Part VIII.

Persecution in Egypt.

64. Who would call them even by the name of Gentiles; much less by that of Christians? Would any one regard their habits and feelings as human, and not rather those of wild beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct? They are more worthless than public hangmen; more audacious than all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior, and stand far apart and separate from them209    §§20, 29.. I have heard from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time210    [303 a.d.] of Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own substance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own persons, and were determined to run all risks on their behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part; and are distinguished for nothing but their treachery. They have appointed themselves as executioners, and seek to betray all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are they; so emulous in their evil-doings of the wickedness of Judas.

65. Martyrdom of Secundus of Barka.

The crimes these men have committed cannot adequately be described. I would only say, that as I write and wish to enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the horse-leach211    Prov. xxx. 15. in the Proverbs, since after so many acts of injustice, so many murders, it hath not yet said, ‘It is enough.’ No; it still rages, and goes about212    περιέρχεται, 1 Pet. v. 8. supr. §20, and ad Adelph. §2 fin. seeking after those whom it has not yet discovered, while those whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew. After the night attack, after the evils committed in consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by Heraclius, they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before the Emperor (and they are confident that as impious persons they will obtain a hearing), desiring that something more than banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that hereafter those who do not consent to their impieties may be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an extreme degree, that most abandoned Secundus213    Ep. Æg. 7. of Pentapolis, and Stephanus214    Cf. Hist. Aceph. ix., de Syn. 12, Thdt. H. E. ii. 28. his accomplice, conscious that their heresy was a defence of any injustice they might commit, on discovering a Presbyter at Barka who would not comply with their desires (he was called Secundus, being of the same name, but not of the same faith with the heretic), they kicked him till he died215    In like manner the party of Dioscorus at the Latrocinium, or Eutychian Council of Ephesus, a.d. 449, kicked to death Flavian, Patriarch of Constantinople.. While he was thus suffering he imitated the Saint, and said, ‘Let no one avenge my cause before human judges; I have the Lord for my avenger, for whose sake I suffer these things at their hands.’ They however were not moved with pity at these words, nor did they feel any awe of the sacred season; for it was during the time of Lent216    Encyc. 4. that they thus kicked the man to death.

66. Persecution the weapon of Arianism.

O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in impiety and wicked deeds! For in truth it is but a lately invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to have adopted its doctrines, yet they concealed them, and were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and Arius, like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited forth the poison of this impiety; Arius daring to blasphemy openly, and217    Apol. Ar. 59. Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was not however able to support the heresy, until, as I said before, he found a patron218    §45. for it in the Emperor. Our fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred of them, more or less219    Apol. Ar. 23., met together and condemned the Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien and strange to the faith of the Church. Upon this its supporters, perceiving that they were dishonoured, and had now no good ground of argument to insist upon, devised a different method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external power. And herein one may especially admire the novelty as well as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond all other heresies. For these support their madness by persuasive arguments calculated to deceive the simple; the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with excellency and persuasiveness of speech, and with plausible fallacies; the Jews, leaving the divine Scriptures, now, as the Apostle again has said, contend about ‘fables and endless genealogies220    1 Tim. i. 4.;’ and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others, corrupting the divine Scriptures, put forth fables in terms of their own inventions. But the Arians are bolder than them all, and have shewn that the other heresies are but their younger sisters221    Cf. §31., whom, as I have said, they surpass in impiety, emulating them all, and especially the Jews in their iniquity. For as the Jews, when they were unable to prove the charges which they pretended to allege against Paul, straightway led him to the chief captain and the governor; so likewise these men, who surpass the Jews in their devices, make use only of the power of the judges; and if any one so much as speaks against them, he is dragged before the Governor or the General.

67. Arianism worse than other heresies, because of Persecution.

The other heresies also, when the very Truth has refuted them on the clearest evidence, are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by their conviction. But this modern and accursed heresy, when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down and covered with shame by the very Truth, forthwith endeavours to coerce by violence and stripes and imprisonment those whom it has been unable to persuade by argument, thereby acknowledging itself to be anything rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to compel222    The early theory about persecution seems to have been this,—that that was a bad cause which ‘depended’ upon it, but that, when a ‘cause’ was good, there was nothing wrong in using force in due ‘subordination’ to argument [so Pius IX. in Encycl. ‘Quanta cura,’ speaks of the ’officium coercendi sancitis pœnis violatores catholicæ religionis]; that there was as little impropriety in the civil magistrate’s inducing ‘individuals’ by force, when they were incapable of higher motives, as by those secular blessings which follow on Christianity. Our Lord’s kingdom was not of this world, that is, it did not depend on this world; but, as subduing, engrossing, and swaying this world, it at times condescended to make use of this world’s weapons against itself. The simple question was ‘whether a cause depended on force for its existence.’ S. Athanasius declared and the event proved, that Arianism was so dependent. When Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism ceased to be; it had no life in itself. Again, all cruel persecution, or long continued, or on a large scale, was wrong, as arguing ‘an absence’ of moral and rational grounds in the ‘cause’ so maintained. Again, there was an evident ‘impropriety’ in ecclesiastical functionaries using secular weapons, as there would be in their engaging in a secular pursuit, or forming secular connections; whereas the soldier might as suitably, and should as dutifully, defend religion with the sword, as the scholar with his pen. And further there was an abhorrence of cruelty natural to us, which it was a duty to cherish and maintain. All this being considered, there is no inconsistency in S. Athanasius denouncing persecution, and in Theodosius decreeing that ‘the heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops or Presbyters,’ should be ‘exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation.’ Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27. For a list of passages from the Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch on the Inquisition, vol. 1. Bellarmin. de Laicis, c. 21, 22, and of authors in favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de Magistr. Polit. p. 741, &c. [But vide supr., Apol. Fug. 23: ‘persecution is a device of the devil;’ see also Socr. vii. 3.], but to persuade, as I said before. Thus our Lord Himself, not as employing force, but as offering to their free choice, has said to all, ‘If any man will follow after Me223    Matt. xvi. 24.;’ and to His disciples, ‘Will ye also go away224    John vi. 67.?’ This heresy, however, is altogether alien from godliness; and therefore how otherwise should it act, than contrary to our Saviour, seeing also that it has enlisted that enemy of Christ, Constantius, as it were Antichrist himself225    Cf. De Syn. 5, note 10., to be its leader in impiety? He for its sake has earnestly endeavoured to emulate Saul in savage cruelty. For when the priests gave victuals to David, Saul commanded, and they were all destroyed, in number three hundred and five226    1 Sam. xxii. 18, LXX.; and this man, now that all avoid the heresy, and confess a sound faith in the Lord, annuls a Council of full three hundred Bishops, banishes the Bishops themselves, and hinders the people from the practice of piety, and from their prayers to God, preventing their public assemblies. And as Saul overthrew Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, advancing even further in wickedness, has given up the Churches to the impious. And as he honoured Doeg the accuser before the true priests, and persecuted David, giving ear to the Ziphites; so this man prefers heretics to the godly, and still persecutes them that flee from him, giving ear to his own eunuchs, who falsely accuse the orthodox. He does not perceive that whatever he does or writes in behalf of the heresy of the Arians, involves an attack227    Apol. Ar. 23. upon the Saviour.

68. Constantius worse than Saul, Ahab, and Pilate. His past conduct to his own relations.

Ahab himself did not act so cruelly towards the priests of God, as this man has acted towards the Bishops. For he was at least pricked in his conscience, when Naboth had been murdered, and was afraid at the sight228    1 Kings xxi. 20. of Elijah, but this man neither reverenced the great Hosius, nor was wearied or pricked in conscience, after banishing so many Bishops; but like another Pharaoh, the more he is afflicted, the more he is hardened, and imagines greater wickedness day by day. And the most extraordinary instance of his iniquity was the following. It happened that when the Bishops were condemned to banishment, certain other persons also received their sentence on charges of murder or sedition or theft, each according to the quality of his offence. These men after a few months he released, on being requested to do so, as Pilate did Barabbas; but the servants of Christ he not only refused to set at liberty, but even sentenced them to more unmerciful punishment in the place of their exile, proving himself ‘an undying evil229    A quotation from Homer, Od. xii. 118.’ to them. To the others through congeniality of disposition he became a friend; but to the orthodox he was an enemy on account of their true faith in Christ. Is it not clear to all men from hence, that the Jews of old when they demanded Barabbas, and crucified the Lord, acted but the part which these present enemies of Christ are acting together with Constantius? nay, that he is even more bitter than Pilate. For Pilate, when he perceived230    Matt. xxvii. 24. the injustice of the deed, washed his hands; but this man, while he banishes the saints, gnashes his teeth against them more and more.

69. But what wonder is it if, after he has been led into impious errors, he is so cruel towards the Bishops, since the common feelings of humanity could not induce him to spare even his own kindred. His uncles231    [See above, p. 134, note 8, and ref. there; also Gibbon, ch. xviii. vol. ii. p. 364 sqq.] he slew; his cousins he put out of the way; he commiserated not the sufferings of his father-in-law, though he had married his daughter, or of his kinsmen; but he has ever been a transgressor of his oaths towards all. So likewise he treated his brother in an unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre, although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed wife Olympias, whom his brother had protected till his death, and had brought up as his intended consort. Moreover he attempted to set aside his wishes, although he boasts to be his heir232    Cf. §60, note 6.; for so he writes, in terms which any one possessed of but a small measure of sense would be ashamed of. But when I compare his letters, I find that he does not possess common understanding, but that his mind is solely regulated by the suggestions of others, and that he has no mind of his own at all. Now Solomon says, ‘If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked233    Prov. xxix. 12..’ This man proves by his actions that he is such an unjust one, and that those about him are wicked.

