Part VII.

Persecution at Alexandria

47. After he had accomplished all that he desired against the Churches in Italy, and the other parts; after he had banished some, and violently oppressed others, and filled every place with fear, he at last turned his fury, as it had been some pestilential disorder, against Alexandria. This was artfully contrived by the enemies of Christ; for in order that they might have a show of the signatures of many Bishops, and that Athanasius might not have a single Bishop in his persecution to whom he could even complain, they therefore anticipated his proceedings, and filled every place with terror, which they kept up to second them in the prosecution of their designs. But herein they perceived not through their folly that they were not exhibiting the deliberate choice of the Bishops, but rather the violence which themselves had employed; and that, although his brethren should desert him, and his friends and acquaintance stand afar off, and no one be found to sympathise with him and console him, yet far above all these, a refuge with his God was sufficient for him. For Elijah also was alone in his persecution, and God was all in all to the holy man. And the Saviour has given us an example herein, who also was left alone, and exposed to the designs of His enemies, to teach us, that when we are persecuted and deserted by men, we must not faint, but place our hope in Him, and not betray the Truth. For although at first truth may seem to be afflicted, yet even they who persecute shall afterwards acknowledge it.

48. Attacks upon the Alexandrian Church.

Accordingly they urge on the Emperor, who first writes a menacing letter, which he sends to the Duke and the soldiers. The Notaries Diogenius and Hilarius158    Ap. Const. 22, 24, below, §81., and certain Palatines with them, were the bearers of it; upon whose arrival those terrible and cruel outrages were committed against the Church, which I have briefly related a little above159    §31, &c., and which are known to all men from the protests put forth by the people, which are inserted at the end of this history, so that any one may read them. Then after these proceedings on the part of Syrianus, after these enormities had been perpetrated, and violence offered to the Virgins, as approving of such conduct and the infliction of these evils upon us, he writes again to the senate and people of Alexandria, instigating the younger men, and requiring them to assemble together, and either to persecute Athanasius, or consider themselves as his enemies. He however had withdrawn before these instructions reached them, and from the time when Syrianus broke into the Church; for he remembered that which was written, ‘Hide thyself as it were for a little moment, until the indignation be overpast160    Is. xxvi. 20..’ One Heraclius, by rank a Count, was the bearer of this letter, and the precursor of a certain George that was despatched by the Emperor as a spy, for one that was sent from him cannot be a Bishop161    κατασκόπου, οὐκ ἐπίσκοπος, vid. §45, note 6.; God forbid. And so indeed his conduct and the circumstances which preceded his entrance sufficiently prove.

49 and 50. Hypocrisy of the pretended respect of Constantius for his brother’s memory.

Heraclius then published the letter, which reflected great disgrace upon the writer. For whereas, when the great Hosius wrote to Constantius, he had been unable to make out any plausible pretext for his change of conduct, he now invented an excuse much more discreditable to himself and his advisers. He said, ‘From regard to the affection I entertained towards my brother of divine and pious memory, I endured for a time the coming of Athanasius among you.’ This proves that he has both broken his promise, and behaved ungratefully to his brother after his death. He then declares him to be, as indeed he is, ‘deserving of divine and pious remembrance;’ yet as regards a command of his, or to use his own language, the ‘affection’ he bore him, even though he complied merely ‘for the sake’ of the blessed Constans, he ought to deal fairly by his brother, and make himself heir to his sentiments as well as to the Empire. But, although, when seeking to obtain his just rights, he deposed Vetranio, with the question, ‘To whom does the inheritance belong after a brother’s death162    [a.d. 350, cf. Gibbon Hist. ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 378.]?’ yet for the sake of the accursed heresy of the enemies of Christ, he disregards the claims of justice, and behaves undutifully towards his brethren. Nay, for the sake of this heresy, he would not consent to observe even his father’s wishes without infringement; but, in what he may gratify these impious men, he pretends to adopt his intention, while in order to distress the others, he cares not to shew the reverence which is due unto a father. For in consequence of the calumnies of Eusebius and his fellows, his father sent the Bishop for a time into Gaul to avoid the cruelty of his persecutors (this was shewn by the blessed Constantine, the brother of the former, after their father’s death, as appears by his letters163    Apol. Ar. 87.), but he would not be persuaded by Eusebius and his fellows to send the person whom they desired for a Bishop, but prevented the accomplishment of their wishes, and put a stop to their attempts with severe threats.

51. How Constantius shews his respect for his father and brother.

If therefore, as he declares in his letters, he desired to observe his sire’s practice, why did he first send out Gregory, and now this George, the eater of stores164    George had been pork-contractor to the army, and had been detected in peculation. vid. de Syn. 37, note 3.? Why does he endeavour so earnestly to introduce into the Church these Arians, whom his father named Porphyrians165    Constantine called the Arians by this title after the philosopher Porphyry, the great enemy of Christianity. Socrates has preserved the Edict. Hist. i. 9., and banish others while he patronises them? Although his father admitted Arius to his presence, yet when Arius perjured himself and burst asunder166    De Morte Arii 3, &c. he lost the compassion of his father; who, on learning the truth, condemned him as an heretic. Why moreover, while pretending to respect the Canon of the Church, has he ordered the whole course of his conduct in opposition to them? For where is there a Canon that a Bishop should be appointed from Court? Where is there a Canon167    Encycl. 2; Apol. Ar. 36. that permits soldiers to invade Churches? What tradition is there allowing counts and ignorant eunuchs to exercise authority in Ecclesiastical matters, and to make known by their edicts the decisions of those who bear the name of Bishops? He is guilty of all manner of falsehood for the sake of this unholy heresy. At a former time he sent out Philagrius as Prefect a second time168    §7, note 1., in opposition to the opinion of his father, and we see what has taken place now. Nor ‘for his brother’s sake’ does he speak the truth. For after his death he wrote not once nor twice, but three times to the Bishop, and repeatedly promised him that he would not change his behaviour towards him, but exhorted him to be of good courage, and not suffer any one to alarm him, but to continue to abide in his Church in perfect security. He also sent his commands by Count Asterius, and Palladius the Notary, to Felicissimus, who was then Duke, and to the Prefect Nestorius, that if either Philip the Prefect, or any other should venture to form any plot against Athanasius, they should prevent it.

52. The Emperor has no right to rule the Church.

Wherefore when Diogenes came, and Syrianus laid in wait for us, both he and we169    The amanuensis here appears to speak for himself: but the Benedictines, with great probability, conjecture τότε καὶ for αὐτός τε καί. and the people demanded to see the Emperor’s letters, supposing that, as it is written, ‘Let not a falsehood be spoken before the king170    Ecclus. vii. 5 [Apol. Const. 2].;’ so when a king has made a promise, he will not lie, nor change. If then ‘for his brother’s sake he complied,’ why did he also write those letters upon his death? And if he wrote them for ‘his memory’s sake,’ why did he afterwards behave so very unkindly towards him, and persecute the man, and write what he did, alleging a judgment of Bishops, while in truth he acted only to please himself? Nevertheless his craft has not escaped detection, but we have the proof of it ready at hand. For if a judgment had been passed by Bishops, what concern had the Emperor with it? Or if it was only a threat of the Emperor, what need in that case was there of the so-named Bishops? When was such a thing heard of before from the beginning of the world? When did a judgment of the Church receive its validity from the Emperor? or rather when was his decree ever recognised by the Church? There have been many Councils held heretofore; and many judgments passed by the Church; but the Fathers never sought the consent of the Emperor thereto, nor did the Emperor busy himself with the affairs of the Church171    [This may well be taken as a statement of what ought to be; but in view of the history of the fourth century it can only be called a rhetorical exaggeration. See supr. §15, Apol. Ar. 36, ἐκέλευσαν, Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (1) init., and D.C.A. p. 475, with reff. there given.]. The Apostle Paul had friends among them of Cæsar’s household, and in his Epistle to the Philippians he sent salutations from them; but he never took them as his associates in Ecclesiastical judgments. Now however we have witnessed a novel spectacle, which is a discovery of the Arian heresy. Heretics have assembled together with the Emperor Constantius, in order that he, alleging the authority of the Bishops, may exercise his power against whomsoever he pleases, and while he persecutes may avoid the name of persecutor; and that they, supported by the Emperor’s government, may conspire the ruin of whomsoever they will172    οἷς ἂν ἐθέλωσι, and just before ὧν ἂν ἐθέλοι. [And more strikingly just below, §53 fin. ἃ θέλουσι πράττει, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἅπερ ἤθελεν ἤκουσε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν.] This is a very familiar phrase with Athan. i.e. ὡς ἐθέλησεν, ἅπερ ἐθέλησαν, ὅταν θέλωσιν, οὒς ἐθέλησαν, &c. &c. Some instances are given supr. Apol. Ar. 2, note 3, and de Syn. 13, note 6. and these are all such as are not as impious as themselves. One might look upon their proceedings as a comedy which they are performing on the stage, in which the pretended Bishops are actors, and Constantius the performer of their behests, who makes promises to them, as Herod did to the daughter of Herodias, and they dancing before him accomplish through false accusations the banishment and death of the true believers in the Lord.

