. “not one Bishop, but all Bishops together through the whole Church, do succeed St. Peter, or any other Apostle.”, that I signify to you; and I should not have written this, as deeming that these things were manifest unto all men, had not these proceedings so disturbed us. Bishops are forced away from their sees and driven into banishment, while others from different quarters are appointed in their place; others are treacherously assailed, so that the people have to grieve for those who are forcibly taken from them, while, as to those who are sent in their room, they are obliged to give over seeking the man whom they desire, and to receive those they do not.
I ask of you, that such things may no longer be, but that you will denounce in writing those persons who attempt them; so that the Churches may no longer be afflicted thus, nor any Bishop or Presbyter be treated with insult, nor any one be compelled to act contrary to his judgment, as they have represented to us, lest we become a laughing-stock among the heathen, and above all, lest we excite the wrath of God against us. For every one of us shall give account in the Day of judgment116 Matt. xii. 36. of the things which he has done in this life. May we all be possessed with the mind of God! so that the Churches may recover their own Bishops, and rejoice evermore in Jesus Christ our Lord; through Whom to the Father be glory, for ever and ever. Amen.
I pray for your health in the Lord, brethren dearly beloved and greatly longed for.
36. Thus wrote the Council of Rome by Julius, Bishop of Rome.
καὶ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον δὲ πρὸς Ἰούλιον ἔγραψαν, καὶ νομίζοντες ἡμᾶς ἐκφοβεῖν ἠξίωσαν σύνοδον καλέσαι καὶ αὐτὸν Ἰούλιον, εἰ βούλοιτο, κριτὴν γενέσθαι. ἡμῶν τοίνυν ἀνελθόντων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἔγραψεν εἰκότως Ἰούλιος καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀποστείλας καὶ δύο πρεσβυτέρους ἑαυτοῦ Ἐλπίδιον καὶ Φιλόξενον. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἀκούσαντες περὶ ἡμῶν ἐταράχθησαν οὐ προσδοκήσαντες ἡμᾶς ἀνέρχεσθαι, καὶ παρῃτήσαντο προφάσεις ἀπιθάνους πορισάμενοι, μᾶλλον δὲ φοβηθέντες, μὴ ἅπερ οἱ περὶ Οὐάλεντα καὶ Οὐρσάκιον ὡμολόγησαν, ταῦτα κατ' αὐτῶν ἐλεγχθῇ. λοιπὸν οὖν συνελθόντες ἐπίσκοποι πλέον πεντήκοντα, ἔνθα Βίτων ὁ πρεσβύτερος συνῆγεν, ἡμᾶς μὲν ἀπολογουμένους ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ ἐκύρωσαν εἰς ἡμᾶς τήν τε κοινωνίαν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην. ἠγανάκτησαν δὲ κατ' ἐκείνων καὶ ἠξίωσαν Ἰούλιον γράψαι τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ταῦτα τοῖς καὶ γράψασιν αὐτῷ. καὶ ἔγραψεν αὐτὸς καὶ ἀπέστειλε διὰ Γαβιανοῦ τοῦ κόμητος. 21.τ τ Ἐπιστολὴ Ἰουλίου Ἰούλιος ∆ιανίῳ καὶ Φλακίλλῳ Ναρκίσσῳ Εὐσεβίῳ Μάρι Μακεδονίῳ Θεοδώρῳ καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἀπὸ Ἀντιοχείας γράψασιν ἡμῖν, ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Ἀνέγνων τὰ γράμματα τὰ διὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων μου Ἐλπιδίου καὶ Φιλοξένου ἀποκομισθέντα καὶ ἐθαύμασα, πῶς ἡμεῖς μὲν ἀγάπῃ καὶ συνειδήσει ἀληθείας ἐγράψαμεν, ὑμεῖς δὲ μετὰ φιλονεικίας, καὶ οὐχ ὡς ἔπρεπεν, ἐπεστείλατε. ὑπεροψία γὰρ καὶ ἀλαζονεία τῶν γραψάντων διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐδείκνυτο. ταῦτα δὲ ἀλλότρια τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ πίστεώς ἐστιν. ἔδει γὰρ τὰ μετὰ ἀγάπης γραφέντα ἀμοιβῆς τῆς ἴσης μετὰ ἀγάπης τυχεῖν καὶ μὴ μετὰ φιλονεικίας. ἢ οὐχὶ ἀγάπης ἐστὶ γνώρισμα πρεσβυτέρους ἀποστεῖλαι, συμπαθεῖν τοῖς πάσχουσι, προτρέψασθαι τοὺς γράψαντας ἐλθεῖν, ἵνα πάντα θᾶττον λύσιν λαβόντα διορθωθῆναι δυνηθῇ, καὶ μηκέτι μήτε οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ἡμῶν πάσχωσι μήτε ὑμᾶς τινες διαβάλλωσιν; ἀλλ' οὐκ οἶδα, τί τὸ δόξαν οὕτως ὑμᾶς διατεθῆναι, ὥστε καὶ ἡμᾶς ποιῆσαι λογίζεσθαι ὅτι καὶ ἐν οἷς ἐδόξατε ῥήμασιν ἡμᾶς τιμᾶν, ταῦτα μετασχηματιζόμενοι μετὰ εἰρωνείας τινὸς εἰρήκατε. καὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι οἱ ἀποσταλέντες, οὓς ἔδει μετὰ χαρᾶς ἐπανελθεῖν, τοὐναντίον λυπούμενοι ἐπανῆλθον, ἐφ' οἷς ἑωράκασιν ἐκεῖ γινομένοις. καὶ ἔγωγε τοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυχὼν πολλὰ λογισάμενος κατέσχον παρ' ἐμαυτῷ τὴν ἐπι στολήν, νομίζων ὅμως ἥξειν τινὰς καὶ μὴ χρείαν εἶναι τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, ἵνα μὴ καὶ ἐς φανερὸν ἐλθοῦσα πολλοὺς τῶν ἐνταῦθα λυπήσῃ. ἐπειδὴ δὲ μηδενὸς ἐλθόντος ἀνάγκη γέγονεν αὐτὴν προκομισθῆναι, ὁμολογῶ ὑμῖν, πάντες ἐθαύμασαν καὶ ἐγγὺς ἀπιστίας γεγόνασιν, εἰ ὅλως παρ' ὑμῶν τοιαῦτα ἐγράφη· φιλονεικίας γὰρ μᾶλλον καὶ οὐκ ἀγάπης ἦν ἡ ἐπι στολή. εἰ μὲν οὖν φιλοτιμίας λόγων ἕνεκεν ὁ ὑπαγορεύσας ἔγραψεν, ἄλλων τὸ τοιοῦτον ἐπιτήδευμα. ἐν γὰρ τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς οὐ λόγων ἐπίδειξίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ κανόνες ἀποστολικοὶ καὶ σπουδὴ τοῦ μὴ σκανδαλίζειν ἕνα τῶν μικρῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ. συμ φέρει γὰρ κατὰ τὸν ἐκκλησιαστικὸν λόγον «μύλον ὀνικὸν κρεμασθῆναι εἰς τὸν τράχηλον καὶ καταποντισθῆναι ἢ σκανδαλίσαι κἂν ἕνα τῶν μικρῶν». εἰ δὲ ὥς τινων λελυπημένων διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους μικροψυχίαν (οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἴποιμι πάντων εἶναι ταύτην γνώμην) τοιαύτη γέγονεν ἡ ἐπιστολή, ἔπρεπε μὲν μηδὲ ὅλως λυπηθῆναι μηδὲ «ἐπιδῦναι τὸν ἥλιον ἐπὶ τῇ λύπῃ», ἔδει δὲ ὅμως μὴ εἰς τοσοῦτον προαχθῆναι, ὥστε καὶ ἔγγραφον αὐτὴν ἐπιδείξασθαι.