70. Inconstancy of Constantius.

How then, being such an one, and taking pleasure in such associates, can he ever design anything just or reasonable, entangled as he is in the iniquity of his followers, men who verily bewitch him, or rather who have trampled his brains under their heels? Wherefore he now writes letters234    Cf. §51., and then repents that he has written them, and after repenting is again stirred up to anger, and then again laments his fate, and being undetermined what to do, he shews a soul destitute of understanding. Being then of such a character, one must fairly pity him, because that under the semblance and name of freedom he is the slave of those who drag him on to gratify their own impious pleasure. In a word, while through his folly and inconstancy, as the Scripture saith235    Prov. vii. 22, LXX., he is willing to comply with the desires of others, he has given himself up to condemnation, to be consumed by fire in the future judgment; at once consenting to do whatever they wish, and gratifying them in their designs against the Bishops, and in their exertion of authority over the Churches. For behold, he has now again thrown into disorder all the Churches of Alexandria236    Apol. Const. 27. and of Egypt and Libya, and has publicly given orders, that the Bishops of the Catholic Church and faith be cast out of their churches, and that they be all given up to the professors of the Arian doctrines237    §54.. The General began to carry this order into execution; and straightway Bishops were sent off in chains, and Presbyters and Monks bound with iron, after being almost beaten to death with stripes. Disorder prevails in every place; all Egypt and Libya are in danger, the people being indignant at this unjust command, and seeing in it the preparation for the coming of Antichrist, and beholding their property plundered by others, and given up into the hands of the heretics.

71. This wickedness unprecedented.

When was ever such iniquity heard of? when was such an evil deed ever perpetrated, even in times of persecution? They were heathens who persecuted formerly; but they did not bring their idols into the Churches. Zenobia238    [This is ‘certainly false,’ see Encyclop. Brit., art. Palmyra, p. 201, note 4.], was a Jewess, and a supporter of Paul of Samosata; but she did not give up the Churches to the Jews for Synagogues. This is a new piece of iniquity. It is not simply persecution, but more than persecution, it is a prelude and preparation239    §67, note 8. for the coming of Antichrist. Even if it be admitted that they invented false charges against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops whom they banished, yet what is this to their later practices? What charges have they to allege against the whole of Egypt and Libya and Pentapolis240    Cf. §3.? For they have begun no longer to lay their plots against individuals, in which case they might be able to frame a lie against them; but they have set upon all in a body, so that if they merely choose to invent accusations against them, they must be condemned. Thus their wickedness has blinded their understanding241    Wisd. ii. 21.; and they have required, without any reason assigned, that the whole body of the Bishops shall be expelled, and thereby they shew that the charges they framed against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops whom they banished were false, and invented for no other purpose than to support the accursed heresy of the Arian enemies of Christ. This is now no longer concealed, but has become most manifest to all men. He commanded Athanasius to be expelled out of the city, and gave up the Churches to them. And the Presbyters and Deacons that were with him, who had been appointed by Peter and Alexander, were also expelled and driven into banishment; and the real Arians, who not through any suspicions arising from circumstances, but on account of the heresy had been expelled at first together with Arius himself by the Bishop Alexander,—Secundus in Libya, in Alexandria Euzoius242    Cf. Dep. Ar. the Chananæan, Julius, Ammon, Marcus, Irenæus, Zosimus, and Sarapion surnamed Pelycon, and in Libya Sisinnius, and the younger men with him, associates in his impiety; these have obtained possession of the Churches.

72. Banishment of Egyptian Bishops.

And the General Sebastian wrote to the governors and military authorities in every place; and the true Bishops were persecuted, and those who professed impious doctrines were brought in in their stead. They banished Bishops who had grown old in orders, and had been many years in the Episcopate, having been ordained by the Bishop Alexander; Ammonius243    Cf. Ap. Fug. 7., Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus, they sent to the Upper Oasis; Muis, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and Athenodorus to Ammoniaca, with no other intention than that they should perish in their passage through the deserts. They had no pity on them though they were suffering from illness, and indeed proceeded on their journey with so much difficulty on account of their weakness, that they were obliged to be carried in litters, and their sickness was so dangerous that the materials for their burial accompanied them. One of them indeed died, but they would not even permit the body to be given up to his friends for interment. With the same purpose they banished also the Bishop Dracontius to the desert places about Clysma, Philo to Babylon, Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebais, and the Presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene. They likewise drove into exile Ammonius, Agathus, Agathodæmon, Apollonius, Eulogius, Apollos, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius, ancient Bishops, as also the Bishops Dioscorus, Ammonius, Heraclides, and Psais; some of whom they gave up to work in the stone-quarries, others they persecuted with an intention to destroy, and many others they plundered. They banished also forty of the laity, with certain virgins whom they had before exposed to the fire244    Ap. Fug. 6.; beating them so severely with rods taken from palm-trees, that after lingering five days some of them died, and others had recourse to surgical treatment on account of the thorns left in their limbs, from which they suffered torments worse than death245    Ib. 7.. But what is most dreadful to the mind of any man of sound understanding, though characteristic of these miscreants, is this: When the virgins during the scourging called upon the Name of Christ, they gnashed their teeth against them with increased fury. Nay more, they would not give up the bodies of the dead to their friends for burial, but concealed them that they might appear to be ignorant of the murder. They did not however escape detection; the whole city perceived it, and all men withdrew from them as executioners, as malefactors and robbers. Moreover they overthrew monasteries, and endeavoured to cast monks into the fire; they plundered houses, and breaking into the house of certain free citizens where the Bishop had deposited a treasure, they plundered and took it away. They scourged the widows on the soles of their feet, and hindered them from receiving their alms.

73. Character of Arian nominees.

Such were the iniquities practised by the Arians; and as to their further deeds of impiety, who could hear the account of them without shuddering? They had caused these venerable old men and aged Bishops to be sent into banishment; they now appointed in their stead profligate heathen youths, whom they thought to raise at once to the highest dignity, though they were not even Catechumens246    Vid. Hallier, de Ordin. part 2. i. 1, art. 2.. And others who were accused of bigamy247    διγυναίοις, not διγάμοις. On the latter, vid. Suicer, Thess. in voc.διγαμία. Tertull. de Monogam., and even of worse crimes, they nominated Bishops on account of the wealth and civil power which they possessed, and sent them out as it were from a market, upon their giving them gold. And now more dreadful calamities befel the people. For when they rejected these mercenary dependents of the Arians, so alien from themselves, they were scourged, they were proscribed, they were shut up in prison by the General (who did all this readily, being a Manichee), in order that they might no longer seek after their own Bishops, but be forced to accept those whom they abominated, men who were now guilty of the same mockeries as they had before practised among their idols.

74. The Episcopal appointments of Constantius a mark of Antichrist.

Will not every just person break forth into lamentations at the sight or hearing of these things, at perceiving the arrogance and extreme injustice of these impious men? ‘The righteous lament in the place of the impious248    Prov. xxviii. 28, LXX..’ After all these things, and now that the impiety has reached such a pitch of audacity, who will any longer venture to call this Costyllius249    An irregularly formed diminutive, or a quasi diminutive from Constantius, as Agathyllus from Agathocles, Heryllus from Heracles, &c. vid. Matth. Gr. Gramm. §102. ed. 1820. [Curtius, §347] a Christian, and not rather the image of Antichrist? For what mark of Antichrist is yet wanting? How can he in any way fail to be regarded as that one? or how can the latter fail to be supposed such a one as he is? Did not the Arians and the Gentiles offer those sacrifices in the great Church in the Cæsareum250    Ap. Const. 14, supr. §55., and utter their blasphemies against Christ as by His command? And does not the vision of Daniel thus describe251    Dan. vii. 25. Antichrist; that he shall make war with the saints, and prevail against them, and exceed all that have been before him in evil deeds and shall humble three kings, and speak words against the Most High, and shall think to change times and laws? Now what other person besides Constantius has ever attempted to do these things? He is surely such a one as Antichrist would be. He speaks words against the Most High by supporting this impious heresy: he makes war against the saints by banishing the Bishops; although indeed he exercises this power but for a little while252    Constantius died at 45, having openly apostatized for about six years. Julian died at 32, after a reign of a year and a half. vid. supr. §32. vid. also Bellarmin. de Notis Eccl. 17 and 18. to his own destruction. Moreover he has surpassed those before him in wickedness, having devised a new mode of persecution; and after he had overthrown three kings, namely Vetranio, Magnentius, and Gallus, he straightway undertook the patronage of impiety; and like a giant253    Vid. de Decr. §32, note 8, Orat. ii. §32, Naz. Orat. 43, 26. Socr. Hist. v. 10, p. 268. he has dared in his pride to set himself up against the Most High. He has thought to change laws, by transgressing the ordinance of the Lord given us through His Apostles, by altering the customs of the Church, and inventing a new kind of appointments. For he sends from strange places, distant a fifty days’ journey254    Ep. Æg. 7., Bishops attended by soldiers to people unwilling to receive them; and instead of an introduction to the acquaintance of their people, they bring with them threatening messages and letters to the magistrates. Thus he sent Gregory from Cappadocia255    Encycl. 2. to Alexandria; he transferred Germinius from Cyzicus to Sirmium; he removed Cecropius from Laodicea to Nicomedia.

75. Arrival of George at Alexandria, and proceedings of Constantius in Italy.

Again he transferred from Cappadocia to Milan one Auxentius256    Cf. de Syn. §§1, 8, and Ep. Æg. 7., an intruder rather than a Christian, whom he commanded to stay there, after he had banished for his piety towards Christ Dionysius the Bishop of the place, a godly man. But this person was as yet even ignorant of the Latin language, and unskilful in everything except impiety. And now one George, a Cappadocian, who was contractor of stores257    Cf. supr. §56, note 8. at Constantinople, and having embezzled all monies that he received, was obliged to fly, he commanded to enter Alexandria with military pomp, and supported by the authority of the General. Next, finding one Epictetus258    Epictetus above, p. 226, is called ὑποκρίτης, which Montfaucon translated ‘stage-player.’ It is a question whether more than ‘actor’ is meant by it, alluding to the mockery of an ordination in which he seems to have taken part. Though an Asiatic apparently by birth, he was made Bishop of Civita Vecchia. We hear of him at the conference between Constantius and Liberius. Theod. H. E. ii. 13. Then he assists in the ordination of Felix. Afterwards he made a martyr of S. Ruffinian by making him run before his carriage; and he ends his historical career by taking a chief part among the Arians at Ariminum. vid. Tillem. t. vi. p. 380. &c. Ughell. Ital. t. 10. p. 56. a novice, a bold young man, he loved him259    The Greek is ᾽Επικτητόν τινα…νεώτερον…ἠγάπησεν, ὁρῶν, κ. τ. λ. So in the account of the νεανίσκος, ῾Ο δὲ ᾽Ιησοῦς ἐμβλέψας αὐτῷ, ἠγάπησεν αὐτόν. Mark x. 21., perceiving that he was ready for wickedness; and by his means he carries on his designs against those of the Bishops whom he desires to ruin. For he is prepared to do everything that the Emperor wishes; who accordingly availing himself of his assistance, has committed at Rome a strange act, but one truly resembling the malice of Antichrist. Having made preparations in the Palace instead of the Church, and caused some three of his own eunuchs to attend instead of the people, he then compelled three260    i.e. to keep up the canonical number; and cf. the case of Novatian, in Euseb. H. E. vi. 43. On the custom, vid. Bingh. Antiqu. ii. 11, §4. ill-conditioned spies261    §48, note 5. (for one cannot call them Bishops), to ordain forsooth as Bishop one Felix262    Cf. Tillemont, Mem. t. 6. p. 778. Bolland. Catal. Pontif. ch. 21. p. 390. [Döllinger, ‘Fables respecting the Popes;’ D.C.B. ii. 480. Felix figures in the middle ages as the orthodox rival of the ‘Arian’ Liberius.], a man worthy of them, then in the Palace. For the people perceiving the iniquitous proceedings of the heretics would not allow them to enter the Churches263    Cf. Theod. Hist. ii. 17., and withdrew themselves far from them.