53. Despotic interference of Constantius.

Who indeed has not been injured by their calumnies? Whom have not these enemies of Christ conspired to destroy? Whom has Constantius failed to banish upon charges which they have brought against them? When did he refuse to hear them willingly? And what is most strange, when did he permit any one to speak against them, and did not more readily receive their testimony, of whatever kind it might be? Where is there a Church which now enjoys the privilege of worshipping Christ freely? If a Church be a maintainer of true piety, it is in danger; if it dissemble, it abides in fear. Every place is full of hypocrisy and impiety, so far as he is concerned; and wherever there is a pious person and a lover of Christ (and there are many such everywhere, as were the prophets and the great Elijah) they hide themselves, if so be that they can find a faithful friend like Obadiah, and either they withdraw into caves and dens of the earth, or pass their lives in wandering about in the deserts. These men in their madness prefer such calumnies against them as Jezebel invented against Naboth, and the Jews against the Saviour; while the Emperor, who is the patron of the heresy, and wishes to pervert the truth, as Ahab wished to change the vineyard into a garden of herbs, does whatever they desire him to do, for the suggestions he receives from them are agreeable to his own wishes.

54. Constantius gives up the Alexandrian Churches to the heretics.

Accordingly he banished, as I said before the genuine Bishops, because they would not profess impious doctrines, to suit his own pleasure; and so he now sent Count Heraclius to proceed against Athanasius, who has publicly made known his decrees, and announced the command of the Emperor to be, that unless they complied with the instructions contained in his letters, their bread173    Cf. §§31, 63, note 6. should be taken away, their idols overthrown, and the persons of many of the city-magistrates and people delivered over to certain slavery. After threatening them in this manner, he was not ashamed to declare publicly with a loud voice, ‘The Emperor disclaims Athanasius, and has commanded that the Churches be given up to the Arians.’ And when all wondered to hear this, and made signs to one another, exclaiming, ‘What! has Constantius become a heretic?’ instead of blushing as he ought, the man all the more obliged the senators and heathen magistrates and wardens174    Encycl. §5. of the idol temples to subscribe to these conditions, and to agree to receive as their Bishop whomsoever175    [Observe that George has not yet arrived. Heraclius arrived ‘as his precursor’ (supr. §48) along with Cataphronius the new Prefect, on June 10, 356; see §55.] the Emperor should send them. Of course Constantius was strictly upholding the Canon of the Church, when he caused this to be done; when instead of requiring letters from the Church, he demanded them of the market-place, and instead of the people he asked them of the wardens of the temples. He was conscious that he was not sending a Bishop to preside over Christians, but a certain intruder for those who subscribed to his terms.

55. Irruption into the great Church.

The Gentiles accordingly, as purchasing by their compliance the safety of their idols, and certain of the trades176    τῶν ἐργασιῶν,—trades, or workmen. vid. supr. Apol. Ar. 15. Montfaucon has a note upon the word in the Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxvi. where he corrects his Latin in loc. of the former passage very nearly in conformity to the rendering given of it above, p. 108. ‘In Onomastico monuimus, hic ἐργασίας “officinarum operas” commodius exprimere.’ And he quotes an inscription [C.I.G. i. 3924] τοῦτο τὸ ἡρῶον στεφανοι ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων., subscribed, though unwillingly, from fear of the threats which he had held out to them; just as if the matter had been the appointment of a general, or other magistrate. Indeed what as heathen, were they likely to do, except whatever was pleasing to the Emperor? But the people having assembled in the great Church (for it was the fourth day of the week), Count Heraclius on the following day177    [i.e. Thursday, June 13, 356, three days after the arrival of Heraclius and Cataphronius. The church in question was apparently that of Theonas, or the Cæsareum (p. 298). According to Hist. Aceph. the churches were formally handed over to the Arians on June 15, i.e. on the Saturday. The Hist. Aceph. here fits minutely the scattered notices of Athan.: see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (1).] takes with him Cataphronius the Prefect of Egypt, and Faustinus the Receiver-General178    Catholicus, ib. 10, note 4., and Bithynus a heretic; and together they stir up the younger men of the common multitude179    τῶν ἀγοραίων, vid. Acts xvii. 5. ἀγορὰ has been used just above. vid. Suicer. Thesaur. in voc. who worshipped idols, to attack the Church, and stone the people, saying that such was the Emperor’s command. As the time of dismissal however had arrived, the greater part had already left the Church, but there being a few women still remaining, they did as the men had charged them, whereupon a piteous spectacle ensued. The few women had just risen from prayer and had sat down when the youths suddenly came upon them naked with stones and clubs. Some of them the godless wretches stoned to death; they scourged with stripes the holy persons of the Virgins, tore off their veils and exposed their heads, and when they resisted the insult, the cowards kicked them with their feet. This was dreadful, exceedingly dreadful; but what ensued was worse, and more intolerable than any outrage. Knowing the holy character of the virgins, and that their ears were unaccustomed to pollution, and that they were better able to bear stones and swords than expressions of obscenity, they assailed them with such language. This the Arians suggested to the young men, and laughed at all they said and did; while the holy Virgins and other godly women fled from such words as they would from the bite of asps, but the enemies of Christ assisted them in the work, nay even, it may be, gave utterance to the same; for they were well-pleased with the obscenities which the youths vented upon them.

56. The great Church pillaged.

After this, that they might fully execute the orders they had received (for this was what they earnestly desired, and what the Count and the Receiver-General instructed them to do), they seized upon the seats, the throne, and the table which was of wood180    Vid. Fleury’s Church History, xxii. 7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By specifying the material, Athan. implies that altars were sometimes not of wood. [cf. D.C.A. 61 sq.], and the curtains181    Curtains were at the entrance, and before the chancel. vid. Bingh. Antiqu. viii. 6. §8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum. also Chrysost. Hom. iii. in Eph. of the Church, and whatever else they were able, and carrying them out burnt them before the doors in the great street, and cast frankincense upon the flame. Alas! who will not weep to hear of these things, and, it may be, close his ears, that he may not have to endure the recital, esteeming it hurtful merely to listen to the account of such enormities? Moreover they sang the praises of their idols, and said, ‘Constantius hath become a heathen, and the Arians have acknowledged our customs;’ for indeed they scruple not even to pretend heathenism, if only their heresy may be established. They even were ready to sacrifice a heifer which drew the water for the gardens in the Cæsareum182    The royal quarter in Alexandria, vid. Apol. Const. 15. In other Palatia an aqueduct was necessary, e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at Daphne, though it abounded in springs, ibid. 1, 2.; and would have sacrificed it, had it not been a female183    Vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that cows and heifers were sacred to Isis. vid. Jablonski Pantheon Æg. i. 1. §15. who says that Isis was worshipped in the shape of a cow, and therefore the cows received divine honours. Yet bulls were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §9. vid. also Schweighæuser in loc. Herod.; for they said that it was unlawful for such to be offered among them.

57. Thus acted the impious184    Vid. note on de Decr. §1. This is a remarkable instance of the special and technical sense of the words, εὐσέβεια, ἀσεβοῦντες, &c. being here contrasted with pagan blasphemy, &c. Arians in conjunction with the heathens, thinking that these things tended to our dishonour. But Divine justice reproved their iniquity, and wrought a great and remarkable sign, thereby plainly shewing to all men, that as in their acts of impiety they had dared to attack none other but the Lord, so in these proceedings also they were again attempting to do dishonour unto Him. This was more manifestly proved by the marvellous event which now came to pass. One of these licentious youths ran into the Church, and ventured to sit down upon the throne; and as he sat there the wretched man uttered with a nasal sound some lascivious song. Then rising up he attempted to pull away the throne, and to drag it towards him; he knew not that he was drawing down vengeance upon himself. For as of old the inhabitants of Azotus, when they ventured to touch185    1 Sam. 5, 6. the Ark, which it was not lawful for them even to look upon, were immediately destroyed by it, being first grievously tormented by emerods; so this unhappy person who presumed to drag the throne, drew it upon himself, and, as if Divine justice had sent the wood to punish him, he struck it into his own bowels; and instead of carrying out the throne, he brought out by his blow his own entrails; so that the throne took away his life, instead of his taking it away. For, as it is186    Acts i. 18. written of Judas, his bowels gushed out; and he fell down and was carried away, and the day after he died. Another also entered the Church with boughs of trees187    [μετὰ θαλλῶν; φαλλῶν ‘pro vera lectione probabiliter haberi posse arbitror.’ Montf. Coll. Nov. t. ii.] and, as in the Gentile manner he waved them in his hands and mocked, he was immediately struck with blindness, so as straightway to lose his sight, and to know no longer where he was; but as he was about to fall, he was taken by the hand and supported by his companions out of the place, and when on the following day he was with difficulty brought to his senses, he knew not either what he had done or suffered in consequence of his audacity.