Τί γὰρ καὶ γέγονεν ἄξιον λύπης ἢ ἐν τίνι ἦν ἄξιον λυπηθῆναι ὑμᾶς οἷς καὶ ἐγράψαμεν; ἢ ὅτι προετρεψάμεθα εἰς σύνοδον ἀπαντῆσαι; ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἔδει μετὰ χαρᾶς δέξασθαι. οἱ γὰρ παρρησίαν ἔχοντες, ἐφ' οἷς πεποιήκασι καί, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, «κεκρίκασιν», οὐκ ἀγανακτοῦσιν, εἰ παρ' ἑτέρων ἐξετάζοιτο ἡ κρίσις, ἀλλὰ θαρροῦσιν, ὅτι ἃ δικαίως ἔκριναν, ταῦτα ἄδικα οὐκ ἄν ποτε γένοιτο. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ οἱ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν μεγάλῃ συνόδῳ συνελθόντες ἐπίσκοποι οὐκ ἄνευ θεοῦ βουλήσεως συνεχώρησαν ἐν ἑτέρᾳ συνόδῳ τὰ τῆς προτέρας ἐξετάζεσθαι, ἵνα καὶ οἱ κρίνοντες πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχοντες τὴν ἐσομένην δευτέραν κρίσιν μετὰ πάσης ἀσφαλείας ἐξετάζωσι καὶ οἱ κρινόμενοι πιστεύωσι, μὴ κατ' ἔχθραν τῶν προτέρων, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον ἑαυτοὺς κρίνεσθαι. εἰ δὲ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἔθος παλαιὸν τυγ χάνον, μνημονευθὲν δὲ καὶ γραφὲν ἐν τῇ μεγάλῃ συνόδῳ, ὑμεῖς τοῦτο παρ' ὑμῖν ἰσχύειν οὐ θέλετε, ἀπρεπὴς μὲν ἡ τοιαύτη παραίτησις· τὸ γὰρ ἅπαξ συνήθειαν ἐσχηκὸς ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ ὑπὸ συνόδων βεβαιωθὲν οὐκ εὔλογον ὑπὸ ὀλίγων παραλύεσθαι. ἄλλως τε οὐδὲ ἐν τούτῳ δικαίως ἂν φανεῖεν λυπηθέντες. οἱ γὰρ παρ' ὑμῶν τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀποσταλέντες μετὰ γραμμάτων, λέγω δὴ Μακάριος ὁ πρεσβύτερος καὶ Μαρτύριος καὶ Ἡσύχιος οἱ διάκονοι, ἀπαντήσαντες ἐνταῦθα, ὡς οὐκ ἠδυνήθησαν πρὸς τοὺς ἐλθόντας Ἀθανασίου πρεσβυτέρους ἀντιστῆναι, ἀλλ' ἐν πᾶσι διετρέποντο καὶ διηλέγχοντο, τὸ τηνικαῦτα ἠξίωσαν ἡμᾶς ὥστε σύνοδον συγκροτῆσαι καὶ γράψαι καὶ Ἀθανασίῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, γράψαι δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον, ἵνα ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ πάντων ἡ δικαία κρίσις ἐξενεχθῆναι δυνηθῇ· τότε γὰρ καὶ ἀποδεικνύναι πάντα τὰ κατὰ Ἀθανάσιον ἐπηγγείλαντο. κοινῇ γὰρ ὑφ' ἡμῶν διηλέγχθησαν οἱ περὶ Μαρτύριον καὶ Ἡσύχιον καὶ οἱ Ἀθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πρεσβύτεροι μετὰ πεποιθήσεως ἀνθίσταντο, οἱ δὲ περὶ Μαρτύριον, εἰ δεῖ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἐν πᾶσι διετρέποντο, ὅθεν καὶ ἠξίωσαν σύνοδον γενέ σθαι. εἰ τοίνυν μηδὲ τῶν περὶ Μαρτύριον καὶ Ἡσύχιον ἀξιωσάντων γενέσθαι σύνοδον προτρεψάμενος ἤμην ἐγὼ σκῦλαι τοὺς γράψαντας ἕνεκεν τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἡμῶν τῶν αἰτιω μένων ἀδικίαν πεπονθέναι, καὶ οὕτως εὔλογος ἦν καὶ δικαία ἡ προτροπή, ἔστι γὰρ ἐκκλησιαστικὴ καὶ θεῷ ἀρέσκουσα· ὅτε δὲ οὓς ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀξιοπίστους ἡγήσασθε, καὶ οὗτοι ἠξίωσαν ἡμᾶς συγκαλέσαι, ἀκόλουθον ἦν τοὺς κληθέντας μὴ λυπη θῆναι, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον προθύμως ἀπαντῆσαι. οὐκοῦν ἡ μὲν δόξασα ἀγανάκτησις τῶν λυπηθέντων προπετής, ἡ δὲ παραίτησις τῶν μὴ θελησάντων ἀπαντῆσαι ἀπρεπὴς καὶ ὕποπτος ἐκ τούτων δείκνυται. αἰτιᾶταί τις ἃ πράττων αὐτὸς ἀποδέχεται, εἰ παρ' ἑτέρου γινόμενα βλέποι; εἰ γάρ, ὡς γράφετε, «ἀσάλευτον ἔχει τὴν ἰσχὺν ἑκάστη σύνοδος, καὶ ἀτιμάζεται ὁ κρίνας ἐὰν παρ' ἑτέρων ἡ κρίσις ἐξετάζηται», σκοπεῖτε, ἀγαπητοί, τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ σύνοδον ἀτιμάζοντες καὶ τίνες τὰ τῶν φθασάντων κρῖναι διαλύουσι. καὶ ἵνα μὴ τὰ καθ' ἕκαστον νῦν ἐξετάζων ἐπιβαρεῖν τινας δοκῶ, ἀλλὰ τό γε τελευταῖον γενόμενον, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ φρίξειεν ἄν τις ἀκούων, ἀρκεῖ πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν πάντων τῶν παραλειφθέντων.
Οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ τῆς μακαρίας μνήμης Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ γενομένου ἐπισκόπου τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπὶ ἀσεβείᾳ ἐκβληθέντες οὐ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν ἀπεκηρύχ θησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν κοινῇ συνελθόντων ἐν τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν μεγάλῃ συνόδῳ ἀνεθεματίσθησαν. οὐ γὰρ ἦν αὐτῶν τὸ τυχὸν πλημμέλημα, οὐδὲ εἰς ἄνθρωπον ἦσαν ἁμαρτή σαντες, ἀλλ' εἰς αὐτὸν τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος. καὶ ὅμως οἱ ὑπὸ πάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης ἀποκηρυχθέντες καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἐκκλησίαν στηλι τευθέντες νῦν λέγονται δεδέχθαι, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ ὑμᾶς ἀκούσαντας χαλεπαίνειν δίκαιον ἡγοῦμαι. τίνες οὖν εἰσιν οἱ «σύνοδον ἀτιμάζοντες»; οὐχ οἱ τῶν τριακοσίων τὰς ψήφους παρ' οὐδὲν θέμενοι καὶ ἀσέβειαν εὐσεβείας προκρίναντες; ἡ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Ἀρειομανιτῶν αἵρεσις ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν ἁπανταχοῦ ἐπισκόπων κατεγνώσθη καὶ ἀπεκηρύχθη, Ἀθανάσιος δὲ καὶ Μάρκελλος οἱ ἐπίσκοποι πλείονας ἔχουσι τοὺς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν λέγοντας καὶ γράφοντας. Μάρκελλος μὲν γὰρ ἐμαρτυρήθη ἡμῖν καὶ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδῳ τοῖς τὰ Ἀρείου φρονοῦσιν ἀντειρηκώς, Ἀθανάσιος δὲ ἐμαρτυρήθη μηδὲ ἐν Τύρῳ καταγνωσθείς, ἐν δὲ τῷ Μαρεώτῃ μὴ παρεῖναι, ἔνθα τὰ ὑπομνήματα κατ' αὐτοῦ γεγενῆσθαι λέγεται. οἴδατε δέ, ἀγαπητοί, ὅτι τὰ κατὰ μονομέρειαν ἰσχὺν οὐκ ἔχει, ἀλλ' ὕποπτα τυγχάνει. καὶ ὅμως τούτων ὄντων ἡμεῖς ὑπὲρ ἀκριβείας οὔτε ὑμῖν οὔτε τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν γράψασι πρό κριμα ποιοῦντες προετρεψάμεθα τοὺς γράψαντας ἐλθεῖν, ἵν' ἐπειδὴ πλείους εἰσὶν οἱ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν γράψαντες, ἐπὶ συνόδου πάντα ἐξετασθῇ πρὸς τὸ μηδὲ τὸν ἀναίτιον κατα κριθῆναι μήτε τὸν ὑπεύθυνον ὡς καθαρὸν λογισθῆναι. οὐκοῦν οὐ παρ' ἡμῶν «ἀτιμάζεται σύνοδος», ἀλλὰ παρ' ἐκείνων τῶν ἁπλῶς καὶ ὡς ἔτυχε τοὺς παρὰ πάντων κατακριθέντας Ἀρειανοὺς καὶ παρὰ γνώμην τῶν κρινάντων δεξαμένων. οἱ γὰρ πλείονες ἤδη ἀναλύσαντές εἰσι σὺν Χριστῷ, οἱ δὲ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐν τῷ βίῳ τούτῳ ἐξετάζονται ἀγανακτοῦντες ὅτι τὴν αὐτῶν κρίσιν ἔλυσάν τινες.
Τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν γενομένων μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἔγνωμεν (καὶ γὰρ καὶ Καρπώνης τις ἐκβληθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου διὰ τὴν Ἀρείου αἵρεσιν μετά τινων καὶ αὐτῶνἐκβληθέντων διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἵρεσιν ἐληλύθασιν ἐνταῦθα ἀποσταλέντες παρὰ Γρηγορίου τινός), ὅμως δὲ ἐμάθομεν καὶ παρὰ Μακαρίου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου καὶ Μαρτυρίου καὶ Ἡσυχίου τῶν διακόνων. πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ ἀπαντῆσαι τοὺς Ἀθανασίου πρεσβυτέρους προετρέποντο ἡμᾶς γράφειν ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Πιστῷ τινι, ἡνίκα καὶ Ἀθανάσιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἦν. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν Πιστὸν οἱ Ἀθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πρεσβύτεροι παρα γενόμενοι ἀπέδειξαν εἶναι Ἀρειανὸν ἐκβληθέντα μὲν ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου καὶ τῆς κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδου, κατασταθέντα δὲ ὑπὸ Σεκούνδου τινός, ὃν ἡ μεγάλη σύνοδος Ἀρειανὸν ὄντα ἐξέβαλε. τοῦτο δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ οἱ περὶ Μαρτύριον ἀντέλεγον οὐδὲ ἠρνοῦντο τὸν Πιστὸν ὑπὸ Σεκούνδου ἐσχηκέναι τὴν κατάστασιν. σκοπεῖτε τοίνυν καὶ ἐκ τούτων, τίνες ἂν ὑπὸ μέμψιν δικαίως γένοιντο, οἱ μὴ πεισθέντες ἡμεῖς, ὥστε Πιστῷ τῷ Ἀρειανῷ γράψαι, ἢ οἱ συμβουλεύοντες «ἀτιμάσαι» τὴν μεγάλην σύνοδον καὶ τοῖς ἀσεβέσιν ὡς εὐσεβέσι γράψαι; καὶ γὰρ καὶ Μακάριος ὁ πρεσβύτερος ὁ παρὰ Εὐσεβίου μετὰ τῶν περὶ Μαρτύριον ἀποσταλεὶς ὡς ἤκουσεν ἐπιστάντας τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους Ἀθανασίου, ἐκδεχομένων ἡμῶν τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν περὶ Μαρτύριον καὶ Ἡσύχιον, ἀπε δήμησε νυκτὸς καίτοι νοσῶν τῷ σώματι, ὡς ἐκ τούτου λοιπὸν ἡμᾶς ἀκολούθως στοχά ζεσθαι ὅτι αἰσχυνόμενος τὸν κατὰ Πιστοῦ ἔλεγχον ἀνεχώρησεν. ἀδύνατον γὰρ τὴν κατάστασιν Σεκούνδου τοῦ Ἀρειανοῦ ἐν τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἰσχύσαι. «ἀτιμία» γὰρ ἀληθῶς αὕτη κατὰ τῆς συνόδου καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ συνελθόντων ἐπισκόπων, ἐὰν τὰ μετὰ τοσαύτης σπουδῆς καὶ εὐλαβείας ὡς θεοῦ παρόντος γενόμενα ἀντὶ μηδενὸς λυθῇ.
Εἴπερ οὖν, ὡς γράφετε, «ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ Νοβάτον καὶ τὸν Σαμοσατέα Παῦλον παρα δείγματος τὰ τῶν συνόδων ἰσχύειν δόγματα χρή», ἔδει μᾶλλον μὴ λυθῆναι τῶν τρια κοσίων τὴν ψῆφον, ἔδει τὴν καθολικὴν σύνοδον ὑπὸ τῶν ὀλίγων μὴ ἀτιμασθῆναι. αἱρετι κοὶ γὰρ οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ ὥσπερ κἀκεῖνοι καὶ ὅμοιαι αἱ κατὰ τούτων ψῆφοι ταῖς κατ' ἐκείνων. τούτων δὲ τολμηθέντων τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ «φλόγα διχονοίας ἀνάψαντες»; ἡμᾶς γὰρ τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι γράψαντες ἐμέμψασθε. ἆρ' οὖν ἡμεῖς διχονοίας εἰργασάμεθα οἱ συναλγοῦντες τοῖς πάσχουσιν ἀδελφοῖς καὶ κατὰ κανόνα πάντα πεποιηκότες; ἢ οἱ φιλονείκως καὶ παρὰ κανόνα τῶν τριακοσίων τὴν ψῆφον λύσαντες καὶ κατὰ πάντα «τὴν σύνοδον ἀτιμά σαντες»; οὐ γὰρ μόνον οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ ἐδέχθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀπὸ τόπου εἰς τόπον μεμελε τήκασιν ἐπίσκοποι διαβαίνειν. εἰ οὖν ἀληθῶς «ἴσην καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡγεῖσθε τιμὴν τῶν ἐπι σκόπων καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν πόλεων», ὡς γράφετε, «κρίνετε τοὺς ἐπισκόπους», ἔδει τὸν πεπιστευμένον μικρὰν μένειν ἐν τῇ πιστευθείσῃ καὶ μὴ ἐξουθενεῖν μὲν τὸ πεπιστευμέ νον, μεταβαίνειν δὲ εἰς τὴν μὴ ἐγχειρισθεῖσαν, ἵνα τῆς μὲν παρὰ θεοῦ δοθείσης κατα φρονῇ, τὴν δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων κενοδοξίαν ἀγαπήσῃ. οὐκοῦν, ἀγαπητοί, ἔδει ἀπαν τῆσαι καὶ μὴ παραιτήσασθαι, ἵνα καὶ τέλος λάβῃ τὸ πρᾶγμα· τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ λόγος ἀπ αιτεῖ. ἀλλ' ἴσως ἡ προθεσμία ἐνεπόδισε· γράψαντες γὰρ ἐμέμψασθε, ὅτι «στενὴν τὴν προ θεσμίαν τῆς συνόδου» ὡρίσαμεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο, ἀγαπητοί, πρόφασίς ἐστιν. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐρχομένους τινὰς συνέκλεισεν ἡ ἡμέρα, στενὸν ἂν τὸ διάστημα τῆς προθεσμίας ἠλέγχθη, εἰ δὲ οἱ ἐλθεῖν μὴ βουλόμενοι κατεσχήκασι καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἕως αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ἰαννου αρίου μηνός, μὴ θαρρούντων ἐστὶν ἡ πρόφασις. ἦλθον γὰρ ἄν, ὡς προεῖπον, εἰ ἐθάρρουν, οὐ πρὸς τὸ διάστημα τῆς ὁδοῦ σκοποῦντες οὐδὲ πρὸς τὴν προθεσμίαν ὁρῶντες, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις καὶ τοῖς εὐλόγοις παρρησιαζόμενοι. ἀλλ' ἴσως διὰ τὸν καιρὸν οὐκ ἀπήν τησαν. τοῦτο γὰρ γράφοντες πάλιν ἐδηλώσατε, ὡς ἄρα ἔδει ἡμᾶς «σκοπήσαντας τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑῴας καιρὸν» μὴ προτρέψασθαι ὑμᾶς ἀπαντῆσαι. εἰ μὲν οὖν διὰ τὸ τοιοῦτον εἶναι τὸν καιρὸν οὐκ ἀπηντήσατε, ὥς φατε, ἔδει προτέρους ὑμᾶς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον σκοπήσαντας μὴ αἰτίους σχίσματος μηδὲ ὀλολυγῆς καὶ θρήνων ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις γενέσθαι. νῦν δὲ οἱ ταῦτα πεποιηκότες ἔδειξαν μὴ τὸν καιρὸν αἴτιον, ἀλλὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν τῶν μὴ θελη σάντων ἀπαντῆσαι.