76. Tyrannous banishment of Bishops by Constantius.

Now what is yet wanting to make him Antichrist? or what more could Antichrist do at his coming than this man has done? Will he not find when he comes that the way has been already prepared for him by this man easily to deceive the people? Again264    §§44, 52., he claims to himself the right of deciding causes, which he refers to the Court instead of the Church, and presides at them in person. And strange it is to say, when he perceives the accusers at a loss, he takes up the accusation himself, so that the injured party may no longer be able to defend himself on account of the violence which he displays. This he did in the proceedings against Athanasius. For when he saw the boldness of the Bishops Paulinus, Lucifer, Eusebius, and Dionysius, and how out of the recantation of Ursacius and Valens265    Cf. Apol. Ar. 58. they confuted those who spoke against the Bishop, and advised that Valens and his fellows should no longer be believed, since they had already retracted what they now asserted, he immediately stood up266    §33. and said, ‘I am now the accuser of Athanasius; on my account you must believe what these assert.’ And then, when they said,—‘But how can you be an accuser, when the accused person is not present? for if you are his accuser, yet he is not present, and therefore cannot be tried. And the cause is not one that concerns Rome, so that you should be believed as being the Emperor; but it is a matter that concerns a Bishop; for the trial ought to be conducted on equal terms both to the accuser and the accused. And besides, how can you accuse him? for you could not be present to witness the conduct of one who lived at so great a distance from you; and if you speak but what you have heard from these, you ought also to give credit to what he says; but if you will not believe him, while you do believe them, it is plain that they assert these things for your sake, and accuse Athanasius only to gratify you?’—when he heard this, thinking that what they had so truly spoken was an insult to himself, he sent them into banishment; and being exasperated against Athanasius, he wrote in a more savage strain, requiring that he should suffer what has now befallen him, and that the Churches should be given up to the Arians, and that they should be allowed to do whatever they pleased.

77. Constantius the precursor of Antichrist.

Terrible indeed, and worse than terrible are such proceedings; yet conduct suitable to him who assumes the character of Antichrist. Who that beheld him taking the lead of his pretended Bishops, and presiding in Ecclesiastical causes, would not justly exclaim that this was ‘the abomination of desolation267    Dan. ix. 27.’ spoken of by Daniel? For having put on the profession of Christianity, and entering into the holy places, and standing therein, he lays waste the Churches, transgressing their Canons, and enforcing the observance of his own decrees. Will any one now venture to say that this is a peaceful time with Christians, and not a time of persecution? A persecution indeed, such as never arose before, and such as no one perhaps will again stir up, except ‘the son of lawlessness268    2 Thess. ii. 8.,’ do these enemies of Christ exhibit, who already present a picture of him in their own persons. Wherefore it especially behoves us to be sober, lest this heresy which has reached such a height of impudence, and has diffused itself abroad like the ‘poison of an adder269    Prov. xxiii. 32.,’ as it is written in the Proverbs, and which teaches doctrines contrary to the Saviour; lest, I say, this be that ‘falling away270    2 Thess. ii. 3.,’ after which He shall be revealed, of whom Constantius is surely the forerunner271    De Syn. 5, note 10.. Else wherefore is he so mad against the godly? wherefore does he contend for it as his own heresy, and call every one his enemy who will not comply with the madness of Arius, and admit gladly the allegations of the enemies of Christ, and dishonour so many venerable Councils? why did he command that the Churches should be given up to the Arians? was it not that, when that other comes, he may thus find a way to enter into them, and may take to himself him who has prepared those places for him? For the ancient Bishops who were ordained by Alexander, and by his predecessor Achillas, and by Peter before him, have been cast out; and those introduced whom the companions of soldiers nominated; and they nominated only such as promised to adopt their doctrines.

78. Alliance of Meletians with Arians.

This was an easy proposition for the Meletians to comply with; for the greater part, or rather the whole of them, have never had a religious education, nor are they acquainted with the ‘sound faith272    Cf. Tit. i. 13, ii. 2.’ in Christ, nor do they know at all what Christianity is, or what writings we Christians possess. For having come out, some of them from the worship of idols, and others from the senate, or from the first civil offices, for the sake of the miserable exemption273    Cf. Ap. Ar. 56. from duty and for the patronage they gained, and having bribed274    Ib. 59, Ep. Æg. 22. the Meletians who preceded them, they have been advanced to this dignity even before they had been under instruction. And even if they pretended to have been such, yet what kind of instruction is to be obtained among the Meletians? But indeed without even pretending to be under instruction, they came at once, and immediately were called Bishops, just as children receive a name. Being then persons of this description, they thought the thing of no great consequence, nor even supposed that piety was different from impiety. Accordingly from being Meletians they readily and speedily became Arians; and if the Emperor should command them to adopt any other profession, they are ready to change again to that also. Their ignorance of true godliness quickly brings them to submit to the prevailing folly, and that which happens to be first taught them. For it is nothing to them to be carried about by every wind275    Cf. Eph. iv. 14 and tempest, so long as they are only exempt from duty, and obtain the patronage of men; nor would they scruple probably to change again276    Ap. Ar. 59, 63. to what they were before, even to become such as they were when they were heathens. Any how, being men of such an easy temper, and considering the Church as a civil senate, and like heathen being idolatrously minded, they put on the honourable name277    Cf. James ii. 7 of the Saviour, under which they polluted the whole of Egypt, by causing so much as the name of the Arian heresy to be known therein. For Egypt has heretofore been the only country, throughout which the profession of the orthodox faith was boldly maintained278    Cf. Apol. Ar. 52.; and therefore these misbelievers have striven to introduce jealousy there also, or rather not they, but the devil who has stirred them up, in order that when his herald Antichrist shall come, he may find that the Churches in Egypt also are his own, and that the Meletians have already been instructed in his principles, and may recognise himself as already formed279    Ctr. Gal. iv. 19 in them.

79. Behaviour of the Meletians contrasted with that of the Alexandrian Christians.

Such is the effect of that iniquitous order which was issued by Constantius. On the part of the people there was displayed a ready alacrity to submit to martyrdom, and an increased hatred of this most impious heresy; and yet lamentations for their Churches, and groans burst from all, while they cried unto the Lord, ‘Spare Thy people, O Lord, and give not Thine heritage unto Thine enemies to reproach280    Joel ii. 17.;’ but make haste to deliver us out of the hand of the lawless281    ἀνόμων, Cf. 2 Thess. ii. 8. For behold, ‘they have not spared Thy servants, but are preparing the way for Antichrist.’ For the Meletians will never resist him, nor will they care for the truth, nor will they esteem it an evil thing to deny Christ. They are men who have not approached the word with sincerity; like the chameleon282    de Decr. 1, note 3. they assume every various appearance; they are hirelings of any who will make use of them. They make not the truth their aim, but prefer before it their present pleasure; they say only, ‘Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die283    1 Cor. xv. 32..’ Such a profession and faithless temper is more worthy of Epicritian284    Histrionum genus, Montf. [The allusion is obscure. Epicrates was a comedian of the 4th. cent. b.c.] players than of Meletians. But the faithful servants of our Saviour, and the true Bishops who believe with sincerity, and live not for themselves, but for the Lord; these faithfully believing in our Lord Jesus Christ, and knowing, as I said before, that the charges which were alleged against the truth were false, and plainly fabricated for the sake of the Arian heresy (for by the recantation285    Apol. Ar. 58. of Ursacius and Valens they detected the calumnies which were devised against Athanasius, for the purpose of removing him out of the way, and of introducing into the Churches the impieties of the enemies of Christ); these, I say, perceiving all this, as defenders and preachers of the truth, chose rather, and endured to be insulted and driven into banishment, than to subscribe against him, and to hold communion with the Arian madmen. They forgot not the lessons they had taught to others; yea, they know well that great dishonour remains for the traitors, but for them which confess the truth, the kingdom of heaven; and that to the careless and such as fear Constantius will happen no good thing; but for them that endure tribulations here, as sailors reach a quiet haven after a storm, as wrestlers receive a crown after the combat, so these shall obtain great and eternal joy and delight in heaven;—such as Joseph obtained after those tribulations; such as the great Daniel had after his temptations and the manifold conspiracies of the courtiers against him; such as Paul now enjoys, being crowned by the Saviour; such as the people of God everywhere expect. They, seeing these things, were not infirm of purpose, but waxed strong in faith286    Cf. Rom. iv. 20, and increased in their zeal more and more. Being fully persuaded of the calumnies and impieties of the heretics, they condemn the persecutor, and in heart and mind run together the same course with them that are persecuted, that they also may obtain the crown of Confession.