58. General Persecution at Alexandria.

The Gentiles, when they beheld these things, were seized with fear, and ventured on no further outrage; but the Arians were not even yet touched with shame, but, like the Jews when they saw the miracles, were faithless and would not believe, nay, like Pharaoh, they were hardened; they too having placed their hopes below, on the Emperor and his eunuchs. They permitted the Gentiles, or rather the more abandoned of the Gentiles, to act in the manner before described; for they found that Faustinus, who is the Receiver-General by style, but is a vulgar188    ἀγοραῖον, see §§55, note 11, above. person in habits, and profligate in heart, was ready to play his part with them in these proceedings, and to stir up the heathen. Nay, they undertook to do the like themselves, that as they had modelled their heresy upon all other heresies together189    Cf. Ep. Æg. 17, and §31, note 8., so they might share their wickedness with the more depraved of mankind. What they did through the instrumentality of others I described above; the enormities they committed themselves surpass the bounds of all wickedness; and they exceed the malice of any hangman. Where is there a house which they did not ravage? where is there a family they did not plunder on pretence of searching for their opponents? where is there a garden they did not trample under foot? what tomb190    Vid. Socr. Hist. iv. 13. did they not open, pretending they were seeking for Athanasius, though their sole object was to plunder and spoil all that came in their way? How many men’s houses were sealed up191    Apol. Fug. 6.! The contents of how many persons’ lodgings did they give away to the soldiers who assisted them! Who had not experience of their wickedness? Who that met them but was obliged to hide himself in the market-place? Did not many an one leave his house from fear of them, and pass the night in the desert? Did not many an one, while anxious to preserve his property from them, lose the greater part of it? And who, however inexperienced of the sea, did not choose rather to commit himself to it, and to risk all its dangers, than to witness their threatenings? Many also changed their residences, and removed from street to street, and from the city to the suburbs. And many submitted to severe fines, and when they were unable to pay, borrowed of others, merely that they might escape their machinations.

59. Violence of Sebastianus.

For they made themselves formidable to all men, and treated all with great arrogance, using the name of the Emperor, and threatening them with his displeasure. They had to assist them in their wickedness the Duke Sebastianus, a Manichee, and a profligate young man; the192    Cf. §55. Prefect, the Count, and the Receiver-General as a dissembler. Many Virgins who condemned their impiety, and professed the truth, they brought out from the houses; others they insulted as they walked along the streets, and caused their heads to be uncovered by their young men. They also gave permission to the females of their party to insult whom they chose; and although the holy and faithful women withdrew on one side, and gave them the way, yet they gathered round them like Bacchanals and Furies193    Vid. de Syn. 31, note 4, also Greg. Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Hær. 69. 3. Theod. Hist. i. 3. (P. 730. ed. Schulze)., and esteemed it a misfortune if they found no means to injure them, and spent that day sorrowfully on which they were unable to do them some mischief. In a word, so cruel and bitter were they against all, that all men called them hangmen, murderers, lawless, intruders, evil-doers, and by any other name rather than that of Christians.

60. Martyrdom of Eutychius.

Moreover, imitating the savage practices of Scythians, they seized upon Eutychius a Subdeacon, a man who had served the Church honourably, and causing him to be scourged on the back with a leather whip, till he was at the point of death, they demanded that her should be sent away to the mines; and not simply to any mine, but to that of Phæno194    The mines of Phæno lie almost in a direct line between Petræ and Zoar, which is at the southern extremity of the Dead Sea. They formed the place of punishment of Confessors in the Maximinian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart. Pal. 7, and in the Arian Persecution at Alexandria after Athan. Theod. H. E. iv. 19, p. 996. Phæno was once the seat of a Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical, and the Latrocinium. vid. Reland. Palestine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon in loc. Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ. t. 3. p. 745., where even a condemned murderer is hardly able to live a few days. And what was most unreasonable in their conduct, they would not permit him even a few hours to have his wounds dressed, but caused him to be sent off immediately, saying, ‘If this is done, all men will be afraid, and henceforward will be on our side.’ After a short interval, however, being unable to accomplish his journey to the mine on account of the pain of his stripes, he died on the way. He perished rejoicing, having obtained the glory of martyrdom. But the miscreants were not even yet ashamed, but in the words of Scripture, ‘having bowels without mercy195    Prov. xii. 10.,’ they acted accordingly, and now again perpetrated a satanic deed. When the people prayed them to spare Eutychius and besought them for him, they caused four honourable and free citizens to be seized, one of whom was Hermias who washed the beggars’ feet196    ῾Ερμείαν λούοντα τοὺς ἀνεξόδους, Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, ‘qui angiportos non pervios lavabat;’ Montfaucon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who translates as above, yet not satisfactorily, especially as there is no article before λούοντα. Tillemont says, ‘qui avait “quelle charge” dans la police de la ville,’ understanding by ἀνέξοδοι, ‘inclusi sive incarcerati homines;’ whereas they are ‘ii qui ἀνὰ τὰς ἐξόδους in exitibus viarum, stipem cogunt.’ Montf. ibid. For the custom of washing the feet vid. Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §10.; and after scourging them very severely, the Duke cast them into the prison. But the Arians, who are more cruel even than Scythians, when they had seen that they did not die from the stripes they had received, complained of the Duke and threatened, saying, ‘We will write and tell the eunuchs197    Cf. §38., that he does not flog as we wish.’ Hearing this he was afraid, and was obliged to beat the men a second time; and they being beaten, and knowing for what cause they suffered and by whom they had been accused, said only, ‘We are beaten for the sake of the Truth, but we will not hold communion with the heretics: beat us now as thou wilt; God will judge thee for this.’ The impious men wished to expose them to danger in the prison, that they might die there; but the people of God observing their time, besought him for them, and after seven days or more they were set at liberty.

61. Ill-treatment of the poor.

But the Arians, as being grieved at this, again devised another yet more cruel and unholy deed; cruel in the eyes of all men, but well suited to their antichristian heresy. The Lord commanded that we should remember the poor; He said, ‘Sell that ye have, and give alms’ and again ‘I was a hungred, and ye gave Me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave Me drink; for inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of these little ones, ye have done it unto Me198    Luke xii. 33; Matt. xxv. 35, 40..’ But these men, as being in truth opposed to Christ, have presumed to act contrary to His will in this respect also. For when the Duke gave up the Churches to the Arians, and the destitute persons and widows were unable to continue any longer in them, the widows sat down in places which the Clergy entrusted with the care of them appointed. And when the Arians saw that the brethren readily ministered unto them and supported them, they persecuted the widows also, beating them on the feet, and accused those who gave to them before the Duke. This was done by means of a certain soldier named Dynamius. And it was well-pleasing to Sebastian199    Cf. §81., for there is no mercy in the Manichæans; nay, it is considered a hateful thing among them to shew mercy to a poor man200    They would give money, but thought it wrong to give food. Ath. was possibly unaware of this distinction. See Bright, Introd. to Hist. Tracts, p. lxxi. note 7.]. Here then was a novel subject of complaint; and a new kind of court now first invented by the Arians. Persons were brought to trial for acts of kindness which they had performed; he who shewed mercy was accused, and he who had received a benefit was beaten; and they wished rather that a poor man should suffer hunger, than that he who was willing to shew mercy should give to him. Such sentiments these modern Jews, for such they are, have learned from the Jews of old, who when they saw him who had been blind from his birth recover his sight, and him who had been a long time sick of the palsy made whole, accused201    Joh. ix.; Matt. ix. 3. the Lord who had bestowed these benefits upon them, and judged them to be transgressors who had experienced His goodness202    Vid. de Decr. §1..

62. Ill-treatment of the poor.

Who was not struck with astonishment at these proceedings? Who did not execrate both the heresy, and its defenders? Who failed to perceive that the Arians are indeed more cruel than wild beasts? For they had no prospect of gain203    Cf. note on Orat. i. §8. from their iniquity, for the sake of which they might have acted in this manner; but they rather increased the hatred of all men against themselves. They thought by treachery and terror to force certain persons into their heresy, so that they might be brought to communicate with them; but the event turned out quite the contrary. The sufferers endured as martyrdom whatever they inflicted upon them, and neither betrayed nor denied the true faith in Christ. And those who were without and witnessed their conduct, and at last even the heathen, when they saw these things, execrated them as antichristian, as cruel executioners; for human nature is prone to pity and sympathise with the poor. But these men have lost even the common sentiments of humanity; and that kindness which they would have desired to meet with at the hands of others, had themselves been sufferers, they would not permit others to receive, but employed against them the severity and authority of the magistrates, and especially of the Duke.

63. Ill-treatment of the Presbyters and Deacons.

What they have done to the Presbyters and Deacons; how they drove them into banishment under sentence passed upon them by the Duke and the magistrates, causing the soldiers to bring out their kinsfolk from the houses204    §59., and Gorgonius, the commander of the police205    στρατηγοῦ, infr. §81, note. to beat them with stripes; and how (most cruel act of all) with much insolence they plundered the loaves206    τοὺς ἄρτους [i.e. their stated allowance: see also Apol. Ar. 18], the word occurs Encycl. 4, Apol. Fug. 6, supr. §§31, 54, in this sense: but Nannius, Hermant, and Tillemont, with some plausibility understand it as a Latin term naturalized, and translate ‘most cruel of all, with much insolence they tore the “limbs” of the dead,’ alleging that merely to take away ‘loaves’ was not so ‘cruel’ as to take away ‘lives,’ which the Arians had done [the parallels refute this, apart from linguistic grounds]. of these and of those who were now dead; these things it is impossible for words to describe, for their cruelty surpasses all the powers of language. What terms could one employ which might seem equal to the subject? What circumstances could one mention first, so that those next recorded would not be found more dreadful, and the next more dreadful still? All their attempts and iniquities207    ἀσεβήματα were full of murder and impiety; and so unscrupulous and artful are they, that they endeavour to deceive by promises of protection, and by bribing with money208    p. 227, note 8, infr. §73., that so, since they cannot recommend themselves by fair means, they may thereby make some display to impose on the simple.