Θαυμάζω δὲ κἀκεῖνο τὸ μέρος τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, πῶς ὅλως κἂν ἐγράφη παρ' ὑμῶν ὅτι δὴ «τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον μόνοις καὶ οὐ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν» μόνος ἔγραψα· εὐχέρειαν γὰρ τῶν μεμψαμένων μᾶλλον ἄν τις εὕροι ἤπερ ἀλήθειαν. ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐκ ἄλλοθεν λαβὼν κατὰ Ἀθανασίου γράμματα ἢ διὰ τῶν περὶ Μαρτύριον καὶ Ἡσύχιον ἐκείνοις ἀνάγκῃ ἔγραψα τοῖς καὶ γράψασι κατ' αὐτοῦ. ἔδει τοίνυν ἢ τοὺς περὶ Εὐσέβιον μὴ μόνους χωρὶς πάντων ὑμῶν γράψαι ἢ ὑμᾶς, οἷς μὴ ἔγραψα, μὴ λυπεῖσθαι, εἰ ἐκείνοις ἐγράφη τοῖς καὶ γράψασιν. εἰ γὰρ ἐχρῆν καὶ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἐπιστεῖλαι, ἔδει καὶ ὑμᾶς σὺν ἐκείνοις γράψαι. νῦν δὲ τὸ ἀκόλουθον σκοποῦντες ἐκείνοις ἐγράψαμεν τοῖς καὶ δηλώσασιν ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς ἀποστείλασι πρὸς ἡμᾶς. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὸ μόνον ἐμὲ γεγραφέναι ἐκείνοις ἐκίνησεν ὑμᾶς, ἀκόλουθόν ἐστιν ὑμᾶς ἀγανακτεῖν, ὅτι καὶ μόνῳ ἐμοὶ ἔγραψαν. ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ πιθανὴ μὲν καὶ οὐκ ἄλογος ἡ πρόφασις, ἀγαπητοί, ὅμως δὲ γνωρίσαι ὑμῖν ἀναγκαῖον ὅτι, εἰ καὶ μόνος ἔγραψα, ἀλλ' οὐκ ἐμοῦ μόνου ἐστὶν αὕτη ἡ γνώμη ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰτα λίαν καὶ τῶν ἐν τούτοις τοῖς μέρεσιν ἐπισκόπων. καὶ ἔγωγε τοὺς πάντας οὐκ ἠθέλησα ποιῆσαι γράψαι, ἵνα μὴ παρὰ πολλῶν τὸ βάρος ἔχωσιν. ἀμέλει καὶ νῦν τῇ ὁρισθείσῃ προθεσμίᾳ συνῆλθον ἐπίσκοποι καὶ ταύτης τῆς γνώμης γεγόνασιν, ἣν πάλιν γράφων ὑμῖν σημαίνω, ὥστε, ἀγαπητοί, εἰ καὶ μόνος ἐπιστέλλω, ἀλλὰ πάντων γνώμην εἶναι ταύτην γινώσκετε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τοῦ μὴ εὐλόγως τινὰς ἐξ ὑμῶν προφάσεις, ἀλλὰ ἀδίκους καὶ ὑπόπτους πορίσασθαι.
Περὶ δὲ τοῦ μὴ εὐχερῶς μηδὲ ἀδίκως ἡμᾶς ὑποδεδέχθαι εἰς κοινωνίαν τοὺς συν επισκόπους ἡμῶν Ἀθανάσιον καὶ Μάρκελλον, εἰ καὶ τὰ προλεχθέντα ἱκανά, ὅμως διὰ βραχέων εὔλογον ὑμῖν δεῖξαι. ἔγραψαν οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον πρότερον κατὰ τῶν περὶ Ἀθα νάσιον, ἐγράψατε δὲ καὶ νῦν ὑμεῖς, ἔγραψαν δὲ καὶ πλεῖστοι ἐπίσκοποι ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπ του καὶ ἐξ ἄλλων ἐπαρχιῶν ὑπὲρ Ἀθανασίου. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τὰ κατ' αὐτοῦ γράμ ματα παρ' ὑμῶν μάχεται πρὸς ἑαυτὰ καὶ οὐδεμίαν συμφωνίαν ἔχει τὰ δεύτερα πρὸς τὰ πρῶτα, ἀλλ' ἐν πολλοῖς τὰ πρῶτα ὑπὸ τῶν δευτέρων λύεται καὶ τὰ δεύτερα ὑπὸ τῶν πρώτων διαβάλλεται· ἀσυμφώνων δὲ ὄντων τῶν γραμμάτων οὐδεμία πίστις περὶ τῶν λεγομένων ἐστίν. ἔπειτα, εἰ τοῖς παρ' ὑμῶν γραφεῖσιν ἀξιοῦτε πιστεύειν, ἀκόλουθόν ἐστι καὶ τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ γράψασι μὴ ἀπιστῆσαι, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι ὑμεῖς μὲν πόρρωθεν, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ἐν τοῖς τόποις ὄντες καὶ εἰδότες τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὰ ἐκεῖ γινόμενα πράγματα γρά φουσι μαρτυροῦντες αὐτοῦ τῷ βίῳ καὶ διαβεβαιούμενοι ἐν πᾶσιν αὐτὸν συσκευὴν πεπον θέναι. καὶ πάλιν Ἀρσένιός τις ἐπίσκοπος ἐλέχθη ποτὲ ὡς ἀναιρεθεὶς παρὰ Ἀθανασίου, ἀλλὰ τοῦτον ἐμάθομεν ζῆν, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλίαν ἔχειν πρὸς αὐτόν. τὰ ὑπομνήματα τὰ ἐν Μαρεώτῃ γενόμενα διεβεβαιώσατο κατὰ μονομέρειαν γεγενῆσθαι· μήτε γὰρ ἐκεῖ παρεῖναι Μακάριον τὸν πρεσβύτερον τὸν κατηγορούμενον μήτε αὐτὸν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον αὐτοῦ Ἀθανάσιον. καὶ τοῦτο οὐ μόνον ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ λόγων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπο μνημάτων, ὧν ἐκόμισαν ἡμῖν οἱ περὶ Μαρτύριον καὶ Ἡσύχιον, ἔγνωμεν. ἀναγνόντες γὰρ εὕρομεν ὅτι ὁ μὲν κατήγορος Ἰσχύρας ἐκεῖ παρῆν, οὔτε δὲ Μακάριος οὔτε ὁ ἐπί σκοπος Ἀθανάσιος· ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους Ἀθανασίου ἀξιοῦντας παρεῖναι καὶ μὴ συγχωρηθέντας. ἔδει δὲ, ἀγαπητοί, εἴπερ μετὰ ἀληθείας ἐγίνετο τὸ κριτήριον μὴ μόνον τὸν κατήγορον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν κατηγορούμενον παρεῖναι. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ Μακάριος παρῆν ὁ κατηγορούμενος καὶ Ἰσχύρας ὁ κατήγορος, καὶ οὐδὲν ἐδείχθη, οὕτως ἔδει καὶ ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτῃ μὴ μόνον ἀπελθεῖν τὸν κατήγορον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν κατη γορούμενον, ἵνα παρὼν ἢ ἐλεγχθῇ ἢ μὴ ἐλεγχθεὶς δείξῃ τὴν συκοφαντίαν. νῦν δὲ τού του μὴ γενομένου, ἀλλὰ μόνου ἀπελθόντος τοῦ κατηγόρου, μεθ' ὧν παρῃτήσατο Ἀθα νάσιος, ὕποπτα τὰ πράγματα φαίνεται.