80. Duty of separating from heretics.

One might say much more against this detestable and antichristian heresy, and might demonstrate by many arguments that the practices of Constantius are a prelude to the coming of Antichrist. But seeing that, as the Prophet287    Isa. i. 6. has said, from the feet even to the head there is no reasonableness in it, but it is full of all filthiness and all impiety, so that the very name of it ought to be avoided as a dog’s vomit or the poison of serpents; and seeing that Costyllius openly exhibits the image of the adversary288    Cf. 2 Thess. ii. 4.; in order that our words may not be too many, it will be well to content ourselves with the divine Scripture, and that we all obey the precept which it has given us both in regard to other heresies, and especially respecting this. That precept is as follows; ‘Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch no unclean thing; go ye out of the midst of them, and be ye separate, that bear the vessels of the Lord289    Is. lii. 11..’ This may suffice290    [A somewhat characteristic phrase of Athanasius.] to instruct us all, so that if any one has been deceived by them, he may go out from them, as out of Sodom, and not return again unto them, lest he suffer the fate of Lot’s wife; and if any one has continued from the beginning pure from this impious heresy, he may glory in Christ and say, ‘We have not stretched out our hands to a strange god291    Ps. xliv. 20.; neither have we worshipped the works of our own hands, nor served the creature292    Ep. Æg. 13 note 1. more than Thee, the God that hast created all things through Thy word, the Only-Begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to Thee the Father together with the same Word in the Holy Spirit be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen.’

81. The Second Protest293    Of the two Protests referred to supr. §48, the first was omitted by the copyists, as being already contained, as Montfaucon seems to say, in the Apology against the Arians; yet if it be the one to which allusion is made in the beginning of the Protest which follows, it is not found there, nor does it appear what document of a.d. 356 could properly have a place in a set of papers which end with a.d. 350..

The people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria, which is under the government of the most Reverend Bishop Athanasius, make this public protest by those whose names are under-written.

We have already protested against the nocturnal assault which was committed upon ourselves and the Lord’s house; although in truth there needed no protest in respect to proceedings with which the whole city has been already made acquainted. For the bodies of the slain which were discovered were exposed in public, and the bows and arrows and other arms found in the Lord’s house loudly proclaim the iniquity.

But whereas after our Protest already made, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus endeavours to force all men to agree with him, as though no tumult had been made, nor any had perished (wherein is no small proof that these things were not done according to the wishes of the most gracious Emperor Augustus Constantius; for he would not have been so much afraid of the consequences of this transaction, had he acted therein by command); and whereas also, when we went to him, and requested him not to do violence to any, nor to deny what had taken place, he ordered us, being Christians, to be beaten with clubs; thereby again giving proof of the nocturnal assault which has been directed against the Church:—

We therefore make also this present Protest, certain of us being now about to travel to the most religious Emperor Augustus: and we adjure Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, and the Controllers294    Ap. Ar. 73, note., in the name of Almighty God, and for the sake of the salvation of the most religious Augustus Constantius, to relate all these things to the piety of Augustus, and to the authority of the most illustrious Prefects295    i.e. Prætorian.. We adjure also the masters of vessels, to publish these things everywhere, and to carry them to the ears of the most religious Augustus, and to the Prefects and the Magistrates in every place, in order that it may be known that a war has been waged against the Church, and that, in the times of Augustus Constantius, Syrianus has caused virgins and many others to become martyrs.

As it dawned upon the fifth before the Ides of February296    Febr. 9., that is to say, the fourteenth of the month Mechir, while we were keeping vigil297    Ap. Const. 25; Ap. Fug. 24. in the Lord’s house, and engaged in our prayers (for there was to be a communion on the Preparation298    Friday vid. Encyc. 4, note 9.); suddenly about midnight, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus attacked us and the Church with many legions of soldiers299    i.e. more than 5,000, Ap. Fug. 24. armed with naked swords and javelins and other warlike instruments, and wearing helmets on their heads; and actually while we were praying, and while the lessons were being read, they broke down the doors. And when the doors were burst open by the violence of the multitude, he gave command, and some of them were shooting; others shouting, their arms rattling, and their swords flashing in the light of the lamps; and forthwith virgins were being slain, many men trampled down, and falling over one another as the soldiers came upon them, and several were pierced with arrows and perished. Some of the soldiers also were betaking themselves to plunder, and were stripping the virgins, who were more afraid of being even touched by them than they were of death. The Bishop continued sitting upon his throne, and exhorted all to pray. The Duke led on the attack, having with him Hilarius the notary, whose part in the proceedings was shewn in the sequel. The Bishop was seized, and barely escaped being torn to pieces; and having fallen into a state of insensibility, and appearing as one dead, he disappeared from among them, and has gone we know not whither. They were eager to kill him. And when they saw that many had perished, they gave orders to the soldiers to remove out of sight the bodies of the dead. But the most holy virgins who were left behind were buried in the tombs, having attained the glory of martyrdom in the times of the most religious Constantius. Deacons also were beaten with stripes even in the Lord’s house, and were shut up there.

Nor did matters stop even here: for after all this had happened, whosoever pleased broke open any door that he could, and searched, and plundered what was within. They entered even into those places which not even all Christians are allowed to enter. Gorgonius, the commander of the city force300    στρατηγοῦ. There were two στρατηγοὶ or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Græc. in voc., knows this, for he was present. And no unimportant evidence of the nature of this hostile assault is afforded by the circumstance, that the armour and javelins and swords borne by those who entered were left in the Lord’s house. They have been hung up in the Church until this time, that they might not be able to deny it: and although they sent several times Dynamius the soldier301    στρατηγοῦ. There were two στρατηγοὶ or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11, where S. Dionysius speaks of their seizing him. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Græc. in voc., as well as the Commander302    τὸν τῆς τάξεως, supr. §61, στρατιώτου of the city police, desiring to take them away, we would not allow it, until the circumstance was known to all.

Now if an order has been given that we should be persecuted we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if it be not by order of Augustus, we desire Maximus the Prefect of Egypt and all the city magistrates to request of him that they may not again be suffered thus to assail us. And we desire also that this our petition may be presented to him, that they may not attempt to bring in hither any other Bishop: for we have resisted unto death303    Apol. Ar. 38., desiring to have the most Reverend Athanasius, whom God gave us at the beginning, according to the succession of our fathers; whom also the most religious Augustus Constantius himself sent to us with letters and oaths. And we believe that when his Piety is informed of what has taken place, he will be greatly displeased, and will do nothing contrary to his oaths, but will again give orders that our Bishop Athanasius shall remain with us.

To the Consuls to be elected304    Since the Consuls came into office on the first of January, and were proclaimed in each city, it is strange that the Alexandrians here speak in February as if ignorant of their names. The phrase, however, is found elsewhere. Thus in this very year the Chron. Aceph. dates Jan. 5 as ‘post Consulatum Arbitionis et Loliani.’ And in Socr. Hist. ii. 29, in the instance of the year 351, when there were no Consuls, and in 346, when there was a difference on the subject between the Emperors who were eventually themselves Consuls, the first months are dated in like manner from the Consuls of the foregoing year. after the Consulship of the most illustrious Arbæthion and Collianus305    Lollianus., on the seventeenth Mechir306    Feb. 12, Leap year; see note below, at the end of Introd. to Letters., which is the day before the Ides of February.