Μετὰ γὰρ τὸ διαπράξασθαι πάντα, ὅσαπερ ἠθέλησεν εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας τὰς ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα μέρη, μετὰ τὸ τοὺς μὲν ἐξορίσαι, τοὺς δὲ ἀναγκάσαι καὶ πληρῶσαι φόβου τὰ πανταχοῦ λοιπὸν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ὥσπερ τι νόσημα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θυμὸν ἔστρεψεν· ἐγίγνετο δὲ τοῦτο πανούργως παρὰ τῶν χριστομάχων. ἵνα γὰρ φαντασίαν ἔχωσιν ὑπογραφῆς πολλῶν ἐπισκόπων, καὶ ἵνα διωχθεὶς Ἀθανάσιος μὴ ἔχῃ κἂν ἀπο δύρεσθαι πρὸς ἐπίσκοπον, διὰ τοῦτο προλαμβάνοντες τὰ πανταχοῦ πεπληρώκασι φόβου. καὶ τοῦτον ἔφεδρον εἰς τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐτήρησαν οὐκ εἰδότες οἱ ἄφρονες ὅτι οὐ προαίρεσιν ἐπισκόπων, ἀλλὰ τὴν παρ' αὐτῶν γενομένην βίαν ἐπεδείκνυντο, καὶ ὅτι, κἂν ἀδελφοὶ καταλείψωσι, κἂν φίλοι καὶ γνώριμοι μακρὰν ἀποστῶσι καὶ μηδεὶς εὑρεθῇ συλλυπούμενος καὶ παρακαλῶν, ἀλλ' ὑπὲρ πάντα μᾶλλον ἡ πρὸς θεὸν ἐξαρκεῖ κατα φυγή. μόνος γὰρ ἦν καὶ Ἠλίας διωκόμενος καὶ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσιν ἦν ὁ θεὸς τῷ ἁγίῳ. καὶ τοῦτον δὲ τύπον δέδωκεν ἡμῖν ὁ σωτὴρ καὶ μόνος καταλειφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπεβουλεύετο, ἵνα, κἂν ἡμεῖς διωκόμενοι καταλειφθῶμεν ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων, μὴ ἐκκακῶ μεν, ἄλλ' ἔχωμεν εἰς αὐτὸν τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ μὴ προδίδωμεν τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ἥτις, κἂν κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν θλίβεσθαι δόξῃ, ἀλλ' ὕστερον καὶ οἱ διώκοντες αὐτὴν ἐπιγνώσονται.
Παροξύνουσι τοίνυν καὶ γράφει τὸ πρῶτον βασιλεὺς καὶ πέμπει πρός τε τὸν δοῦκα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀπειλήν. νοτάριοί τε ∆ιογένιός τε καὶ Ἱλάριος καὶ παλατῖνοι σὺν αὐτοῖς ἀποστέλλονται. καὶ γέγονε τὰ τοσαῦτα δεινὰ καὶ ὠμὰ κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἃ μικρῷ πρόσθεν δι' ὀλίγων εἴρηται καὶ πάντες ἔγνωσαν, ἐξ ὧν ἔθηκαν οἱ λαοὶ διαμαρτυ ριῶν, ἃς καὶ ἀναγνῶναι δύναταί τις γραφείσας ἐν τῷ τέλει τούτων. εἶτα μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὰ παρὰ Συριανοῦ, μετὰ τὸ γενέσθαι τὰ τοσαῦτα καὶ τὰς κατὰ τῶν παρθένων ὕβρεις ἀποδεξάμενος τὰ οὕτω καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα κακὰ γράφει πάλιν τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας παροξύνων τοὺς νεωτέρους, ἵνα πάντες συνελθόντες ἢ διώξωσιν Ἀθανάσιον ἢ γινώσκοιεν ἐχθροὺς αὐτοῦ τυγχάνειν αὐτούς. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν καὶ πρὶν ἐλθεῖν ταῦτα, ἐξ οὗ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ Συριανὸς ἐπῆλθεν, ἀναχωρήσας ἦν εἰδὼς τὸ γεγραμμένον· «ἀλλ' ἀποκρύβηθι μικρὸν ὅσον ὅσον, ἕως ἂν παρέλθῃ ἡ ὀργή», τῶν δὲ γραμμάτων τούτων γίνεται διάκονος Ἡράκλειός τις τῷ ἀξιώματι κόμης προοδεύων τινὸς Γεωργίου τοῦ ἀποστελλομένου παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως κατασκόπου· οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἴη ἐπίσκοπος ὁ παρ' ἐκείνου πεμπόμενος, μὴ γένοιτο, ὡς καὶ αὐτὰ τὰ γενόμενα καὶ τὰ προοίμια τῆς εἰσόδου δείκνυσι.
Τὰ μὲν οὖν γράμματα προὔθηκε δημοσίᾳ καὶ πολλὴν αἰσχύνην ἐδείκνυον τοῦ γράφοντος. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ, ὡς ἔγραψεν ὁ μέγας Ὅσιος, οὐχ ηὕρισκε πιθανὴν πρόφασιν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μεταβολῆς, ἐπενόησε πολλῷ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπρεπεστέραν ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς τούτῳ συμβουλεύσασιν, ἔφησε γάρ· «τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αἰδούμενος φιλίαν τὸν τῆς θείας καὶ εὐσεβοῦς μνήμης ἐπὶ καιρὸν αὐτῷ τὴν ὡς ὑμᾶς γενέσθαι πάροδον ἠνεσχόμην». τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ψευσάμενον καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν μετὰ θάνατον ἀγνώμονα δείκνυσιν. εἶτα «θείας καὶ εὐσεβοῦς αὐτὸν μνήμης» ὡσπεροῦν καὶ ἔστιν ἄξιον ὀνομάζει, οὗ τὴν ἐντολὴν καὶ τὴν «φιλίαν αἰδεῖται», ὡς αὐτὸς ἔγραψε, καίτοι, εἰ καὶ διὰ τὸν μακαρίτην Κώνσταντα συγχωρήσας ἦν, ὤφειλε μὴ ἀκαθήκων περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν γενέσθαι, ἵν' ὥσπερ τῆς βασιλείας οὕτω καὶ τῆς γνώμης αὐτοῦ κληρονόμος γένηται.
Ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν Βρετανίωνα καθεῖλεν ἐθελήσας τὸ δίκαιον ἀπαιτεῖν λέγων· «τίνι μετὰ θάνατον ἀδελφῶν ἡ κληρονομία γίγνεται;» διὰ δὲ τὴν μυσαρὰν αἵρεσιν τῶν χρι στομάχων οὔτε τὸ δίκαιον οἶδεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἀκαθήκων γίγνεται· δι' ἣν αἵρεσιν οὐδὲ τοῦ πατρὸς ὁλόκληρον τὴν γνώμην φυλάττειν ἐνενόησεν, ἀλλ' εἰς μὲν τὸ ἀρέσκον τοῖς ἀσεβέσι τοῦτο τηρεῖν ὑποκρίνεται, εἰς δὲ τὸ λυποῦν ἐκείνους οὐκ οἶδεν οὐδὲ τὸ πρὸς τὸν πατέρα σέβας φυλάξαι. ἀπέστειλε μὲν γὰρ ἐκεῖνος τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἐκ διαβολῆς τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον εἰς τὰς Γαλλίας ἐπὶ καιρὸν διὰ τὴν τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων ὠμότητα–τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ μακαρίτης Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ τούτου ἀδελφὸς μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ πατρὸς ἐδήλωσεν ὡς ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων αὐτοῦ δείκνυται–, οὐκ ἐπείσθη δὲ τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἀποστεῖλαι ὃν ἤθελον ἐπίσκοπον αὐτοί, ἀλλὰ καὶ θέλοντας ἐκώλυσε καὶ ἐπι χειρήσαντας ἐπέσχε μετὰ δεινῆς ἀπειλῆς.
