Apology to the Emperor. (Apologia Ad Constantium.)
2. The first charge, of setting Constans against Constantius.
3. He never saw Constans alone.
4. The movements of Athanasius refute this charge.
5. No possible time or place for the alleged offence.
6. The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius.
7. This charge utterly incredible and absurd.
9. Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother.
11. Challenge to the accusers as to the alleged letter.
12. Truth the defence of Thrones.
13. This charge rests on forgery.
14. The third charge, of using an undedicated Church.
15. Want of room the cause, precedent the justification.
16. Better to pray together than separately.
17. Better to pray in a building than in the desert.
18. Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
19. Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an Imperial order.
20. History of his disobeying it.
22. Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus.
23. A copy of the letter as follows:
24. Why Athanasius did not obey the Imperial Order.
25. The irruption of Syrianus.
26. How Athanasius acted when this took place.
28. The news of the intrusion of George.
29. Athanasius has heard of his own proscription.
30. A copy of the letter of Constantius against Athanasius.
31. Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians against Frumentius.
33. Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins.
3. He never saw Constans alone.
But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend myself against charges such as these, which I do not suppose that even the accuser himself would venture to make mention of in my presence. For he knows full well that he speaks untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft of my senses, as even to be open to the suspicion of having conceived any such thing. So that had I been questioned by any other on this subject, I would not even have answered, lest, while I was making my defence, my hearers should for a time have suspended their judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer with a loud and clear voice, and stretching forth my hand, as I have learned from the Apostle, ‘I call God for a record upon my soul9 2 Cor. i. 23.,’ and as it is written in the histories of the Kings (let me be allowed to say the same), ‘The Lord is witness, and His Anointed is witness10 1 Sam. xii. 5.,’ I have never spoken evil of your Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious Augustus of blessed memory. I did not exasperate him against you, as these have falsely accused me. But whenever in my interviews with him he has mentioned your Grace (and he did mention you at the time that Thalassus11 Hist. Arian. 22. vid. Apol. Ar. 51. [‘Pitybion’ is Patavia, now Padua.] came to Pitybion, and I was staying at Aquileia), the Lord is witness, how I spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God would reveal unto your soul, that you might condemn the falsehood of these my calumniators. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant me your indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most Christian brother was not a man of so light a temper, nor was I a person of such a character, that we should communicate together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a brother to a brother, or speak evil of an emperor before an emperor. I am not so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that divine utterance which says, ‘Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought; and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall tell the matter12 Eccles. x. 20..’ If then those things, which are spoken in secret against you that are kings, are not hidden, it is not incredible that I should have spoken against you in the presence of a king, and of so many bystanders? For I never saw your brother by myself, nor did he ever converse with me in private, but I was always introduced in company with the Bishop of the city where I happened to be, and with others that chanced to be there. We entered the presence together, and together we retired. Fortunatian13 All these names of Bishops occur among the subscriptions at Sardica. supr. Ap. Ar. 50. [See also D.C.B. s. vv.] Leis is Lauda, or Laus Pompeia, hodie Lodi Vecchio; Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. 4. p. 656., Bishop of Aquileia, can testify this, the father Hosius is able to say the same, as also are Crispinus, Bishop of Padua, Lucillus of a Verona, Dionysius of Lëis, and Vincentius of Campania. And although Maximinus of Treveri, and Protasius of Milan, are dead, yet Eugenius, who was Master of the Palace14 Or, master of the offices; one of the seven Ministers of the Court under the Empire; ‘He inspected the discipline of the civil and military schools, and received appeals from all parts of the Empire.’ Gibbon, ch. 17. [cf. Gwatkin, p. 285.], can bear witness for me; for he stood before the veil15 πρὸ τοῦ βήλου. The Veil, which in the first instance was an appendage to the images of pagan deities, formed at this time part of the ceremonial of the imperial Court. It hung over the entrance of the Emperor’s bedchamber, where he gave his audiences. It also hung before the secretarium of the Judges. vid. Hofman in voc. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. i. tit. vii. 1., and heard what we requested of the Emperor, and what he vouchsafed to reply to us.