Τίς οὖν ἔτι τούτους κἂν ἐθνικοὺς καλέσειεν ἁπλῶς, μήτιγε Χριστιανούς; τίς τούτων τὸν τρόπον ἀνθρώπινον καὶ μὴ μᾶλλον τοῦτον θηριώδη ὑπολάβοι διά τε τὸ ὠμὸν καὶ τὸ ἄγριον τῆς πράξεως; καὶ γὰρ καὶ δημίων εἰσὶ πονηρότεροι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων αἱρέσεων τολμη ρότεροι. Ἑλλήνων γὰρ πολὺ δεύτεροι, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ μακρὰν αὐτῶν τυγχάνουσιν. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἤκουσα τῶν πατέρων καὶ πιστὸν ἡγοῦμαι τὸν ἐκείνων λόγον ὅτι τὸ πρῶτον, ὅτε γέ γονε καὶ ἐπὶ Μαξιμιανῷ τῷ πάππῳ Κωνσταντίου διωγμός, Ἕλληνες ἔκρυπτον τοὺς ἀδελ φοὺς ἡμῶν τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ζητουμένους. καὶ πολλάκις ἀπώλεσαν αὐτοὶ χρήματα δεσμω τηρίων τε ἐπειράθησαν, ἵνα μόνον τῶν φευγόντων μὴ γένωνται προδόται, ὡς γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς ἐφύλαττον τοὺς προσφεύγοντας καὶ κινδυνεύειν πρὸ αὐτῶν ἐβουλεύοντο. ἀλλὰ νῦν οἱ θαυμαστοὶ οὗτοι, οἱ τῆς νέας αἱρέσεως ἐφευρεταί, ἐκ μηδενὸς ἑτέρου ἢ ἐκ τοῦ ἐπιβουλεύειν ἐπιγινωσκόμενοι πάντα τἀναντία πράττουσιν. αὐτοί τε γὰρ δι' ἑαυτῶν δήμιοι γιγνό μενοι πάντας ζητοῦσι παραδιδόναι καὶ τοὺς κρύπτοντας ἐπιβουλεύεσθαι ποιοῦσιν ἴσον ἐχθρὸν ἡγούμενοι τόν τε κρύπτοντα καὶ τὸν κρυπτόμενον· οὕτως εἰσὶ φονευταὶ καὶ τὴν Ἰούδα πονηρίαν ἐξήλωσαν οἱ κακοῦργοι.
Καὶ οὐκ ἔστι κατ' ἀξίαν ὧν διαπράττονται κακῶν εἰπεῖν ἢ τοῦτο μόνον ὅτι γρά φοντά με καὶ θέλοντα καταλέγειν τῆς πονηρίας ἐκείνων τὰς πράξεις ὑπεισέρχεται νοεῖν, μὴ ἆρα τῆς ἐν ταῖς Παροιμίαις «βδέλλης ἡ τετάρτη θυγάτηρ» ἐστὶν ἡ αἵρεσις αὕτη, ἥτις μετὰ τὰς τοσαύτας ἀδικίας καὶ τοὺς τοσούτους φόνους οὐκ εἶπεν «ἀρκεῖ». ἔτι γὰρ νεανιεύεται· καὶ τοὺς μὲν μηδέπω γνωσθέντας αὐτῇ περιέρχεται ζητοῦσα, οὓς δὲ ἔφθασεν ἀδικῆσαι, πάλιν ἐπαδικεῖν σπουδάζει. ἰδοὺ γὰρ μετὰ τὴν νυκτερινὴν ἔφοδον, μετὰ τὰ ἐξ αὐτῆς γενόμενα κακά, μετὰ τὸν δι' Ἡρακλείου γενόμενον διωγμὸν πάλιν οὐ παύονται διαβάλλοντες βασιλεῖ. θαρροῦσι γὰρ ὡς ἀσεβοῦντες ἀκούονται, ἵνα πλέον τι τοῦ ἐξο ρισμοῦ γένηται καὶ λοιπὸν οἱ μὴ πειθόμενοι ταῖς ἀσεβείαις αὐτῶν ἀναιρῶνται. οὕτω γὰρ καὶ νῦν καταθρασυνόμενοι Σεκοῦνδος μὲν ὁ παγκάκιστος Πενταπολίτης καὶ ὁ τού του συνωμότης Στέφανος εἰδότες ὅτι, κἂν ἀδικῶσιν, ἔχουσι πρὸς ἀπολογίαν τὴν αἵρεσιν· ἐπειδὴ μὴ πειθόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐν Βάρκῃ πρεσβύτερον ἑωράκασι, Σεκοῦνδος δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο, (ὁμώνυμος μὲν οὐχ ὁμόπιστος δὲ τῷ αἱρετικῷ), ἀπέκτειναν λακτίσμασιν αὐτόν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀναιρούμενος ἐμιμεῖτο τὸν ἅγιον λέγων· «μηδείς με παρὰ δικασταῖς ἐκδικείτω· ἔχω τὸν ἐκδικοῦντά με κύριον, δι' ὃν καὶ ταῦτα πάσχω παρ' αὐτῶν», οἱ δὲ οὔτε λέγοντα ἠλέουν οὔτε τὰς ἡμέρας ἐδυσωποῦντο· ἐν αὐτῇ γὰρ τῇ τεσσαρακοστῇ λακτίζοντες ἀπέκ τειναν τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
Ὦ καινῆς αἱρέσεως ὅλον ἐνδυσαμένης τὸν διάβολον ἐν ἀσεβείᾳ καὶ πράξει. ἄρτι γὰρ πρῶτον ἐπενοήθη τοῦτο τὸ κακόν. εἰ δὲ καί τινες ἐδόκουν ποτὲ περὶ αὐτῆς λογίζεσθαι, ἀλλ' ἔκρυπτον καὶ ἐλάνθανον ταῦτα φρονοῦντες. Εὐσέβιος δὲ καὶ Ἄρειος ὡς ὄφεις ἐξελθόντες ἀπὸ φωλεοῦ τὸν ἰὸν τῆς ἀσεβείας ταύτης ἐξήμεσαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν Ἄρειος τὴν τοῦ βλασφημεῖν ἐκ φανεροῦ τόλμην ἀνεδέξατο, ὁ δὲ Εὐσέβιος τὴν ταύτης προστασίαν. ἀλλ' οὐ πρότερον ἴσχυσε προστῆναι τῆς αἱρέσεως εἰ μή, καθὰ προεῖπον, βασιλέα εὗρε προστάτην ταύτης. οἱ μὲν οὖν πατέρες ἡμῶν οἰκουμενικὴν σύνοδον πεποιήκασι καὶ τριακόσιοι πλεῖον ἢ ἔλαττον ἐπίσκοποι συνελθόντες κατέκριναν τὴν ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ ἀπεφήναντο πάντες ἀλλοτρίαν αὐτὴν καὶ ξένην τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς πίστεως εἶναι, οἱ δὲ προστάται ταύτης ὁρῶντες ἑαυτοὺς λοιπὸν ἀσχημονοῦντας καὶ μηδὲν εὔλογον ἔχοντας ἄλλην ὁδὸν ἐπενόησαν καὶ διὰ τῆς ἔξωθεν ἐξουσίας ἐκδικεῖν ταύτην ἐπεχείρησαν· ἐφ' ᾧ μᾶλλον ἄν τις αὐτῶν θαυμάσειε τὸ καινὸν καὶ πονηρὸν ἐπιτήδευμα, καὶ πῶς ὑπερβάλλουσι τὰς ἄλλας αἱρέσεις. τῶν μὲν γὰρ ἄλλων αἱρέσεων τὰ ἐφευρήματα ἐν πιθανότητι ῥημάτων ἔχει τὴν μανίαν πρὸς ἀπάτην τῶν ἀκεραίων. καὶ Ἕλληνες μέν, ὡς εἶπεν ὁ ἀπόστολος, ἐν ὑπερο χῇ καὶ πειθοῖ λόγων καὶ σοφίσμασι πιθανοῖς ἐπιχειροῦσιν, Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ἀφέντες τὰς θείας γραφὰς λοιπόν, ὡς εἶπεν ὁ ἀπόστολος, «ἐν μύθοις καὶ γενεαλογίαις ἀπεράντοις» ἔχουσι τὴν ἔριν. Μανιχαῖοι γὰρ καὶ Οὐαλεντῖνοι σὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἄλλοι καπηλεύοντες τὰς θείας γραφὰς τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἐπιπλάστοις λόγοις μυθολογοῦσιν. οἱ δὲ Ἀρειανοὶ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων αἱρέ σεών εἰσι τολμηρότεροι καὶ μικροτέρας ἑαυτῶν ἀδελφὰς ἀπέδειξαν ἐκείνας πλέον αὐτῶν ἀσεβοῦντες, καθάπερ εἴρηται, καὶ πάντας, μάλιστα δὲ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ζηλώσαντες ἐν πο νηρίᾳ. ὡς γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι μὴ δυνάμενοι τὸν Παῦλον ἐλέγξαι περὶ ὧν ἐπροφασίζοντο εὐθὺς ἤγαγον αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν χιλίαρχον καὶ τὸν ἡγεμόνα, οὕτως οὗτοι καὶ πλέον ἐκείνων ἐπινο οῦντες τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ μόνῃ τῶν δικαστῶν κέχρηνται. καὶ μόνον τις αὐτοῖς ἀντείρηκεν, ἕλκεται πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα ἢ τὸν στρατηλάτην.
Καὶ αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι αἱρέσεις ἐλεγχόμεναι ταῖς ἀποδείξεσιν ὑπ' αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας σιωπῶσι μηδὲν πλέον ἢ ἐντρεπόμεναι τοῖς ἐλέγχοις, ἡ δὲ νέα καὶ μυσαρὰ τούτων αἵρεσις, ὅταν ἀνατραπῇ τοῖς λόγοις, ὅταν ὑπ' αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας αἰσχυνθεῖσα πέσῃ, λοιπὸν οὓς μὴ δεδύνηται πεῖσαι λόγοις, τούτους τῇ βίᾳ καὶ πληγαῖς καὶ δεσμωτηρίοις ἕλκειν ἐπιχειρεῖ γνωρίζουσα ἑαυτὴν καὶ οὕτως, ὡς πάντα μᾶλλόν ἐστιν ἢ θεοσεβής. θεοσεβείας μὲν γὰρ ἴδιον μὴ ἀναγκάζειν, ἀλλὰ πείθειν, ὥσπερ εἴπαμεν. καὶ γὰρ ὁ κύριος αὐτὸς οὐ βιαζόμενος, ἀλλὰ τῇ προαιρέσει διδοὺς ἔλεγε πᾶσι μέν· «εἴ τις θέλει ὀπίσω μου ἐλθεῖν», τοῖς δὲ μαθηταῖς· «μὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς θέλετε ἀπελθεῖν»; αὕτη παντελῶς ἀλλοτρία τῆς θεοσεβείας ἐστί. τί ποιεῖν αὐτὴν ἐχρῆν ἢ τἀναντία τοῦ σωτῆρος ὡς χριστομάχον ἡγεμόνα τῆς ἀσεβείας ἐπιγραφο μένην Κωνστάντιον ὡς αὐτὸν τὸν ἀντίχριστον; αὐτὸς γὰρ διὰ τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐσπούδασε πρῶτον καὶ τὸν Σαοὺλ ἐν ὠμότητι ζηλῶσαι. ἐκεῖνος μὲν γάρ, ἐπειδὴ δεδώκασιν οἱ ἱερεῖς ἐπισιτισμὸν τῷ ∆αυίδ, κελεύει καὶ ἀναιροῦνται πάντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες τριακόσιοι καὶ πέντε, οὗτος δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὴν μὲν αἵρεσιν πάντες φεύγουσιν, ἡ δὲ ὑγιαίνουσα πίστις ἡ εἰς τὸν κύριον ὡμολογήθη, τριακοσίων ὅλων σύνοδον ἐπισκόπων ἀναιρεῖ. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐπι σκόπους αὐτοὺς ἐξορίζει, τοὺς δὲ λαοὺς ἐμποδίζει μελετᾶν τὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ εὔχεσθαι τῷ θεῷ κωλύων αὐτῶν τὰς συναγωγάς. καὶ ὥσπερ Σαοὺλ κατέσκαψε «τὴν Νομβὰ τὴν πόλιν τῶν ἱερέων», οὕτως οὗτος καὶ πλέον τὸ κακὸν αὐξάνων τὰς ἐκκλησίας τοῖς ἀσεβοῦσι παραδέδωκε καὶ ὡς ἐκεῖνος ∆ωὴκ τὸν διαβαλόντα προτετίμηκε τῶν ἀληθῶς ἱερέων τόν τε ∆αυὶδ ἐδίωκε προσέχων τοῖς Ζιφαίοις, οὕτως οὗτος τοὺς μὲν αἱρετικοὺς προκρίνει τῶν εὐ σεβῶν, τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας αὐτὸν ἔτι διώκει προσέχων τοῖς θλαδίαις ἑαυτοῦ, τοῖς καὶ δια βάλλουσι τοὺς ὀρθοδόξους μὴ συνορῶν, ὡς ὅσα δ' ἂν ὑπὲρ τῆς αἱρέσεως τῶν Ἀρειανῶν πράττῃ τε καὶ γράφῃ, ταῦτα κατὰ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἔχει τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν.
Οὐχ οὕτως Ἀχαὰβ κατὰ τῶν ἱερέων τοῦ θεοῦ γέγονεν, ὡς οὗτος κατὰ τῶν ἐπισκό πων τετόλμηκεν. ὅλως γὰρ ἐκεῖνος καὶ φονευθέντος τοῦ Ναβουθαὶ «κατενύγη» καὶ τὸν Ἠλίαν ἑωρακὼς ἐφοβήθη, οὗτος δὲ οὐδὲ τὸν τηλικοῦτον Ὅσιον ᾐδέσθη οὐδὲ τοὺς τοσούτους ἐπισκόπους ἐξορίσας ἐνάρκησεν ἢ κἂν κατενύγη, ἀλλ' ὡς ἄλλος Φαραὼ μᾶλλον ἐπιτριβόμενος σκληρύνεται καὶ χείρονα καθημέραν ἐπενόει. καὶ ἔστιν αὐτοῦ τοῦτο παράδοξον τῆς πονηρίας. τῶν γὰρ ἐπισκόπων ἐξοριζομένων συνέβαινε καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς δι' ἐγκλήματα φόνου ἢ στάσεως ἢ κλοπῆς κατὰ τὴν τοῦ ἐγκλήματος ποιότητα λαμβάνειν τὴν καταδίκην, καὶ τούτους μὲν μετὰ μῆνας ὀλίγους ἀξιούμενος ὡς τὸν Βαραββᾶν Πιλᾶτος ἀπέλυε, τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Χριστοῦ δούλους οὐκ ἠφίει, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀνηλεῶς κατεδίκαζεν ἐν τοῖς ἐξορισμοῖς ἀθάνατον κακὸν γιγνόμενος εἰς αὐτούς. τῶν μὲν γὰρ διὰ τὸν τρόπον φίλος ἦν, τῶν ὀρθοδόξων δὲ διὰ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐχθρὸς ἐτύγχανεν. ἆρ' οὖν οὐ πᾶσιν ἐκ τούτου λευκῶς ἐδείκνυεν ὅτι καὶ τότε οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι τὸν μὲν Βαραββᾶν αἰτησάμενοι, τὸν δὲ κύριον σταυρώσαντες τοιοῦτοι ἦσαν, οἷοι καὶ νῦν οἱ μετὰ Κωνσταντίου χριστομάχοι; καὶ τάχα πικρότερος οὗτος ἢ Πιλᾶτος. ὁ μὲν γὰρ κἂν ἐνίψατο συνορῶν τὴν ἀδικίαν, οὗτος δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον τρίζει τοὺς ὀδόντας ἐξορίζων τοὺς ἁγίους.
Τί δὲ θαυμαστόν, εἰ πλανηθεὶς εἰς ἀσέβειαν οὕτω κατὰ τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐστιν ὠμός, ὅπου γε οὐδὲ τῆς ἰδίας συγγενείας ὡς ἄνθρωπος ἐφείσατο; τοὺς μὲν γὰρ θείους κατέσφαξε καὶ τοὺς ἀνεψίους ἀνεῖλε, καὶ πενθερὸν μέν, ἔτι τὴν θυγατέρα γαμῶν αὐτοῦ, συγγενεῖς δὲ πάσχοντας οὐκ ἠλέησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅρκων ἀεὶ πρὸς πάντας παραβάτης γέγονεν. οὕτω γὰρ καὶ εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀσεβεῖν τετόλμηκε· καὶ προσποιεῖται μὲν οἰκοδομεῖν αὐτῷ μνημεῖον, τὴν δὲ μνηστὴν αὐτοῦ τὴν Ὀλυμπιάδα βαρβάροις ἐκδέδωκεν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος μέχρι τελευτῆς ἐφύλαττε καὶ ὡς ἰδίαν ἀνέτρεφεν ἑαυτῷ γυναῖκα. καὶ τὴν γνώμην δὲ αὐτοῦ παραλύειν ἐπεχείρησεν, οὗ καὶ κληρονόμος εὔχεται εἶναι γράφων τοιαῦτα, ἐφ' οἷς καὶ ὀλίγην αἴσθησιν ἔχων ἄν τις ᾐσχύνθη. ἐγὼ δὲ συμβάλλων αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς εὑρίσκω τοῦτον μὴ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχοντα τὰς φρένας, ἀλλὰ μόνον πρὸς τοὺς ὑποβάλλοντας κινού μενον, ἴδιον δὲ νοῦν καθόλου μὴ ἔχοντα. ὁ μὲν οὖν Σολομών φησι· «βασιλέως ὑπακούοντος λόγον ἄδικον, πάντες οἱ ὑπ' αὐτὸν παράνομοι», οὗτος δὲ ἐξ ὧν ποιεῖ, δείκνυσιν ἑαυτὸν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι τὸν ἄδικον καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν παρανόμους.
Πότε οὖν οὗτος τοιοῦτος ὢν καὶ τοιούτοις χαίρων δύναταί τι δίκαιον ἢ κατὰ λόγον φρονῆσαι; ἄνθρωπος δεδεμένος τῇ τῶν συνόντων παρανομίᾳ καὶ τούτων ὄντων ἐπᾳ δόντων, οἵτινες τὸν ἐγκέφαλον μᾶλλον ἐν ταῖς πτέρναις καταπεπατημένον ἔχουσι. διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ γράφει καὶ γράφων μεταμελεῖται καὶ μεταμελόμενος παροξύνεται, πάλιν τε ὀδύρεται καὶ οὐκ ἔχων, ὃ πράξει, δείκνυσιν ἑαυτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ ἔρημον τῶν φρενῶν. οὕτω δὲ τοῦτον ὄντα τοιοῦτον οἰκτείρειεν ἄν τις μᾶλλον δικαίως, ὅτι μετ' ἐλευθέρου σχήματος καὶ ὀνόματος δοῦλός ἐστι τῶν ἑλκόντων αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν ἡδονὴν τῆς ἀσεβείας. ἀμέλει τὸ ἀνόητον καὶ κέπφον, ὡς εἶπεν ἡ γραφή, καθηκεύειν θέλων ἄλλοις ἑαυτὸν εἰς καταδίκην τῇ μελλούσῃ κρίσει τοῦ πυρὸς παρανάλωμα δέδωκεν. ἤδη πράττων, ἃ θέλουσιν ἐκεῖνοι, καὶ προπίνων αὐτοῖς τήν τε κατὰ τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐξουσίαν. ἰδοὺ γὰρ καὶ νῦν πάλιν ἐτάραξε τὰς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὰς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύαις πάσας, καὶ φανερῶς προσέταξε τοὺς μὲν τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τῆς εὐσεβείας ἐπισκόπους ἐκβάλλεσθαι τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν, τοῖς δὲ τὰ Ἀρείου φρονοῦσι πάσας αὐτὰς παραδίδοσθαι. τοῦτό τε ποιεῖν ὁ στρατηλάτης ἤρξατο. καὶ λοιπὸν ἐπίσκοποι δέσμιοι πρεσβύτεροί τε καὶ μονάζοντες σεσιδηρωμένοι καὶ πληγαῖς κατακοπέντες ἴσα θανάτῳ παρεπέμφθησαν πάντα τε κατὰ τόπον τετά ρακται· καὶ ἡ Αἴγυπτος καὶ Λιβύη πᾶσα κινδυνεύει τῶν λαῶν δυσανασχετούντων ἐπὶ τῷ παρανόμῳ προστάγματι τούτῳ καὶ βλεπόντων τὴν τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου παρα σκευὴν καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἀπ' αὐτῶν μὲν ἁρπαζόμενα, τοῖς δὲ αἱρετικοῖς ἐκδιδόμενα ταῦτα.