Πῶς οὖν, εἰ τὰ τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ γεννήτορος, ὡς γράφει, φυλάττειν ἤθελεν, ἀπέστειλε τὸ μὲν πρῶτον Γρηγόριον καὶ νῦν δὲ τὸν ταμειοφάγον Γεώργιον; ἢ διὰ τί τοὺς Ἀρειανούς, οὓς ἐκεῖνος Πορφυριανοὺς ὠνόμασε, τούτους οὗτος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰσαγαγεῖν σπου δάζει καὶ τούτων προιστάμενος ἄλλους ἐξορίζει; εἰ δὲ καὶ ἑώρακεν Ἄρειον ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ' ἐπιορκήσας Ἄρειος καὶ ῥαγεὶς ἔλυσε τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς φιλανθρωπίαν· καὶ γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς μαθὼν ὡς αἱρετικοῦ κατέγνω λοιπόν. πῶς δὲ καὶ προφασιζόμενος φροντίζειν τοῦ ἐκκλησιαστικοῦ κανόνος πάντα παρὰ τοῦτον ἐπενόησε πράττειν; ποῖος γὰρ κανὼν ἀπὸ παλατίου πέμπεσθαι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον; ἢ ποῖος κανὼν στρατιώτας ἐπι βαίνειν ἐκκλησίαις; ἢ τίς παραδέδωκε κόμητας καὶ τοὺς ἀλογίστους σπάδοντας κατάρχειν τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν καὶ διατάγματι τὴν κρίσιν τῶν λεγομένων ἐπισκόπων δηλοῦσθαι; πάντα ψεύδεται διὰ τὴν ἀνόσιον αἵρεσιν· καὶ γὰρ παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τότε Φιλάγριον τὸ δεύτερον ἔπεμψεν ἔπαρχον καὶ τὰ νῦν γενόμενα γέγονε. καὶ διὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν δὲ οὐκ ἀληθεύει. καὶ γὰρ καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἐκείνου θάνατον οὐχ ἅπαξ οὐδὲ δεύτερον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τρίτον ἔγραψε τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ. καὶ πάλιν ἐπηγγείλατο μὴ μεταβάλλεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ θαρρεῖν παρεκελεύσατο, ὥστε παρὰ μηδενὸς αὐτὸν ταράττεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μένειν ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ μετὰ πάσης ἀμεριμνίας. καὶ ἐντολὰς δὲ δι' Ἀστερίου κόμητος καὶ Παλλαδίου νοταρίου ἔπεμψε Φιλικισσίμῳ τῷ τότε δουκὶ καὶ Νεστορίῳ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ, ἵνα, εἴτε Φίλιππος ὁ ἔπαρχος εἴτε τις ἄλλος ἐπιβουλεύειν Ἀθανασίῳ τολμήσῃ, τοῦτον ἐκεῖνοι κωλύωσι.
∆ιὰ τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ ὅτε ∆ιογένης ἦλθε καὶ Συριανὸς ἐνήδρευσεν, αὐτοί τε καὶ ἡμεῖς
καὶ ὁ λαὸς ἀπῃτοῦμεν γράμματα βασιλέως νομίζοντες, ὅτι, ὥσπερ γέγραπται, «μηδὲν ψεῦδος ἀπὸ στόματος λεγέσθω βασιλεῖ» οὕτω καὶ βασιλεὺς ἐπαγγειλάμενος οὔτε ψεύσεται οὔτε μεταβληθήσεται. πῶς οὖν, εἰ διὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν συνεχώρησεν, ἔγραψε καὶ μετὰ θάνατον αὐτοῦ; εἰ δὲ καὶ τότε διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου μνήμην ἔγραψε, διὰ τί μετὰ ταῦτα τὸ ὅλον ἠγνωμόνησεν αὐτὸν διώκων τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ τοιαῦτα γράφων, ἐν οἷς προφα σίζεται μὲν κρίσιν ἐπισκόπων, πράττει δὲ αὐτός, ὡς ἂν αὐτῷ δοκῇ, οὐ λανθάνων ὅμως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐγγὺς ἔχων τὸν ἔλεγχον τῆς πανουργίας; εἰ γὰρ ἐπισκόπων ἐστὶ κρίσις, τί κοινὸν ἔχει πρὸς ταύτην βασιλεύς; εἰ δὲ βασιλέως ἐστὶν ἀπειλή, τίς ἐνταῦθα χρεία τῶν λεγομένων ἐπισκόπων; πότε γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ αἰῶνος ἠκούσθη τοιαῦτα; πότε κρίσις ἐκκλησίας παρὰ βασιλέως ἔσχε τὸ κῦρος ἢ ὅλως ἐγνώσθη τοῦτο τὸ κρῖμα; πολλαὶ σύνοδοι πρὸ τούτου γεγόνασι, πολλὰ κρίματα τῆς ἐκκλησίας γέγονεν, ἀλλ' οὔτε οἱ πατέρες ἔπεισάν ποτε περὶ τούτων βασιλέα οὔτε βασιλεὺς τὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας περιειργάσατο. Παῦλος ἀπόστολος εἶχε φίλους τοὺς τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος οἰκίας καὶ γράφων ἠσπάζετο τοὺς Φιλιππησίους ἀπὸ τούτων, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς κρίματα τούτους κοινωνοὺς παρελάμ βανε. νῦν δὲ θέαμα καινὸν καὶ τοῦτο τῆς ἀρειανῆς αἱρέσεώς ἐστιν εὕρημα. συνῆλθον γὰρ αἱρετικοὶ καὶ βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος, ἵνα κἀκεῖνος τὴν ἐπισκόπων ἔχων πρόφασιν τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ καθ' ὧν ἂν ἐθέλοι πράττῃ καὶ διώκων μὴ λέγηται διώκτης. καὶ οὗτοι δὲ τὴν βασιλέως ἔχοντες δυναστείαν ἐπιβουλεύωσιν οἷς ἂν ἐθέλωσι· θέλουσι δὲ τοῖς μὴ ἀσεβοῦσιν ὡς αὐτοί. τοῦτο δὲ ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἄν τις ἴδοι κωμῳδούμενον παρ' αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοὺς μὲν λεγομένους ἐπισκόπους ὑποκρινομένους, τὸν δὲ Κωνστάντιον τὰ ἐκείνων ἐνεργοῦντα καὶ πάλιν ἐπαγγελλόμενον μὲν τοῦτον, ὡς Ἡρώδης τῇ Ἡρωδιάδι, τούτους δὲ πάλιν ὀρχουμένους τὰς διαβολὰς ἐπὶ ἐξορισμῷ καὶ θανάτῳ τῶν εἰς τὸν κύριον εὐσε βούντων.
Τίνα οὖν οὐκ ἔβλαψαν διαβάλλοντες; τίνων οὐ γεγόνασιν ἐπίβουλοι οἱ χριστο μάχοι; τίνα Κωνστάντιος οὐκ ἐξώρισε κατενεχθέντα παρ' αὐτῶν; πότε καταθυμίως αὐτῶν οὐκ ἤκουσε; καὶ τὸ παράδοξον τίνα πώποτε λέγοντα κατ' ἐκείνων ἐδέξατο καὶ οὐ μᾶλλον λέγοντας ἐκείνους, οἷα κἂν εἴπωσιν, ἀπεδέξατο; ποία ἐκκλησία νῦν μετ' ἐλευ θερίας τὸν Χριστὸν προσκυνεῖ; ἄν τε γὰρ εὐσεβὴς ᾖ, κινδυνεύει, ἄν τε ὑποκρίνηται, φοβεῖται. πάντα ὑποκρίσεως καὶ ἀσεβείας, ὅσον εἰς αὐτὸν ἧκε, πεπλήρωκεν. εἰ γὰρ καί πού τίς ἐστιν εὐσεβὴς καὶ φιλόχριστος (εἰσὶ δὲ πανταχοῦ πολλοὶ τοιοῦτοι ὡς οἱ προφῆται καὶ Ἠλίας ὁ μέγας), κρύπτονται, ἄν που καὶ αὐτοὶ ὡς τὸν Ἀβδιοῦ πιστὸν ἄνθρωπον εὕρωσι καὶ ἢ εἰς σπήλαιον καὶ τὰς ὀπὰς τῆς γῆς ἀπέλθωσιν ἢ ἐπ' ἐρημίαις περιερχόμενοι διατρίψωσι. τοιαῦτα γὰρ διαβάλλουσιν οἱ ἄφρονες, οἷα καὶ ἡ Ἰεζάβελ ἐπλάσατο κατὰ τοῦ Ναβουθαὶ καὶ οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι κατὰ τοῦ σωτῆρος, καὶ λοιπὸν ἐκεῖνος προστάτης τῆς αἱρέσεως ὢν τήν τε ἀλήθειαν μεταστρέψαι θέλων ὡς ὁ Ἀχαὰβ τὸν ἀμ πελῶνα εἰς κῆπον λαχανίας, ἃ θέλουσιν ἐκεῖνοι πράττει, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἅπερ ἤθελεν ἤκουσε παρ' αὐτῶν.