3 Αἰσχύνομαι μὲν οὖν ἀληθῶς καὶ ἀπολογούμενος περὶ τοιούτων, περὶ ὧν οὐδὲ αὐτὸν οἶμαι τὸν κατήγορον ἔτι παρόντων ἡμῶν μνημονεύσειν. Οἶδε γὰρ ἀκριβῶς ὅτι τε αὐτὸς ψεύδεται, καὶ οὔτε ἐμάνην ἐγὼ οὔτε τῶν φρενῶν ἐξέστηκα, ἵνα κἂν ὡς ἐνθυμηθείς τι τοιοῦτον ὑπονοηθῶ. ∆ιὸ οὐδ' ἂν ἄλλοις ἐρωτῶσιν ἀπεκρινάμην, ἵνα μηδὲ ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἀπολογίας οἱ ἀκούοντες κρεμαμένην ἔχωσι τὴν διάνοιαν· τῇ δὲ σῇ εὐσεβείᾳ λαμπρᾷ καὶ μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ ἀπολογοῦμαι, καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐκτείνας, ὃ μεμάθηκα παρὰ τοῦ Ἀποστόλου, «μάρτυρα τὸν Θεὸν ἐπικαλοῦμαι ἐπὶ τὴν ἐμαυτοῦ ψυχήν»· καὶ, ὡς γέγραπται ἐν ταῖς Βασιλικαῖς ἱστορίαις· «μάρτυς Κύριος, καὶ μάρτυς ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτοῦ» (κἀμοὶ συγχώρησον εἰπεῖν), οὐδὲ πώποτε περὶ τῆς σῆς εὐσεβείας κακῶς ἐμνημόνευσα παρὰ τῷ ἀδελφῷ σου τῷ τῆς μακαρίας μνήμης Κώνσταντι, τῷ εὐσεβεστάτῳ Αὐγούστῳ. Οὐ παρώξυνα τοῦτον, ὡς οὗτοι διαβεβλήκασιν· ἀλλ' εἴ ποτε καὶ εἰσελθόντων ἡμῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐμνημόνευσεν αὐτὸς τῆς σῆς φιλανθρωπίας, ἐμνημόνευσε δὲ καὶ ὅτε οἱ περὶ Θάλασσον ἦλθον εἰς τὴν Πιτυβίωνα, καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐν τῇ Ἀκυληΐᾳ διετρίβομεν· μάρτυς ὁ Κύριος, ὅπως ἐμνημόνευον ἐγὼ τῆς σῆς θεοσεβείας, καὶ ταῦτα ἔλεγον ἅπερ ὁ Θεὸς ἀποκαλύψει τῇ σῇ ψυχῇ, ἵνα καταγνῷς τῆς συκοφαντίας τῶν με διαβαλόντων παρὰ σοί. Συγχώρησον εἰπόντι μοι ταῦτα, φιλανθρωπότατε Αὔγουστε, καὶ πολλήν μοι συγγνώμην δός. Οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ἦν εὐχερὴς ὁ φιλόχριστος ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲ τηλικοῦτος ἤμην ἐγὼ ἵνα περὶ τοιούτων ἐκοινολογούμεθα, καὶ ἀδελφὸν ἀδελφῷ διέβαλλον, ἢ παρὰ βασιλεῖ περὶ βασιλέως κακῶς μνημονεύσω. Οὐ μαίνομαι, βασιλεῦ, οὐδὲ ἐπελαθόμην τῆς θείας φωνῆς λεγούσης· «Καί γε ἐν συνειδήσει σου βασιλέα μὴ καταράσῃ, καὶ ἐν ταμείοις κοιτῶνός σου μὴ καταράσῃ πλούσιον· ὅτι πετεινὸν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἀποίσει σου τὴν φωνὴν καὶ ὁ τὰς πτέρυγας ἔχων ἀπαγγελεῖ λόγον σου». Εἰ δὲ καὶ τὰ κατιδίαν λεγόμενα καθ' ὑμῶν τῶν βασιλέων οὐ κρύπτεται, πῶς οὐκ ἄπιστον εἰ παρόντος βασιλέως, καὶ τοσούτων ἑστώτων, ἔλεγον κατὰ σοῦ; Οὐ γὰρ μόνος ἑώρακά ποτε τὸν ἀδελφόν σου, οὐδὲ μόνῳ μοί ποτε ἐκεῖνος ὡμίλησεν· ἀλλ' ἀεὶ μετὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῆς πόλεως ἔνθα ἦν, καὶ ἄλλων τῶν ἐκεῖ παρατυγχανόντων εἰσηρχόμην· κοινῇ τε αὐτὸν ἐβλέπομεν, καὶ κοινῇ πάλιν ἀνεχωροῦμεν· δύναται Φουρτουνατιανὸς ὁ τῆς Ἀκυληΐας ἐπίσκοπος μαρτυρῆσαι περὶ τούτου, ἱκανός ἐστιν ὁ Πατὴρ Ὅσιος εἰπεῖν, καὶ Κρισπῖνος ὁ τῆς Πατάβων, καὶ Λούκιλλος ὁ ἐν Βερωνί, καὶ ∆ιονύσιος ὁ ἐν Ληΐδι, καὶ Βικέντιος ὁ ἐν Καμπανίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος. Καὶ ἐπειδὴ τετελευτήκασι Μαξιμῖνος ὁ Τριβέρεως, καὶ Προτάσιος ὁ τῆς Μεδιολάνου, δύναται καὶ Εὐγένιος ὁ γενόμενος μάγιστρος μαρτυρῆσαι· αὐτὸς γὰρ εἱστήκει πρὸ τοῦ βηλοῦ, καὶ ἤκουεν ἅπερ ἠξιοῦμεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἅπερ αὐτὸς κατηξίου λέγειν ἡμῖν. Ταῦτα τοίνυν εἰ καὶ ἱκανὰ πρὸς ἀπόδειξίν ἐστι, συγχώρησον ὅμως διηγήσασθαι καὶ τὸν λογισμὸν τῆς ἀποδημίας, ἵνα καὶ ἐκ τούτων καταγνῷς τῶν διαβαλλόντων ἡμᾶς μάτην.