Πότε οὖν ἠκούσθη τοσαύτη παρανομία; πότε τι τοιοῦτον κἂν ἐν διωγμῷ γέγονε κακόν; Ἕλληνες γεγόνασιν οἱ πρότερον διώξαντες, ἀλλ' οὐκ εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας εἰσήνεγκαν τὰ εἴδωλα. Ἰουδαία ἦν Ζηνοβία καὶ Παύλου προέστη τοῦ Σαμοσατέως, ἀλλ' οὐ δέδωκε τὰς ἐκκλησίας τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις εἰς συναγωγάς. καινόν ἐστι τοῦτο μύσος· οὐκ ἔστιν ἁπλῶς διωγμός, ἀλλὰ διωγμοῦ μὲν πλέον, προοίμιον δὲ καὶ παρασκευὴ τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου. ἔστω γὰρ καὶ κατὰ Ἀθανασίου καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπισκόπων, οὓς ἐξώρισαν, προ φάσεις ἐπλάσαντο ψευδεῖς, τί πρὸς τὸ καινὸν ἐπιτήδευμα τοῦτο; ποίαν ἄρα πρόφασιν ἔχουσι κατὰ πάσης τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης καὶ Πενταπόλεως εἰπεῖν; οὐδὲ γὰρ καθ' ἕκαστον ἐπιβουλεύειν ἤρξαντο, ἵνα κἂν ψεύσασθαι δυνηθῶσιν, ἀλλ' ἀθρόως πᾶσιν ἐπέθεντο, ἵνα, κἂν θέλωσι πλάσασθαι, καταγνωσθῶσιν. ἐτύφλωσε γοῦν αὐτῶν ἐν τούτοις τὴν διάνοιαν ἡ κακία, καὶ πάντας ἁπλῶς τοὺς ἐπισκόπους ἀπροφασίστως ἠξίωσαν ἐκβάλλεσθαι, ἵνα δείξωσιν ὅτι κατὰ Ἀθανασίου καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπισκόπων οὓς ἐξώρισαν προφάσεις ἐπλάσαντο ψευδεῖς δι' οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ διὰ τὴν μιαρὰν αἵρεσιν τῶν χριστομάχων Ἀρειανῶν. τοῦτο γὰρ λοιπὸν οὐκέτι κέκρυπται, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι μάλιστα νῦν γέγονε φανερόν. Ἀθανάσιον μὲν γὰρ προσέταξεν ἐκβάλλεσθαι τῆς πόλεως, ἐκείνοις δὲ παραδέδωκε τὰς ἐκκλησίας. καὶ οἱ μὲν πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ διάκονοι οἱ μετ' αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ Πέτρου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τυγχάνοντες ἐκβάλλονται καὶ φυγαδεύονται, οἱ δὲ ἀληθῶς Ἀρειανοὶ οἱ μὴ ἔξωθεν ἀληθῶς ὑπονοούμενοι, ἀλλ' οἱ ἐξ ἀρχῆς διὰ τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐκβληθέντες μετ' αὐτοῦ τοῦ Ἀρείου παρὰ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, ἐν μὲν τῇ ἄνω Λιβύῃ Σεκοῦνδος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Εὐζώιος ὁ Χαναναῖος καὶ Ἰούλιος καὶ Ἄμμων Μάρκος τε καὶ Εἰρηναῖος καὶ Ζώσιμος καὶ Σαραπίων ἐπίκλην Πελύκων καὶ ἐν Λιβύῃ Σισίννιος καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ νεώτεροι συνασεβοῦντες αὐτοῖς, οὗτοι τὰς ἐκκλησίας παρειλήφασιν.
Καὶ ὁ μὲν στρατηλάτης Σεβαστιανὸς ἔγραψε τοῖς κατὰ τόπον πραιποσίτοις καὶ στρατιωτικαῖς ἐξουσίαις, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἀληθῶς ἐπίσκοποι ἐδιώχθησαν, οἱ δὲ τὰ τῆς ἀσεβείας φρονοῦντες ἀντ' ἐκείνων εἰσήχθησαν. καὶ ἐξώρισαν μὲν ἐπισκόπους γηράσαντας ἐν τῷ κλήρῳ καὶ πολυετεῖς ἐν τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ ἀπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου ὄντας τοῦ ἐπισκόπου, Ἀμμώνιον μὲν καὶ Ἑρμῆν καὶ Ἀνάγαμφον καὶ Μάρκον εἰς τὴν ἄνω Ὤασιν, Μοῦιν δὲ καὶ Ψενόσιριν καὶ Νειλάμμωνα καὶ Πλήνην καὶ Μάρκον καὶ Ἀθηνόδωρον εἰς τὴν Ἀμμωνιακὴνδι' οὐδὲν ἕτερον, ἢ ἵνα διὰ τῶν ἐρήμων διερχόμενοι τελευτήσωσι. καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ νο σοῦντας αὐτοὺς ἠλέησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βαρέως διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ἀποφέροντας ἤλαυνον, ὥστε φορείοις αὐτοὺς ἀποφέρεσθαι καὶ διὰ τὴν νόσον ἐπακολουθεῖν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐντάφια. ἀπέθανε γοῦν εἷς ἐξ αὐτῶν, καὶ οὐδὲ τὸ σῶμα συνεχώρησαν ἀποφέρεσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ ∆ρακόντιον μὲν ἐπίσκοπον εἰς τὰ ἔρημα περὶ τὸ Κλύσμα ἐξώρισαν, Φίλωνα δὲ εἰς Βαβυλῶνα καὶ Ἀδέλφιον εἰς Ψίναβλα τῆς Θηβαίδος Ἱέρακά τε καὶ ∆ιόσκορον τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους εἰς Σοήνην ἐξώρισαν. καὶ Ἀμμώνιον μὲν καὶ Ἀγαθὸν καὶ Ἀγαθοδαίμονα καὶ Ἀπολλώνιον καὶ Εὐλόγιον καὶ Ἀπολλὼ καὶ Παφνούτιον καὶ Γάιον καὶ Φλάβιον, ἀρχαίους ἐπισκόπους, καὶ ∆ιόσκορον καὶ Ἀμμώνιον καὶ Ἡρακλείδην καὶ Ψάιν,πάλιν ἐπισκόπους, ἐφυγάδευσαν. καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰς λειτουργίαν παραδεδώκασι, τοὺς δὲ ἐδίωξαν ἀναιρῆσαι θέλοντες ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς διήρπασαν. καὶ λαικοὺς μὲν μʹ καὶ παρθένους πρότερον παρὰ πῦρ στήσαντες αὐτὰς ἐξώρισαν. οὕτω κόψαντες πληγαῖς ταῖς ἀπὸ φοινίκων ῥάβδοις, ὡς μετὰ ἡμέρας πέντε τὰς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν, τὰς δὲ χειρουργεῖσθαι διὰ τοὺς ἐμπαγέντας ἐν τοῖς μέλεσι σκόλοπας καὶ μείζονας θανάτου τὰς βασάνους ὑπομένειν· καὶ τό γε δεινότερον παντὶ μὲν ἰσχύοντι, οἰκεῖον δὲ τῶν ἀσεβῶν. ἐπειδὴ κοπτόμεναι τὸν Χριστὸν ἐπεκαλοῦντο, μειζόνως ἔτριζον κατ' αὐτῶν τοὺς ὀδόντας. ἀμέλει οὐδὲ τὰ σώματα τῶν ἀπογιγνομένων ἀπεδίδουν τοῖς ἰδίοις εἰς ταφήν, ἀλλ' ἔκρυ πτον, ἵνα δόξωσι λανθάνειν τὴν ἀνδροφονίαν. ἀλλ' οὐκ ἔλαθον, πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ πόλις ἑώρακε καὶ πάντες ὡς δημίους, ὡς κακούργους καὶ λῃστὰς ἀπεστρέφοντο. καὶ γὰρ καὶ μοναστήρια κατέστρεψαν καὶ εἰς πῦρ ἐμβαλεῖν μοναχοὺς ἐπείρασαν καὶ διήρπασαν οἴκους καὶ παραθήκας τεθείσας παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου εἰς οἶκον ἐλευθέρων ἐπεισελθόντες ἥρπασαν καὶ ἀπεστέρησαν, τὰς χήρας κατὰ πελμάτων ἔκοπτον καὶ τὰς ἐλεημοσύνας ἐκώλυον.
Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν τὰ πονηρεύματα τῶν Ἀρειανῶν. οἷα δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τῆς ἀθεό τητος ἐπιχειρήματα, τίς ἀκούσας οὐ φρίξειε; τοὺς μὲν γὰρ τηλικούτους γέροντας καὶ πολυετεῖς ἐπισκόπους ἐξορισθῆναι πεποιήκασιν, ἀντὶ δὲ τούτων νεωτέρους ἀσελγεῖς Ἕλληνας μήτε κατηχηθέντας, δόξαντες εὐθὺς περαίνειν, καὶ ἄλλους διγυναίους καὶ ἐπὶ μείζοσιν αἰτίαις ἐγκαλουμένους διὰ τὸν περὶ αὐτοὺς πλοῦτον καὶ τὴν ἐκ τῆς πολιτείας δυναστείαν, χρυσίον διδόντας, ὡς ἀπὸ πωλητηρίου ἀπέστελλον αὐτοὺς ὀνομάσαντες ἐπισκόπους. καὶ λοιπὸν τοῖς λαοῖς δεινοτέρα ἐγίγνετο ἡ συμφορά. ἀποστρεφόμενοι γὰρ τοὺς μισθωτοὺς ἐκείνων καὶ ἀλλοτρίους ἑαυτῶν ἐμαστίζοντο, ἐδημεύοντο, εἰς τὰ δεσμωτήρια κατεκλείοντο παρὰ τοῦ στρατηλάτου. ἐποίει γὰρ τοῦτο προθύμως Μανι χαῖος ὤν, ἵνα τοὺς μὲν ἰδίους μὴ ἐπιζητῶσιν, οὓς δὲ ἀπεστρέφοντο δέχωνται ἀνθρώπους τοιαῦτα πράττοντας, οἷα καὶ πρὸ τούτου ἐν τοῖς εἰδώλοις ἔπαιζον.
Τίς οὖν ταῦτα βλέπων ἢ ἀκούων, τίς ὁρῶν τὴν ἀλαζονείαν τῶν ἀσεβῶν καὶ τοσαύτην ἀδικίαν, εἰ δίκαιός ἐστιν, οὐ στενάξειεν; «ἐν τόποις γὰρ ἀσεβῶν στένουσι δίκαιοι». τίς τούτων γιγνομένων καὶ τῆς ἀσεβείας τοσαύτην ἀναισχυντίαν λαβούσης ἔτι τολμᾷ λέγειν Κοστύλλιον Χριστιανὸν καὶ οὐ μᾶλλον ἀντιχρίστου τὴν εἰκόνα; τί γὰρ τῶν τούτου γνωρισμάτων παραλέλοιπεν; ἢ πῶς οὐ πανταχόθεν οὗτος ἐκεῖνος εἶναι νομισθή σεται, κἀκεῖνος τοιοῦτος ἂν ὑπονοηθείη, οἷός ἐστιν οὗτος; οὐ τὰς ἐν τῇ μεγάλῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῇ ἐν τῷ Καισαρείῳ γινομένας θυσίας καὶ κατὰ Χριστοῦ βλασφημίας ὡς ἐξ ἐντολῆς αὐτοῦ πεποιήκασιν Ἀρειανοί τε καὶ Ἕλληνες; οὐχ ἡ ὅρασις τοῦ ∆ανιὴλ οὕτως σημαίνει τὸν ἀντίχριστον ὅτι «ποιήσει πόλεμον μετὰ τῶν ἁγίων καὶ ἰσχύσει πρὸς αὐτοὺς» καὶ ὑπεροίσει ἐν κακοῖς πάντας τοὺς ἔμπροσθεν «καὶ τρεῖς βασιλεῖς ταπεινώσει καὶ λόγους πρὸς τὸν ὕψιστον λαλήσει καὶ ὑπονοήσει τοῦ ἀλλοιῶσαι καιρὸν καὶ νόμον»; τίς οὖν ἄλλος πώποτε τοιαῦτα ἐπεχείρησε πρᾶξαι ἢ μόνος Κωνστάντιος; οὗτος γὰρ τοιοῦτός ἐστιν, οἷος ἂν ἐκεῖνος γένοιτο. λαλεῖ γὰρ λόγους πρὸς τὸν ὕψιστον προιστά μενος τῆς ἀσεβοῦς αἱρέσεως καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἁγίους ποιεῖ πόλεμον