Οὕτω, καθὰ προεῖπον, τοὺς ἀληθινοὺς ἐπισκόπους, ἐπεὶ μὴ ἠσέβουν ὡς ἤθελεν αὐτός, ἐξώρισεν, οὕτως καὶ κατὰ Ἀθανασίου νῦν ἀπέστειλεν Ἡράκλειον τὸν κόμητα καὶ τὰ μὲν διατάγματα προέθηκε δημοσίᾳ, ἐντολὰς δὲ βασιλέως ἀπήγγειλεν, εἰ μὴ πεισθεῖεν τοῖς γράμμασιν, ἀφαίρεσιν τοῦ ἄρτου καὶ τῶν εἰδώλων ἔσεσθαι καταστροφὴν πολλῶν τε πολιτευτῶν καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ δήμου πάντως αἰχμαλωσίαν γενήσεσθαι. εἶτα ταῦτα ἀπειλῶν οὐκ ᾐσχύνθη δημοσίᾳ μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ λέγειν· «τὸν μὲν Ἀθανάσιον παραι τεῖται βασιλεύς, τοῖς δὲ Ἀρειανοῖς τὰς ἐκκλησίας παραδοθῆναι ἐκέλευσε». πάντων τε ἐπὶ τούτῳ θαυμαζόντων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους νευόντων τε καὶ λεγόντων· «εἰ Κωνστάν τιος αἱρετικὸς γέγονε»; δέον ἐρυθριᾶν, ὁ δὲ μᾶλλον ἠνάγκαζε βουλευτὰς καὶ δημότας ἐθνικοὺς νεωκόρους τῶν εἰδώλων ἐπὶ τούτοις ὑπογράφειν καὶ ὁμολογεῖν, δέχεσθαι ὃν ἂν ἀποστείλῃ βασιλεὺς ἐπίσκοπον. πάνυ γε κανόνας ἐκκλησίας ἐκδικῶν ἐποίει τοῦτο γενέσθαι Κωνστάντιος. ἀντὶ γὰρ ἐκκλησίας τὴν ἀγοράν, ἀντὶ τῶν λαῶν τοὺς νεω κόρους ἀπῄτει γράμματα· ἐγίγνωσκε γὰρ οὐκ ἐπίσκοπον αὐτὸν Χριστιανοῖς, ἀλλά τινα φιλοπράγμονα πέμπειν αὐτοῖς τοῖς γράφουσιν.
Ἕλληνες μὲν οὖν ὥσπερ ὠνούμενοι τῇ ὑπογραφῇ τὴν τῶν εἰδώλων ἑαυτῶν ἀσυλίαν καί τινες τῶν ἐργασιῶν ἄκοντες μέν, ἔγραψαν δὲ ὅμως ὡς περὶ ἡγεμόνος ἢ ἄλλου τινὸς ἀπο στελλομένου δικαστοῦ διὰ τὰς παρ' ἐκείνου λεγομένας ἀπειλάς. τί γὰρ ἔμελλον Ἕλληνες ὄντες ποιεῖν ἢ τοῦθ' ὅπερ δοκεῖ τῷ βασιλεῖ; τῶν δὲ λαῶν ἐν τῇ μεγάλῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ συν ελθόντων (τετάρτη γὰρ ἦν σαββάτου) λαμβάνει μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ τῇ ἑξῆς Ἡράκλειος ὁ κόμης τὸν ἔπαρχον τῆς Αἰγύπτου Καταφρόνιον καὶ Φαυστῖνον τὸν καθολικὸν τόν τε Βιθυνὸν αἱρετικὸν ὄντα καὶ παροξύνουσι τῶν ἀγοραίων τοὺς νεωτέρους καὶ σεβομένους εἴδωλα, ταύτην ἐντολὴν εἶναι βασιλέως λέγοντες, ἵν' ἐπέλθωσι τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ λιθάσωσι τοὺς λαούς. ἤδη μὲν οὖν ἦσαν οἱ πλεῖστοι τοῦ λαοῦ γενομένης ἀπολύσεως ἐξελθόντες, γυ ναικῶν δὲ ὀλίγων ἀπομεινασῶν γέγονεν ὡς προσέταξαν. καὶ θέαμα οἰκτρὸν ἦν· ἄρτι γὰρ ἦσαν ἀπὸ τῆς εὐχῆς ὀλίγαι καθεζόμεναι, καὶ γυμνοὶ μετὰ λίθων εὐθὺς καὶ ξύλων ἐπῆλθον οἱ νεώτεροι καὶ τὰς μὲν ἐλίθαζον, τὰ δὲ τῶν παρθένων ἅγια σώματα κατέκοπτον πληγαῖς οἱ ἄθεοι εἷλκόν τε τὰ σκεπάσματα καὶ τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν ἐγύμνουν καὶ ἀνθελκούσας ἐλάκτι ζον τοῖς ποσὶν οἱ δείλαιοι. δεινὰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα καὶ λίαν ἐστὶ δεινά, ἀλλὰ τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα δεινότερα καὶ πάσης ὕβρεως ἀφορητότερα γέγονεν. εἰδότες γὰρ τὸ σεμνὸν τῶν παρθένων καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀκοῆς ἄχραντον, καὶ ὅτι μᾶλλον λίθους καὶ ξίφη ἢ τὰ τῆς αἰσχρορημοσύνης φέρειν δύνανται ῥήματα, τούτοις ἐχρῶντο κατ' αὐτῶν ἐπερχόμενοι. Ἀρειανοὶ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς νεωτέροις ὑπέβαλλον, καὶ γὰρ ἐγέλων τούτων λεγομένων καὶ γιγνομένων. καὶ αἱ μὲν ἅγιαι παρθένοι καὶ ἄλλαι σεμναὶ γυναῖκες ὡς ἀσπίδων δήγματα τὰ τοιαῦτα φθέγματα ἔφευ γον, οἱ δὲ χριστομάχοι συνήργουν, τάχα δὲ καὶ συνεφθέγγοντο τοῖς νεωτέροις· καὶ γὰρ ἥδοντο τοῖς παρ' ἐκείνων ἐκβαλλομένοις μετὰ ἀσελγείας ῥήμασιν.
Εἶτα ὡς τὸ ὅλον τῆς ἐντολῆς πληροῦντες (τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν τὸ σπουδαζόμενον, τοῦτο καὶ κόμης καὶ ὁ καθολικὸς παρήγγελλον), ἁρπάσαντες τὰ συμψέλλια καὶ τὸν θρόνον καὶ τὴν τράπεζαν (ξυλίνη γὰρ ἦν) καὶ τὰ βῆλα τῆς ἐκκλησίας τά τε ἄλλα, ὅσα ἠδυνήθησαν, ἐξενέγκαντες ἔκαυσαν ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ πυλῶνος ἐν τῇ πλατείᾳ τῇ μεγάλῃ καὶ λίβανον ἐπέβαλον. ὦ τίς ἀκούσας οὐ δακρύσειε, τάχα καὶ τὴν ἀκοὴν κλείσειεν, ἵνα μηδὲ ἑτέρου λέγοντος ἀνέχηται βλάβην ἡγούμενος καὶ τὸ μόνον ἀκοῦσαί τι τοιοῦτον; τά τε γὰρ εἴδωλα ἑαυτῶν εὐφήμουν καὶ ἔλεγον· «Ἕλλην γέγονε Κωνστάντιος καὶ οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ τὰ ἡμῶν ἐπέγνωσαν». οὐ φροντίζουσι γὰρ οὐδὲ Ἑλληνισμὸν ὑποκρίνασθαι, ἵνα μόνον ἡ αἵρεσις ἔχῃ τὴν σύστα σιν. καὶ γὰρ καὶ βοίδιον ἐπαντλοῦν τοὺς κηπευομένους ἐν τῷ Καισαρείῳ τόπους ἐπεχεί ρησαν ἐπιθῦσαι, καὶ ἔθυσαν ἂν, εἰ μὴ θῆλυ τοῦτο ἦν· τὰ τοιαῦτα γὰρ ἔλεγον μὴ ἐξεῖναι παρ' αὐτοῖς θύεσθαι.
Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς Ἀρειανοὶ νομίζοντες εἰς ἡμῶν ὕβριν ταῦτα φθάνειν μετὰ
τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔπραττον. θεία δὲ δίκη τὴν πονηρίαν τούτων ἤλεγξε καὶ σημεῖόν τι μέγα καὶ ἐξαίρετον εἰργάσατο δεικνύουσα καὶ διὰ τούτου πᾶσι φανερῶς, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἀσεβοῦντες οὐκ εἰς ἄλλον ἀλλ' εἰς τὸν κύριον τολμῶσιν, οὕτω ταῦτα ποιοῦντες εἰς αὐτοῦ πάλιν ὕβριν ἐπεχείρησαν πρᾶξαι· καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἐκ τοῦ γενομένου θαύματος φανερωτέραν ἔσχε τὴν ἀπόδειξιν. τῶν ἀσελγῶν γάρ τις νεώτερος εἰσδραμὼν καὶ τολμήσας ἐπεκάθισε τῷ θρόνῳ. καὶ καθίσας διὰ τῶν ῥινῶν τι πορνικὸν ἀπήχησεν ὁ ἄθλιος. εἶτα ἀναστὰς ἐβιάζετο τὸν θρόνον ἀποσπᾶν καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἕλκειν, ἠγνόει δὲ καθ' ἑαυτοῦ τὴν δίκην ἐπισπώμενος. ὡς γὰρ οἱ τότε τὴν Ἄζωτον κατοικοῦντες τολμήσαντες ἅψασθαι τῆς κιβωτοῦ, ᾗ κἂν προσβλέψαι θέμις οὐκ ἦν αὐτοῖς, παρ' αὐτῆς εὐθὺς ἀπώλλυντο πρότερον διαφθειρόμενοι ταῖς βασάνοις τὰς ἕδρας, οὕτως καὶ οὗτος ὁ ἄθλιος μόνον ἐτόλμησεν ἕλκειν καί, ὅπερ εἷλκεν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἐπεσπάσατο, καὶ ὡς ἀντιπεμπούσης τῆς δίκης τὸ ξύλον ἐν αὐτῷ τὴν ἰδίαν κοιλίαν ἔπληξε, καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ θρόνου τῇ πληγῇ τὰ ἴδια ἐξήνεγκεν ἔντερα, καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ θρόνος ἐκείνου τὸ ζῆν ἀπέσπασεν ἢ αὐτὸς ἀπεσπάσθη παρ' ἐκείνου. ἐξεχύθη γοῦν, ὡς γέγραπται κατὰ τὸν Ἰούδαν, τοῖς σπλάγχνοις καὶ καταπεσὼν ἐβαστάχθη καὶ μετὰ μίαν ἡμέραν ἀπώλετο. καὶ ἕτερος δὲ μετὰ θαλλῶν εἰσελθὼν καὶ ὡς Ἕλλην κινῶν αὐτὰ τῇ χειρὶ καὶ χλευάζων εὐθὺς ἐσκοτώθη καὶ οὐκ ἔβλεπεν οὐδὲ ἐγίνωσκεν ἔτι λοιπόν, ὅποι γῆς ἐτύγχανε· μέλλων τε καὶ αὐτὸς καταπίπτειν χειραγωγούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν συνόντων καὶ ὑποβαστα ζόμενος ἐξήρχετο καὶ αὐτός, μόγις μεθ' ἡμέραν διανήψας καὶ οὐ γινώσκων, οὔτε τί πεποίηκεν οὔτε τί πέπονθεν ὁ τολμηρός.
Ταῦτα βλέποντες Ἕλληνες μὲν ἐφοβήθησαν καὶ οὐδὲν πλέον ἐτόλμησαν, Ἀρειανοὶ δὲ οὐδὲ οὕτως ᾐσχύνθησαν, ἀλλ' ὡς Ἰουδαῖοι σημεῖα βλέποντες οὐκ ἐπίστευον οἱ ἄπιστοι. μᾶλλον γὰρ ἐσκληρύνοντο κατὰ τὸν Φαραὼ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοντες καὶ αὐτοὶ κάτω που κειμένας ἐν τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ ἐν τοῖς εὐνούχοις αὐτοῦ. τοὺς μὲν οὖν Ἕλληνας, μᾶλλον δὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τοὺς ἐκβλητοτέρους τὰ προειρημένα ποιεῖν ἐπέτρεπον· εἶχον γὰρ τὸν ὑπο κρινόμενον αὐτοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ παροξύνοντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας Φαυστῖνον, τὸν καθολικὸν μὲν λεγόμενον, ἀγοραῖον δὲ τὸν τρόπον καὶ ἀσελγῆ τὴν ψυχήν. αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ ὅμοια τού τοις ἀνεδέξαντο δι' ἑαυτῶν ποιεῖν, ἵν', ὥσπερ τὴν αἵρεσιν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων αἱρέσεων ἀπεμάξαντο, οὕτω καὶ τὴν πονηρίαν μετὰ τῶν ἀσελγεστέρων ἔχωσι μεμερισμένην. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα δι' ἐκείνων, καθὰ προεῖπον, ἔπραττον, ἃ δὲ δι' ἑαυτῶν ἐπλημμέλουν, πῶς οὐ πᾶσαν ὑπερβάλλει πονηρίαν καὶ παντὸς δημίου νικᾷ κακίαν; ποῖον γὰρ οἶκον οὐκ ἐπόρθη σαν; ποίαν οἰκίαν προφάσει τοῦ ἐρευνᾶν οὐ διήρπασαν; ποῖον κῆπον οὐ κατεπάτησαν καὶ τάφον οὐκ ἐπήνοιξαν; πρόφασιν μὲν ὡς Ἀθανάσιον ἐπιζητοῦντες προβαλλόμενοι, τὸ δ' ὅλον ἦν αὐτοῖς σπουδαζόμενον διαρπάζειν καὶ σκυλεύειν τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας. πόσων ἐπεσφραγίσθησαν οἶκοι; πόσων τὰ ἐν ταῖς ξενίαις ἐκδεδώκασι τοῖς ὑπουργοῦσιν αὐτοῖς στρατιώταις; τίς τούτων ἀπείρατος τῆς κακίας γέγονε; τίς τούτοις ἀπαντήσας οὐκ ἐκρύβη κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν; τίς διὰ τούτους οὐ καταλείψας τὴν οἰκίαν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας διῆγε τὴν νύκτα; τίς τούτων χάριν φυλάξαι τὰ ἴδια σπεύδων οὐκ ἀπώλεσε τὰ πλεῖστα; τίς ἄπειρος θαλάττης οὐ μᾶλλον εἵλετο ταύτην καὶ τῶν ταύτης κινδύνων πεῖραν λαβεῖν ἢ τούτους ὁρᾶν ἀπειλοῦντας; πολλοὶ καὶ οἴκους μετῆλθον καὶ μετέστησαν ἀπὸ λαύρας εἰς λαῦραν καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως εἰς τὰ προάστεια. πόσοι τε ζημίας πόσας ὑπέστησαν καὶ μὴ ἔχοντες ἐδανείσαντο παρ' ἑτέρων, ἵνα μόνον τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τούτων ἐκφύγωσι;
Πᾶσι γὰρ φοβεροὺς ἑαυτοὺς ἐδείκνυον καὶ πρὸς πάντας ἠλαζονεύοντο, βασιλέα πᾶσιν ὀνομάζοντες καὶ ἀπειλοῦντες μὲν τὸν ἐκείνου φόβον, ἔχοντες δὲ ὑπουργοὺς εἰς τὴν πονηρίαν τὸν δοῦκα Σεβαστιανόν, Μανιχαῖον ὄντα καὶ ἀσελγῆ νεώτερον, καὶ τὸν ἔπαρχον καὶ τὸν κόμητα καὶ ὑποκριτὴν τὸν καθολικόν. πολλὰς γοῦν παρθένους καταγνούσας αὐ τῶν τῆς ἀσεβείας καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐπιγνούσας κατήνεγκαν ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκιῶν καὶ ἄλλας περι πατούσας ὕβριζον καὶ ἐποίουν ὑπὸ τῶν παρ' αὐτοῖς νεωτέρων γυμνοῦσθαι τὰς κεφαλὰς αὐτῶν· καὶ γυναιξὶ δὲ ταῖς παρ' αὐτῶν δεδώκασιν ἐξουσίαν ὑβρίζειν ἣν θέλουσι. καὶ αἱ μὲν σεμναὶ καὶ πισταὶ γυναῖκες ἐξέκλινον καὶ παρεχώρουν ἐκείναις τὴν ὁδόν, αἱ δὲ ὥσπερ μαινάδες καὶ ἐρινύες περιερχόμεναι συμφορὰν ἡγοῦντο τὸ μὴ εὑρίσκειν ἀδικεῖν καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην μετὰ λύπης διῆγον, ἐν ᾗ μὴ ἠδύναντο κακοποιεῖν. καὶ ὅλως οὕτως ἦσαν πᾶσιν ἄγριοι καὶ πικροὶ ὥστε δημίους φονευτὰς ἀθεμίτους φιλοπράγμονας κακούργους καὶ πάντα μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἢ Χριστιανοὺς παρὰ πάντων καλεῖσθαι.
Καὶ γὰρ καὶ τοὺς Σκύθας μιμούμενοι ἥρπασαν Εὐτύχιον ὑποδιάκονον, ἄνδρα καλῶς ὑπηρετοῦντα τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, καὶ ποιήσαντες εἰς τὰ νῶτα ταυρείαις ἴσα θανάτῳ κατακοπῆναι ἠξίωσαν εἰς μέταλλον ἀποσταλῆναι, καὶ μέταλλον οὐχ ἁπλῶς, ἀλλ' εἰς τὸ τῆς Φαινώ, ἔνθα καὶ φονεὺς καταδικαζόμενος ὀλίγας ἡμέρας μόγις δύναται ζῆσαι. καὶ τὸ παράδοξον οὐδὲ κἂν ὀλίγας ὥρας ἐπέτρεψαν αὐτὸν θεραπευθῆναι διὰ τὰς πληγάς, ἀλλ' εὐθὺς ἐποίησαν ἀποσταλῆναι φάσκοντες· «εἰ τοῦτο γένηται, πάντες φοβηθήσονται καὶ μεθ' ἡμῶν ἔσονται λοιπόν». οὐ πολὺ δὲ διέστη καὶ μὴ δυνηθεὶς εἰς τὸ μέταλλον φθάσαι διὰ τὸν πόνον τῶν πληγῶν ἀπέθανεν ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐτελεύτα χαίρων ἔχων τὸ καύχημα τοῦ μαρτυρίου, οἱ δὲ ἀσεβεῖς οὐδὲ οὕτως ᾐσχύνοντο, κατὰ δὲ τὸ γεγραμμένον «ἀνελεήμονα σπλάγχνα ἔχοντες» καὶ τοῦτο μελετήσαντες σατανικόν τι