Ἠιτιᾶτο δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπελθόντας εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ ἀπεληλυ θέναι. ἔλεγε γὰρ ὅτι Θεόγνιον καὶ Μάριν καὶ Θεόδωρον, Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐάλεντα καὶ Μακεδόνιον ὑπόπτους ὄντας ἀπέστειλαν. καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐκ τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ γενομένου ἐπισκόπου τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ἐδείκνυε. προήνεγκε γὰρ ἐπιστολὴν αὐτοῦ γραφεῖσαν πρὸς ∆ιονύσιον τὸν ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ κόμητα, ἐν ᾗ δηλοῖ φανερὰν συσκευὴν γενέσθαι κατὰ Ἀθανασίου. καὶ αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ κατηγόρου Ἰσχύρα προεκόμισε χεῖρα ὁλόγραφον αὐθεντικήν, ἐν ᾗ μάρτυρα τὸν θεὸν τὸν παντοκράτορα ἐπικαλούμενος μήτε ποτηρίου κλάσιν μήτε τραπέζης ἀνατροπὴν γεγενῆσθαι ἔλεγεν, ἀλλ' ὑποβεβλῆσθαι ἑαυτὸν ὑπό τινων πλάσασθαι ταύτην τὴν κα τηγορίαν. ἀπαντήσαντες δὲ καὶ πρεσβύτεροι τοῦ Μαρεώτου διεβεβαιώσαντο μήτε τὸν Ἰσχύραν πρεσβύτερον εἶναι τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας μήτε τι τοιοῦτον πεπλημμεληκέναι Μακάριον, ὁποῖον ἐκεῖνος κατηγόρησεν. οἱ πρεσβύτεροι δὲ καὶ οἱ διάκονοι ἀπαντή σαντες ἐνταῦθα οὐκ ὀλίγα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολλὰ ἐμαρτύρησαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ἀθανασίου διαβεβαιούμενοι μηδὲν ἀληθὲς εἶναι τῶν κατ' αὐτοῦ λεγομένων, συσκευὴν δὲ αὐτὸν πε πονθέναι. καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου δὲ καὶ Λιβύης πάντες ἐπίσκοποι γράφοντες διεβεβαιώ σαντο καὶ τὴν κατάστασιν αὐτοῦ ἔννομον καὶ ἐκκλησιαστικὴν γεγονέναι καὶ πάντα τὰ παρ' ὑμῶν λεγόμενα κατ' αὐτοῦ εἶναι ψευδῆ· οὔτε γὰρ φόνον γεγενῆσθαι οὔτε τινὰς ἀναιρεθῆναι δι' αὐτὸν οὔτε κλάσιν ποτηρίου γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ πάντα εἶναι ψευδῆ. καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων δὲ τῶν ἐν Μαρεώτῃ κατὰ μονομέρειαν γενομένων ἐδείκνυεν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Ἀθανάσιος ἕνα κατηχούμενον ἐξετασθέντα καὶ εἰπόντα ἔνδον εἶναι μετὰ Ἰσχύρα, ὅτε Μακάριος ὁ πρεσβύτερος Ἀθανασίου, ὡς λέγουσιν, ἐπέστη τῷ τόπῳ, καὶ ἄλλους δὲ ἐξετασθέντας καὶ εἰπόντας τὸν μὲν «ἐν κελλίῳ μικρῷ», τὸν δὲ «ὄπισθεν τῆς θύρας κατακεῖσθαι τὸν Ἰσχύραν τότε νοσοῦντα», ὅτε Μακάριον λέγουσιν ἀπηντηκέναι ἐκεῖ. ἀπὸ δὴ τούτων ὧν ἔλεγε, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἀκολούθως στοχαζόμεθα ὅτι πῶς οἷόν τε τὸν ὄπισθεν τῆς θύρας νόσῳ κατακείμενον τότε ἑστηκέναι καὶ λειτουργεῖν καὶ προσφέρειν; ἢ πῶς οἷόν τε ἦν προσφορὰν προκεῖσθαι ἔνδον ὄντων τῶν κατηχουμένων; εἰ γὰρ ἔνδον ἦσαν οἱ κατηχούμενοι, οὔπω ἦν ὁ καιρὸς τῆς προσφορᾶς. ταῦτα, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἔλεγεν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Ἀθανάσιος καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐδείκνυε, διαβεβαιουμένων καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ μηδὲ ὅλως αὐτὸν πρεσβύτερον γεγενῆσθαί ποτε ἐν τῇ καθολικῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ μηδὲ σεσυνῆχθαι αὐτόν ποτε ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὡς πρεσβύτερον· οὐδὲ γὰρ [οὐδὲ] ὅτε Ἀλέξαν δρος ἐδέχετο κατὰ φιλανθρωπίαν τῆς μεγάλης συνόδου τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ σχίσματος Μελιτίου, ὠνομάσθαι αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Μελιτίου μετὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ διεβεβαιοῦντο· ὃ καὶ μέγιστόν ἐστι τεκμήριον μὴ εἶναι αὐτὸν μήτε Μελιτίου. εἰ γὰρ ἦν, πάντως καὶ αὐτὸς αὐτοῖς συνηριθ μεῖτο. ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ὁ Ἰσχύρας ψευσάμενος ἐδείκνυτο ὑπὸ Ἀθανασίου ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων· κατηγορήσας γὰρ ὡς βιβλίων κεκαυμένων ὅτε, ὡς λέγουσι, Μα κάριος ἐπέστη, ἠλέγχθη ὑφ' ὧν αὐτὸς ἤνεγκε μαρτύρων ψευσάμενος.
Τούτων τοίνυν οὕτως λεγομένων καὶ τοσούτων μὲν ὄντων τῶν μαρτύρων τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, τοσούτων δὲ δικαιωμάτων προφερομένων ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, τί ἔδει ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς; ἢ τί ὁ ἐκκλησιαστικὸς κανὼν ἀπαιτεῖ ἢ μὴ καταγνῶναι τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἀποδέ ξασθαι καὶ ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ὥσπερ καὶ εἴχομεν; καὶ γὰρ πρὸς τούτοις πᾶσι παρέμεινεν ἐνταῦθα ἐνιαυτὸν καὶ ἓξ μῆνας ἐκδεχόμενος τὴν παρουσίαν ὑμῶν ἢ τῶν βου λομένων ἐλθεῖν· τῇ δὲ παρουσίᾳ ἐδυσώπει πάντας, ὅτι οὐκ ἂν παρῆν εἰ μὴ ἐθάρρει. καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἀφ' ἑαυτοῦ ἐλήλυθεν, ἀλλὰ κληθεὶς καὶ λαβὼν γράμματα παρ' ἡμῶν, καθάπερ καὶ ὑμῖν ἐγράψαμεν. καὶ ὅμως μετὰ τοσαῦτα ὑμεῖς ὡς «παρὰ κανόνας ποιήσαντας» ἡμᾶς ἐμέμψασθε. σκοπεῖτε τοίνυν, τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ παρὰ κανόνας πράξαντες, ἡμεῖς οἱ μετὰ τοσούτων ἀποδείξεων τὸν ἄνδρα δεξάμενοι ἢ οἱ ἀπὸ τριάκοντα καὶ ἓξ μονῶν ἐν Ἀντιο χείᾳ ὀνομάσαντές τινα ὡς ἐπίσκοπον ξένον καὶ ἀποστείλαντες εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν μετὰ στρατιωτικῆς ἐξουσίας; ὅπερ οὐ γέγονεν οὐδὲ εἰς Γαλλίας αὐτοῦ ἀποσταλέντος· ἐγεγόνει γὰρ ἂν καὶ τότε, εἰ ὄντως ἦν καταγνωσθείς. ἀμέλει ἐπανελθὼν σχολάζουσαν καὶ ἐκδεχομένην αὐτὸν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εὗρεν.