πάλιν πεποιήκασιν. ἀξιούντων γὰρ τῶν λαῶν διὰ τὸν Εὐτύχιον καὶ δεομένων περὶ αὐτοῦ πε ποιήκασιν ἁρπασθῆναι καλοὺς καὶ ἐλευθέρους ἄνδρας τέσσαρας, Ἑρμείαν λούοντα τοὺς ἀνεξόδους καὶ πάνυ γε τούτους πληγαῖς κατακόψας ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ὁ δούξ. ἀλλ' οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ καὶ Σκυθῶν ὠμότεροι τυγχάνοντες, ἐπεὶ ἑωράκασι μὴ τελευτήσαντας ἐκείνους ἀπὸ τῶν πληγῶν, ἐμέμφοντο καὶ ἠπείλουν· «γράφομεν» λέγοντες «τοῖς εὐνούχοις, ὅτι μὴ μαστίζεις ὡς θέλομεν ἡμεῖς». ἐκεῖνός τε ἀκούσας καὶ φοβηθεὶς ἠναγκάσθη καὶ δεύτερον τύψαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. καὶ οἱ μὲν τυπτόμενοι εἰδότες, διὰ τί τύπτονται καὶ παρὰ τίνων διεβλήθησαν, οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἔλεγον ἤ· «διὰ μὲν τὴν ἀλήθειαν τυπτόμεθα, οὐ κοινωνοῦμεν δὲ τοῖς αἱρετικοῖς· τύπτε λοιπόν, ὡς θέλεις, καί σε μέλλει διὰ τοῦτο κρίνειν ὁ θεός». οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀσεβεῖς ἤθελον αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ κινδυνεῦσαι καὶ ἀποθανεῖν, ὁ δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ λαὸς εἰδὼς τὸν καιρὸν ἠξίωσαν καὶ μεθ' ἡμέρας ἑπτά που ἢ καὶ πλέον ἀπ ελύθησαν.
Οἱ δὲ ὥσπερ λυπηθέντες ἕτερόν τι πάλιν ὠμότερον καὶ ἀνόσιον ποιεῖν ἐπεχείρησαν, ὠμὸν μὲν πρὸς πάντας, ἁρμόζον δὲ τῇ χριστομάχῳ αὐτῶν αἱρέσει. ὁ μὲν γὰρ κύριος ἐνετεί λατο τῶν πτωχῶν μνημονεύειν «καὶ πωλήσατε», λέγων, «τὰ ὑπάρχοντα καὶ δότε ἐλεημο σύνην» καὶ «ἐπείνων καὶ ἐδώκατέ μοι φαγεῖν, ἐδίψων, καὶ ἐποτίσατέ με. ἐφ' ὅσον γὰρ ἐποιήσατε ἑνὶ τῶν μικρῶν τούτων, ἐμοὶ ἐποιήσατε ». οὗτοι δὲ ὡς τῷ ὄντι κατὰ Χριστοῦ φρονοῦντες καὶ ἐν τούτοις ἀντιπρᾶξαι τῷ βουλήματι αὐτοῦ τετολμήκασι. τοὺς γὰρ δεομέ νους καὶ τὰς χήρας, ἐπειδὴ τὰς ἐκκλησίας παραδέδωκεν ὁ δοὺξ τοῖς Ἀρειανοῖς, καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς διατρίβειν οὐκ ἠδύναντο, καθεζομένας, ἐν οἷς ὥρισαν αὐταῖς τόποις οἱ πεπιστευμένοι τὰς χήρας κληρικοί, ἐπειδὴ ἔβλεπον τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς προθύμως ἐπιδιδόντας αὐταῖς καὶ τρέφοντας τὰς χήρας, αὐτάς τε κατὰ τῶν ποδῶν τύπτοντες ἐδίωκον καὶ τοὺς παρέχοντας διέβαλλον τῷ δουκί. καὶ τοῦτο ἐγίγνετο μὲν διὰ ∆υναμίου τινὸς στρατιώτου, φίλον δὲ ἦν τοῦτο Σεβαστιανῷ· παρὰ Μανιχαίοις γὰρ ἔλεος οὐκ ἔστιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐχθρόν ἐστι παρ' αὐτοῖς τὸ ἐλεεῖν πένητα. ἦν τοίνυν καινὴ μέμψις καὶ δικαστήριον νῦν πρῶτον ἐπινοηθὲν παρ' αὐτῶν· ἐπὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ τις ἐκρίνετο, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐλεῶν κατηγορεῖτο, ὁ δὲ εὐεργετούμενος ἐτύπτετο· καὶ μᾶλλον ἤθελον πεινᾶν τὸν πένητα ἢ τὸν βουλόμενον ἐλεεῖν παρέχειν. καὶ τοῦτο δὲ παρὰ τῶν παλαιῶν πάλιν Ἰουδαίων ἔμαθον νέοι ὄντες Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ αὐτοί· καὶ γὰρ κἀκεῖνοι βλέποντες τὸν ἐκ γενετῆς τυφλὸν λοιπὸν βλέποντα καὶ τὸν πολλῷ τῷ χρόνῳ παρα λυτικὸν γενόμενον ὑγιῆ, τὸν μὲν εὐεργετήσαντα κύριον ᾐτιῶντο, τοὺς δὲ εὖ παθόντας ὡς παραβάτας ἔκρινον.
Τίς οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις οὐκ ἐθαύμαζε; τίς οὐ κατηρᾶτο τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ τοὺς ἐκδικοῦντας αὐτήν; τίς οὐκ ἐγίνωσκεν, ὅτι καὶ θηρίων ἀγριώτεροι τυγχάνουσιν οἱ Ἀρειανοί; οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ ὧν ἕνεκα ταῦτα ἐποίουν ἐκέρδαινον οἱ μιαροί, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον τὸ καθ' ἑαυτῶν μῖσος παρὰ πᾶσιν ηὔξανον. ἐνόμιζον ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ φόβου βιάζεσθαί τινας εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ὥστε καὶ συνάγεσθαι μετ' αὐτῶν. ἀπέβαινε δὲ αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐναντία. οἱ μὲν γὰρ πάσχοντες ὡς μαρτύριον ὑπέφερον τὰ παρ' ἐκείνων γιγνόμενα καὶ οὔτε προεδίδουν οὔτε ἠρνοῦντο τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν εὐσέβειαν, οἱ δὲ θεωροῦντες ἔξωθεν αὐτούς, λοιπὸν δὲ καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες βλέ ποντες ὡς ἀντιχρίστους ὡς δημίους κατηρῶντο· φιλόπτωχον γὰρ καὶ συμπαθὲς τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος. οὗτοι δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀνθρώπων λογισμὸν ἀπώλεσαν. καὶ οἱ πάσχοντες ἂν ηὔξαντο παρ' ἑτέρων εὖ παθεῖν, αὐτοὶ τοῦτο παθεῖν τοὺς ἄλλους οὐκ ἐπέτρεπον ἔχοντες τὴν τῶν δικαστῶν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν παρὰ τοῦ δουκὸς ἐπιτριβὴν καὶ ἐξουσίαν.
Ἃ γὰρ καὶ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις καὶ διακόνοις πεποιήκασι, καὶ πῶς αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ δου κὸς καὶ τῶν δικαστῶν ἐφυγάδευσαν καταφέροντες ἐκ τῶν οἴκων τοὺς οἰκείους αὐτῶν διὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Γοργονίου καὶ πληγαῖς κατακόπτοντος, καὶ πῶς αὐτῶν (τό γε πάντων ὠμότερον) καὶ τῶν ἤδη τετελευτηκότων τοὺς ἄρτους μεθ' ὅσης ὕβρεως διήρπασαν, οὐκ ἔστιν οὐδὲ λόγῳ φράσαι νικώσης τῆς ὠμότητος αὐτῶν τὴν ἐκ τῶν λόγων διήγησιν. τί γὰρ ἄν τις εἰπὼν εἰρηκέναι δόξειεν; ἢ ποίου πρώτου μνημονεύσας, οὐχ εὑρίσκει τὰ δεύτερα δεινότερα, τῶν δευτέρων τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα; πάντα γὰρ αὐτῶν τὰ ἐπιχει ρήματα καὶ τὰ ἀσεβήματα φόνου καὶ ἀσεβείας πεπλήρωται. καὶ οὕτως εἰσὶ πανοῦργοι τὴν γνώμην καὶ ποικίλοι τὸν τρόπον, ὡς καὶ ἐπαγγελίᾳ προστασίας καὶ δόσει χρημάτων ἐπι χειρεῖν ἀπατᾶν, ἵν', ἐπεὶ μὴ ἐξ εὐλόγων ἔχουσι τὴν σύστασιν, κἂν ἐκ τούτων δόξωσι φαν τασίαν τινὰ τοῖς ἀκεραίοις ἐμποιεῖν.