Ἀλλὰ νῦν οὐκ οἶδα, ποίῳ τρόπῳ γέγονε τὰ γενόμενα. πρῶτον μὲν γάρ, εἰ δεῖ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἔδει γραψάντων ἡμῶν σύνοδον γενέσθαι προλαβεῖν τινας τὴν ἐκ τῆς συνόδου κρίσιν. ἔπειτα οὐκ ἔδει τοιαύτην καινοτομίαν κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας γενέσθαι. ποῖος γὰρ κανὼν ἐκκλησιαστικὸς ἢ ποία παράδοσις ἀποστολικὴ τοιαύτη, ὥστε εἰρη νευούσης ἐκκλησίας καὶ ἐπισκόπων τοσούτων ὁμόνοιαν ἐχόντων πρὸς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας Ἀθανάσιον ἀποσταλῆναι Γρηγόριον, ξένον μὲν τῆς πόλεως, μήτε ἐκεῖ βαπτισθέντα μήτε γινωσκόμενον τοῖς πολλοῖς, μὴ αἰτηθέντα παρὰ πρεσβυτέρων, μὴ παρ' ἐπισκόπων, μὴ παρὰ λαῶν, ἀλλὰ κατασταθῆναι μὲν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ, ἀποσταλῆναι δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, οὐ μετὰ πρεσβυτέρων, οὐ μετὰ διακόνων τῆς πόλεως, οὐ μετὰ ἐπισκόπων τῆς Αἰγύπτου, ἀλλὰ μετὰ στρατιωτῶν; τοῦτο γὰρ ἔλεγον καὶ ᾐτιῶντο οἱ ἐνταῦθα ἐλθόντες. εἰ γὰρ καὶ μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ὑπεύθυνος ἦν εὑρεθεὶς ὁ Ἀθανάσιος, οὐκ ἔδει τὴν κατάστασιν οὕτως παρανόμως καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἐκκλησιαστικὸν κανόνα γενέ σθαι, ἀλλ' ἐπ' αὐτῆς τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἱερατείου, ἀπ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ κλήρου τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ ἐπισκόπους ἔδει καταστῆσαι καὶ μὴ νῦν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων κανόνας παραλύεσθαι. ἆρα γάρ, εἰ καθ' ἑνὸς ὑμῶν ἐγεγόνει τὸ τοιοῦτον, οὐκ ἂν ἐβοήσατε, οὐκ ἂν ἠξιώσατε ὡς παραλελυμένων τῶν κανόνων ἐκδικηθῆναι; ἀγαπητοί, ὡς θεοῦ παρόντος μετὰ ἀληθείας φθεγγόμεθα καὶ λέγομεν· οὐκ ἔστι τοῦτο εὐσεβὲς οὐδὲ νόμιμον οὐδὲ ἐκκλησιαστικόν. καὶ γὰρ καὶ τὰ λεγόμενα γεγενῆσθαι παρὰ Γρηγορίου ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ αὐτοῦ δείκνυσι τὴν τῆς καταστάσεως τάξιν. ἐν γὰρ τοιούτοις εἰρηνικοῖς καιροῖς, ὡς αὐτοὶ οἱ ἐλθόντες ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἀπήγγειλαν, καθὼς καὶ οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἔγραψαν, ἡ ἐκκλησία ἐμπρησμὸν ὑπέμεινε, παρθένοι ἐγυμνώθησαν, μονάζοντες κατε πατήθησαν, πρεσβύτεροι καὶ πολλοὶ τοῦ λαοῦ ᾐκίσθησαν καὶ βίαν πεπόνθασιν, ἐπί σκοποι ἐφυλακίσθησαν, περιεσύρησαν πολλοί, τὰ ἅγια μυστήρια, ἐφ' οἷς ᾐτιῶντο Μα κάριον τὸν πρεσβύτερον, ὑπὸ ἐθνικῶν διηρπάζετο καὶ εἰς γῆν ἐβάλλετο, ἵνα τὴν Γρηγο ρίου τινὲς κατάστασιν δέξωνται. τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα δείκνυσι τοὺς «παραλύοντας τοὺς κανόνας». εἰ γὰρ νομίμη ἦν ἡ κατάστασις, οὐκ ἂν διὰ παρανομίας ἠνάγκαζε πείθεσθαι τοὺς νομίμως ἀπειθοῦντας αὐτῷ. καὶ ὅμως τοιούτων γενομένων γράφετε «εἰρήνην με γάλην γεγενῆσθαι ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ καὶ τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ», ἐκτὸς εἰ μὴ ἀντιμεταβέβληται τὸ ἔργον τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα εἰρήνην ὀνομάζετε.
Κἀκεῖνο δὲ ὑμῖν ἀναγκαῖον ἐνόμισα δηλῶσαι ὅτι Ἀθανάσιος διεβεβαιοῦτο Μα κάριον ἐν Τύρῳ ὑπὸ στρατιώτας γεγενῆσθαι καὶ μόνον τὸν κατήγορον ἀπεληλυθέναι μετὰ τῶν ἀπελθόντων εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρεσβυτέρους ἀξιοῦντας παρεῖναι ἐν τῇ ἐξετάσει μὴ συγκεχωρῆσθαι, τὴν δὲ ἐξέτασιν γεγενῆσθαι περὶ ποτηρίου καὶ τρα πέζης ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ ἐπάρχου καὶ τῆς τάξεως αὐτοῦ παρόντων ἐθνικῶν καὶ Ἰουδαίων. τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἄπιστον ἦν, εἰ μὴ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐδείκνυτο, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ ἐθαυμάσαμεν, νομίζω δὲ καὶ ὑμᾶς ἔτι θαυμάζειν, ἀγαπητοί. πρεσβύτεροι μὲν οὐκ ἐπιτρέπονται παρεῖναι οἱ καὶ τῶν μυστηρίων λειτουργοὶ τυγχάνοντες, ἐπὶ δὲ ἐξωτικοῦ δικαστοῦ παρόντων κατηχουμένων καὶ τό γε χείριστον, ἐπὶ ἐθνικῶν καὶ Ἰουδαίων τῶν διαβεβλημένων περὶ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν ἐξέτασις περὶ αἵματος Χριστοῦ καὶ σώματος Χριστοῦ γίνεται. εἰ γὰρ καὶ ὅλως ἐγεγόνει τι πλημμέλημα, ἔδει ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὑπὸ κλη ρικῶν νομίμων ἐξετάζεσθαι τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ μὴ ὑπὸ ἐθνικῶν τῶν τὸν λόγον βδελυσσο μένων καὶ μὴ εἰδότων τὴν ἀλήθειαν. τοῦτο δὲ τὸ ἁμάρτημα ἡλίκον καὶ ὁποῖόν ἐστι, συνορᾶν καὶ ὑμᾶς καὶ πάντας πεπίστευκα. περὶ μὲν Ἀθανασίου τοιαῦτα·
Περὶ δὲ Μαρκέλλου, ἐπειδὴ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἀσεβοῦντος εἰς τὸν Χριστὸν ἐγράψατε, δηλῶσαι ὑμῖν ἐσπούδασα ὅτι ἐνταῦθα γενόμενος διεβεβαιώσατο μὲν μὴ εἶναι ἀληθῆ τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ γραφέντα παρ' ὑμῶν, ὅμως δὲ ἀπαιτούμενος παρ' ἡμῶν εἰπεῖν περὶ τῆς πίστεως οὕτως μετὰ παρρησίας ἀπεκρίνατο δι' ἑαυτοῦ ὡς ἐπιγνῶναι μὲν ἡμᾶς ὅτι μηδὲν ἔξωθεν τῆς ἀληθείας ὁμολογεῖ. οὕτως γὰρ εὐσεβῶς περὶ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ὡμολόγησε φρονεῖν, ὥσπερ καὶ ἡ καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία φρονεῖ· καὶ οὐ νῦν ταῦτα πεφρονηκέναι διεβεβαιώσατο, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔκπαλαι, ὡσπεροῦν καὶ οἱ ἡμέτεροι πρεσβύτεροι τότε ἐν τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδῳ γενόμενοι ἐμαρτύρησαν αὐτοῦ τῇ ὀρ θοδοξίᾳ. καὶ γὰρ καὶ τότε καὶ νῦν κατὰ τῆς αἱρέσεως τῶν Ἀρειανῶν πεφρονηκέναι διισχυρίσατο, ἐφ' ᾧ καὶ ὑμᾶς ὑπομνῆσαι δίκαιόν ἐστιν, ἵνα μηδεὶς τὴν τοιαύτην αἵρεσιν ἀποδέχηται, ἀλλὰ βδελύττηται ὡς ἀλλοτρίαν τῆς ὑγιαινούσης διδασκαλίας. ὀρθὰ τοίνυν αὐτὸν φρονοῦντα καὶ ἐπὶ ὀρθοδοξίᾳ μαρτυρούμενον τί πάλιν καὶ ἐπὶ τούτου ἔδει ποιεῖν ἡμᾶς ἢ ἔχειν αὐτόν, ὥσπερ καὶ εἴχομεν, ἐπίσκοπον καὶ μὴ ἀποβάλλειν τῆς κοινωνίας; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγὼ οὐχ ὡς ὑπεραπολογούμενος αὐτῶν γέγραφα, ἀλλ' ἕνεκα τοῦ πιστεῦσαι ὑμᾶς ὅτι δικαίως καὶ κανονικῶς ἐδεξάμεθα τοὺς ἄνδρας, καὶ μάτην φιλονεικεῖτε, ὑμᾶς δὲ δίκαιόν ἐστι σπουδάσαι καὶ πάντα τρόπον καμεῖν, ἵνα τὰ μὲν παρὰ κανόνα γενόμενα διορθώσεως τύχῃ, αἱ δὲ ἐκκλησίαι εἰρήνην ἔχωσι πρὸς τὸ τὴν τοῦ κυρίου εἰρήνην τὴν δοθεῖσαν ἡμῖν παραμεῖναι καὶ μὴ σχίζεσθαι τὰς ἐκκλησίας μηδὲ ὑμᾶς ὡς αἰτίους σχίσματος μέμψιν ὑπομεῖναι. ὁμολογῶ γὰρ ὑμῖν τὰ γενόμενα οὐκ εἰρήνης, ἀλλὰ σχίσματος προφάσεις εἰσίν.
Οὐ γὰρ μόνον οἱ περὶ Ἀθανάσιον καὶ Μάρκελλον οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἐληλύθασιν ἐνταῦθα αἰτιώμενοι κατ' αὐτῶν ἀδικίαν γεγονέναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλεῖστοι ἄλλοι ἐπίσκοποι ἀπὸ Θρᾴκης, ἀπὸ Κοίλης Συρίας, ἀπὸ Φοινίκης καὶ Παλαιστίνης. καὶ πρεσβύτεροι μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγοι, ἄλλοι δέ τινες ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας καὶ ἄλλοι ἐξ ἄλλων μερῶν, ἀπήντησαν εἰς τὴν ἐνταῦθα σύνοδον, ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν συνελθόντων ἐπισκόπων πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις οἷς ἔλεγον ἔτι καὶ ἀπωδύροντο βίαν καὶ ἀδικίαν τὰς ἐκκλησίας πεπονθέναι, καὶ ὅμοια τῶν κατὰ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν καὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἐν ἄλλαις ἐκκλησίαις γεγενῆσθαι διεβεβαιοῦντο οὐ λόγῳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πράγμασι. καὶ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου δὲ καὶ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας πάλιν ἐλθόντες νῦν πρεσβύτεροι μετὰ γραμμάτων ἀπωδύροντο ὅτι πολλοὶ ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι θέλοντες ἐλθεῖν εἰς τὴν σύνοδον ἐκωλύθησαν. μέχρι γὰρ νῦν καὶ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ἀθανασίου ἀποδημίαν ἔλεγον ἐπισκόπους ὁμολογητὰς κατακόπτεσθαι πληγαῖς καὶ ἄλλους φυλακίζεσθαι, ἤδη δὲ καὶ ἀρχαίους, πλεῖστον ὅσον χρόνον ἔχοντας ἐν τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ, εἰς λειτουργίας δημοσίας παραδίδοσθαι καὶ σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας κληρικοὺς καὶ λαοὺς ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι καὶ διώκεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ καί τινας ἐπισκόπους καί τινας ἀδελφοὺς ὑπερορίους ἔλεγον γεγενῆσθαι δι' οὐδὲν ἕτερον, ἢ ἵνα καὶ ἄκοντες ἀναγκάζωνται κοινωνεῖν Γρηγορίῳ καὶ τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ Ἀρειανοῖς. καὶ ἐν Ἀγκύρᾳ δὲ τῆς Γαλατίας οὐκ ὀλίγα γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὰ αὐτὰ πάλιν τοῖς κατὰ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν γενομένοις ἠκούσαμεν καὶ παρ' ἑτέρων, καὶ Μάρκελλος δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος διεμαρτύρατο. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ τοιαύτας κατηγορίας καὶ οὕτω δεινὰς κατά τινων ἐξ ὑμῶν, ἵνα μὴ λέγω τὰ ὀνόματα, οἱ ἀπαντήσαντες εἰρήκασιν, ἃς ἐγὼ μὲν γράψαι παρῃ τησάμην· ἴσως δὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς παρ' ἑτέρων ἀκηκόατε. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ μάλιστα καὶ ἔγραψα προτρεπόμενος ὑμᾶς ἐλθεῖν, ἵνα καὶ παρόντες ἀκούσητε καὶ πάντα διορθωθῆναι καὶ θεραπευθῆναι δυνηθῇ. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ προθυμοτέρως ἔδει τοὺς κληθέντας ἀπαντῆσαι καὶ μὴ παραιτήσασθαι, ἵνα μήτε ὡς ὕποπτοι περὶ τὰ λεχθέντα, ἐὰν μὴ ἀπαντήσωσι, νομισθῶσι μήτε ὡς μὴ δυνάμενοι ἐλέγξαι ἃ ἔγραψαν.
Τούτων τοίνυν οὕτως λεγομένων καὶ οὕτως τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν πασχουσῶν καὶ ἐπι βουλευομένων, ὡς οἱ ἀπαγγέλλοντες διεβεβαιοῦντο, τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ «φλόγα διχονοίας ἀνάψαντες»; ἡμεῖς οἱ λυπούμενοι ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις καὶ συμπάσχοντες τοῖς πάσχουσιν ἀδελφοῖς ἢ οἱ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐργασάμενοι; θαυμάζω γάρ, πῶς τοιαύτης καὶ τοσαύτης ἐκεῖ ἀκαταστασίας καθ' ἑκάστην ἐκκλησίαν οὔσης, δι' ἣν καὶ οἱ ἀπαντήσαντες ἦλθον ἐνταῦθα, γράφετε ὑμεῖς «ὁμόνοιαν γεγενῆσθαι ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις». τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα οὐκ ἐπὶ οἰκοδομῇ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἀλλ' ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει ταύτης γίνεται. καὶ οἱ ἐν τούτοις δὲ χαίροντες οὔκ εἰσιν εἰρήνης υἱοί, ἀλλὰ ἀκαταστασίας· ὁ δὲ θεὸς ἡμῶν «οὐκ ἔστιν ἀκαταστασίας ἀλλ' εἰρήνης». διόπερ, ὡς οἶδεν ὁ θεὸς καὶ πατὴρ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, κηδό μενος μὲν καὶ τῆς ὑμῶν ὑπολήψεως, εὐχόμενος δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας μὴ ἐν ἀκαταστασίᾳ εἶναι, ἀλλὰ διαμένειν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀποστόλων ἐκανονίσθη, γράψαι ὑμῖν ταῦτα ἀναγ καῖον ἡγησάμην, ἵνα ἤδη ποτὲ δυσωπήσητε τοὺς διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπέχθειαν οὕτω διαθεμένους τὰς ἐκκλησίας. ἤκουσα γὰρ ὅτι τινές εἰσιν ὀλίγοι οἱ τούτων πάντων αἴτιοι τυγχάνοντες. καὶ σπουδάσατε ὡς σπλάγχνα ἔχοντες οἰκτιρμοῦ διορθώσασθαι, ὡς προεῖπον, τὰ παρὰ κανόνα γενόμενα, ἵνα, εἰ καί τι προελήφθη, τοῦτο τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ σπουδῇ θεραπευθῇ. καὶ μὴ γράφητε ὅτι «τὴν Μαρκέλλου καὶ Ἀθανασίου ἢ τὴν ἡμῶν ἑλοῦ κοινωνίαν», οὐ γὰρ εἰρήνης, ἀλλὰ φιλονεικίας καὶ μισαδελφίας τὰ τοιαῦτα γνωρίσματα. διὰ τοῦτο οὖν κἀγὼ τὰ προειρημένα ἔγραψα, ἵνα μαθόντες ὅτι οὐκ ἀδίκως ἐδεξάμεθα αὐτούς, παύσησθε τῆς τοιαύτης ἔριδος. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐλθόντων ὑμῶν ἦσαν καταγνω σθέντες, εἰ μὴ εὐλόγους ἀποδείξεις ἔχειν ἐφαίνοντο ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν, καλῶς ἂν τὰ τοιαῦτα γεγραφήκειτε· ἐπειδὴ δέ, ὡς προεῖπον, κανονικῶς καὶ οὐκ ἀδίκως τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἔσχομεν κοινωνίαν, παρακαλῶ ὑπὲρ Χριστοῦ, μὴ ἐπιτρέψητε διασχισθῆναι τὰ μέλη τοῦ Χριστοῦ μηδὲ τοῖς προλήμμασι πιστεύσητε, ἀλλὰ τὴν τοῦ κυρίου εἰρήνην προτιμήσατε. οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον οὐδὲ δίκαιον δι' ὀλίγων μικροψυχίαν τοὺς μὴ καταγνωσθέντας ἀπορρίπτειν καὶ «λυπεῖν ἐν τούτῳ τὸ πνεῦμα»· εἰ δὲ νομίζετε δύνασθαί τινα κατ' αὐτῶν ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ εἰς πρόσωπον αὐτοὺς ἐλέγξαι, ἐλθέτωσαν οἱ βουλόμενοι. ἑτοίμους γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ αὐτοὶ εἶναι ἐπηγγείλαντο, ὥστε καὶ ἀποδεῖξαι καὶ διελέγξαι, περὶ ὧν ἡμῖν ἀπήγγειλαν.
Σημάνατε οὖν ἡμῖν, ἀγαπητοί, περὶ τούτου, ἵνα κἀκείνοις γράψωμεν καὶ τοῖς ὀφείλουσι πάλιν συνελθεῖν ἐπισκόποις πρὸς τὸ πάντων παρόντων τοὺς ὑπευθύνους κατα γνωσθῆναι καὶ μηκέτι ἀκαταστασίαν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις γενέσθαι. ἀρκεῖ γὰρ τὰ γενόμενα· ἀρκεῖ ὅτι παρόντων ἐπισκόπων ἐπίσκοποι ἐξωρίζοντο. περὶ οὗ οὐδὲ μακρηγορεῖν δεῖ, ἵνα μὴ βαρεῖσθαι οἱ παρόντες τότε δοκῶσιν. εἰ γὰρ δεῖ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἔδει μέχρι τούτων φθάσαι οὐδὲ εἰς τοσοῦτον ἐλθεῖν τὰς μικροψυχίας. ἔστω δὲ Ἀθανάσιος καὶ Μάρκελλος, ὡς γράφετε, «μετετέθησαν ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων τόπων», τί καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἄν τις εἴποι τῶν ἐκ διαφόρων τόπων, ὡς προεῖπον, ἐλθόντων ἐνταῦθα ἐπισκόπων καὶ πρεσβυτέρων; καὶ αὐτοὶ γὰρ πάλιν ἡρπάσθαι ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τοιαῦτα πεπονθέναι ἔλεγον. ὦ ἀγαπητοί, οὐκέτι κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, ἀλλὰ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ ἐξορισμῷ καὶ θανάτῳ αἱ κρίσεις τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰσίν. εἰ γὰρ καὶ ὅλως, ὥς φατε, γέγονέ τι εἰς αὐτοὺς ἁμάρτημα, ἔδει κατὰ τὸν ἐκκλη σιαστικὸν κανόνα καὶ μὴ οὕτως γεγενῆσθαι τὴν κρίσιν, ἔδει γραφῆναι πᾶσιν ἡμῖν, ἵνα οὕτως παρὰ πάντων ὁρισθῇ τὸ δίκαιον. ἐπίσκοποι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ πάσχοντες καὶ οὐχ αἱ τυχοῦσαι ἐκκλησίαι αἱ πάσχουσαι, ἀλλ' ὧν αὐτοὶ οἱ ἀπόστολοι δι' ἑαυτῶν καθηγή σαντο. διὰ τί δὲ περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίας μάλιστα οὐκ ἐγράφετο ἡμῖν; ἢ ἀγνοεῖτε, ὅτι τοῦτο ἔθος ἦν, πρότερον γράφεσθαι ἡμῖν καὶ οὕτως ἔνθεν ὁρίζεσθαι τὰ δίκαια; εἰ μὲν οὖν τι τοιοῦτον ἦν ὑποπτευθὲν εἰς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον τὸν ἐκεῖ, ἔδει πρὸς τὴν ἐνταῦθα ἐκκλησίαν γραφῆναι, νῦν δὲ οἱ ἡμᾶς μὴ πληροφορήσαντες, πράξαντες δὲ αὐτοὶ ὡς ἠθέλησαν, λοιπὸν καὶ ἡμᾶς οὐ καταγνόντας βούλονται συμψήφους εἶναι. οὐχ οὕτως αἱ Παύλου διατάξεις, οὐχ οὕτως οἱ πατέρες παραδεδώκασιν· ἄλλος τύπος ἐστὶν οὗτος καὶ καινὸν τὸ ἐπιτήδευμα. παρακαλῶ, μετὰ μακροθυμίας ἐνέγκατε· ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινῇ συμ φέροντός ἐστιν ἃ γράφω. ἃ γὰρ παρειλήφαμεν παρὰ τοῦ μακαρίου Πέτρου τοῦ ἀποστόλου, ταῦτα καὶ ὑμῖν δηλῶ. καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἔγραψα φανερὰ ἡγούμενος εἶναι ταῦτα παρὰ πᾶσιν, εἰ μὴ τὰ γενόμενα ἡμᾶς ἐτάραξεν. ἐπίσκοποι ἁρπάζονται καὶ ἐκτοπίζονται, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀλλαχόθεν ἀντιτίθενται καὶ ἄλλοι ἐπιβουλεύονται, ὥστε ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς ἁρπασθεῖσιν αὐτοὺς πενθεῖν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς πεμπομένοις ἀναγκάζεσθαι, ἵνα οὓς μὲν θέλουσι, μὴ ἐπιζητῶσιν, οὓς δὲ μὴ βούλονται, δέχωνται. ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς μηκέτι τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι, γράψατε δὲ μᾶλλον κατὰ τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπιχειρούντων, ἵνα μηκέτι τοιαῦτα πάσχωσιν αἱ ἐκκλησίαι μηδέ τις ἐπίσκοπος ἢ πρεσβύτερος ὕβριν πάσχῃ ἢ παρὰ γνώμην, ὥσπερ ἐδήλωσαν ἡμῖν, ἀναγκάζηταί τις ποιεῖν, ἵνα μὴ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἔθνεσι γέλωτα ὀφλήσωμεν, καὶ πρό γε πάντων, ἵνα μὴ τὸν θεὸν παροξύνωμεν. ἕκαστος γὰρ ἡμῶν «ἀποδώσει λόγον ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεως», περὶ ὧν ἐνταῦθα ἔπραξε. γένοιτο δὲ πάντας κατὰ θεὸν φρονῆσαι, ἵνα καὶ αἱ ἐκκλησίαι τοὺς ἐπισκόπους αὐτῶν ἀπολαβοῦσαι χαίρωσι διὰ παντὸς ἐν Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ τῷ κυρίῳ ἡμῶν, δι' οὗ τῷ πατρὶ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. ἀμήν. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς ἐν κυρίῳ εὔχομαι, ἀγαπητοὶ καὶ ποθεινότατοι ἀδελφοί.
Ταῦτα τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ συνόδου γραψάσης διὰ Ἰουλίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ῥώμης,