ἐξορίζων τοὺς ἐπισκόπους, εἰ καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐπὶ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ἀπωλείᾳ ταύτην τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχει. καὶ γὰρ οὗτος τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ νενίκηκεν ἐν κακίᾳ καινὸν ἐπινοήσας τρόπον τοῦ διωγμοῦ. καὶ τρεῖς βασιλεῖς Βρετανίωνα καὶ Μαγνέντιον καὶ Γάλλον καθελὼν εὐθὺς προέστη τῆς ἀσεβείας. καὶ ὡς γίγας πρὸς τὸν ὕψιστον ἐτόλμησεν ἐπαρθῆναι τῇ ἀλαζονείᾳ. οὗτος ὑπενόησεν ἀλλοιῶσαι νόμον παραλύων τὴν μὲν τοῦ κυρίου διὰ τῶν ἀποστόλων διάταξιν, τὰ δὲ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀλλάττων ἔθη καὶ καινὸν αὐτὸς ἐπινοῶν τρόπον τῶν καταστάσεων. ἐξ ἄλλων γὰρ τόπων καὶ πρὸ πεντήκοντα μονῶν μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἐπισκόπους ἀπο στέλλει πρὸς τοὺς μὴ θέλοντας λαούς, καὶ ἀντὶ γνώσεως τῆς πρὸς τοὺς λαοὺς ἐκεῖνοι φέρουσι τὰς ἀπειλὰς καὶ τὰ πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς γράμματα. οὕτω Γρηγόριον ἀπὸ Καπ παδοκίας ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, καὶ εἰς μὲν τὸ Σίρμιον ἀπὸ Κυζίκου μετεπέμψατο
Γερμίνιον, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Λαοδικείας Κεκρόπιον εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν ἀπέστειλεν. καὶ Αὐξέντιον μέν τινα φιλοπράγμονα μᾶλλον ἢ Χριστιανὸν ἀπὸ Καππαδοκίας εἰς Μεδιό λανον μετεστείλατο, ἵν', ἐπειδὴ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον τὸν ἐκεῖ ∆ιονύσιον, ἄνθρωπον εὐλαβῆ, διὰ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν εὐσέβειαν ἐξώρισε, τοῦτον ἐκεῖ κελεύσῃ εἶναι, ἄνθρωπον μήπω μηδὲ τὴν Ῥωμαικὴν εἰδότα γλῶτταν ἢ μόνον ἀσεβεῖν. νῦν δὲ πάλιν Γεώργιόν τινα Καππα δόκην ἄνθρωπον, ὑποδέκτην ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει ταμιακῶν γενόμενον καὶ σφετερι σάμενον πάντα καὶ δι' αὐτὸ τοῦτο φυγόντα, προσέταξεν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν εἰσελθεῖν μετὰ στρατιωτικῆς φαντασίας καὶ τῆς τοῦ στρατηλάτου ἐξουσίας. εἶτα εὑρὼν Ἐπί κτητόν τινα νεόφυτον καὶ νεώτερον θρασὺν ἠγάπησεν ὁρῶν αὐτὸν ἕτοιμον εἰς κακίαν καὶ δι' αὐτοῦ οἷς ἐθέλει λοιπὸν ἐπισκόποις ἐπιβουλεύει· ἕτοιμος γὰρ ἐκεῖνός ἐστι πάντα ποιεῖν ἃ βούλεται βασιλεύς. τούτῳ γοῦν ὑπηρέτῃ χρώμενος καὶ ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πεποίηκε παράδοξον καὶ ἀληθῶς ὁμοίωμα τῆς ἀντιχρίστου κακονοίας. ἀντὶ γὰρ τῆς ἐκκλησίας τὸ παλάτιον παρασκευάσας καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν λαῶν τρεῖς που θλαδίας ἑαυτοῦ πεποίηκε παρεῖ ναι, καὶ λοιπὸν ἠνάγκασε τρεῖς κακοήθεις κατασκόπους (οὐ γὰρ ἄν τις ἐπισκόπους εἴποι) καταστῆσαι δῆθεν ἐπίσκοπον ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ Φήλικά τινα ἄξιον ἑαυτῶν. οἱ γὰρ λαοὶ πάντες εἰδότες τὴν παρανομίαν τῶν αἱρετικῶν οὔτε συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας εἰσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ μακρὰν ἀπ' αὐτῶν ἀνεχώρησαν.
Τί οὖν οὗτος τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου παραλέλοιπεν; ἢ τί πλέον ἐκεῖνος ἐλθὼν τούτου ποιήσειεν; ἢ πῶς ἐκεῖνος ἐλθὼν οὐχ εὑρήσει πρὸς ἀπάτην εὔκολον προετοιμασθεῖσαν αὐτῷ παρὰ τούτου τὴν ὁδόν; καὶ γὰρ πάλιν ἀντὶ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν εἰς τὰ παλάτια πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τὰς κρίσεις προκαλεῖται. καὶ τούτων μὲν αὐτὸς ἐξάρχει· τὸ δὲ θαυμαστόν, ὅτι, κἂν θεωρήσῃ τοὺς κατηγόρους ἀποροῦντας, αὐτὸς ἀναδέχεται τὴν κατηγορίαν, ἵνα μηδὲ ἀπολογεῖσθαι λοιπὸν ἐξῇ τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις διὰ τὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ βίαν. καὶ τοῦτο πεποίηκεν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Ἀθανασίου. τὴν γὰρ Παυλίνου καὶ Λουκιφέρου καὶ Εὐσεβίου καὶ ∆ιονυσίου τῶν ἐπισκόπων παρρησίαν βλέπων, καὶ ὡς ἐκ τῆς μετανοίας Οὐρσακίου καὶ Οὐάλεντος διήλεγχον τοὺς κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου λέγοντας καὶ συνεβούλευον μηκέτι χρῆναι πιστεύεσθαι τοὺς περὶ Οὐάλεντα μεταγνόντας ἐφ' οἷς λέγουσι νῦν, εὐθὺς ἀναστὰς εἶπεν· «ἐγὼ κατήγορός εἰμι νῦν Ἀθανασίου, δι' ἐμὲ πιστεύσατε οἷς ἐὰν λέγωσιν οὗτοι». εἶτα ἐκείνων λεγόντων· «πῶς δύνασαι κατήγορος εἶναι μὴ παρόντος τοῦ κατηγορουμένου; εἰ γὰρ σὺ κατήγορος εἶ, ἀλλ' ἐκεῖνος μὴ παρὼν οὐ δύναται κρί νεσθαι. οὐ γὰρ Ῥωμαική ἐστιν ἡ κρίσις, ἵν' ὡς βασιλεὺς πιστευθῇς, ἀλλὰ περὶ ἐπισκόπου ἐστὶ τὸ κρίμα. καὶ δεῖ τὴν κρίσιν ἴσην εἶναι τῷ κατηγοροῦντι καὶ τῷ κρινομένῳ. πῶς δὲ καὶ κατηγορεῖς; συνεῖναι γὰρ οὐκ ἠδύνασο τῷ μακράν σου τυγχάνοντι. εἰ δὲ παρὰ τούτων ἀκούσας λέγεις, δίκαιόν ἐστί σε καὶ τὰ παρ' ἐκείνου λεγόμενα πιστεύειν, εἰ δὲ μὴ πιστεύεις ἐκείνῳ, πιστεύεις δὲ τούτοις, φαίνονται μᾶλλον οὗτοι διὰ σὲ λέγοντες ταῦτα καὶ εἰς σὴν χάριν κατηγοροῦντες Ἀθανασίου. ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ νομίσας ὕβριν εἶναι τὸ λεχθὲν ὀρθῶς ἐκείνους μὲν ἐξώρισε, κινηθεὶς δὲ κατὰ Ἀθανασίου ἀγριώτερον ἔγραψεν αὐτόν τε παθεῖν τὰ γενόμενα καὶ τοῖς Ἀρειανοῖς παραδοθῆναι τὰς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τούτοις ἐξεῖναι πράττειν ἃ βούλονται.
∆εινὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ πέρα δεινῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα, πρέπουσα δὲ πρᾶξις ὅμως τῷ σχη ματιζομένῳ τὰ τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου. τίς γὰρ βλέπων αὐτὸν ἐξάρχοντα τῶν νομιζομένων ἐπισκόπων καὶ προκαθήμενον τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν κρίσεων οὐκ ἀκολούθως ἂν εἴποι τοῦτ' εἶναι τὸ διὰ τοῦ ∆ανιὴλ εἰρημένον «βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως»; τὸν γὰρ Χριστια νισμὸν περιβεβλημένος καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἁγίους τόπους εἰσερχόμενος ἑστηκώς τε ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐρημοῖ τὰς ἐκκλησίας, παραλύων τοὺς τούτων κανόνας καὶ τὰ ἴδια κρατεῖν βιαζόμενος. ἆρα τίς ἔτι τολμᾷ λέγειν τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον εἰρηνικὸν εἶναι Χριστιανῶν καὶ οὐ μᾶλλον διωγμόν; καὶ διωγμόν, οἷος οὔτε πώποτε γέγονεν οὔτε τάχα τις ποιήσει ποτὲ τοιοῦτον εἰ μὴ ἄρα «ὁ υἱὸς τῆς ἀνομίας», ὃν οἱ χριστομάχοι δεικνύουσιν ἀναζωγραφοῦντες ἐν αὐτοῖς ἤδη. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα προσήκει νήφειν, μήπως ἡ αἵρεσις αὕτη πολλὴν ἀναισχυντίαν ἔχουσα καὶ διαχυνομένη ὡς «ἰὸς κεράστου», καθὼς ἐν ταῖς Παροιμίαις γέγραπται, δι δάσκουσά τε κατὰ τοῦ σωτῆρος φρονεῖν, αὕτη ἂν εἴη ἡ ἀποστασία, μεθ' ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπο καλυφθήσεται πάντως ἔχων τὸν πρόδρομον ἑαυτοῦ Κωνστάντιον. ἐπεὶ διὰ τί οὕτως μαίνεται κατὰ τῶν εὐσεβῶν; διὰ τί ὡς ὑπὲρ ἰδίας αἱρέσεως ἀγωνίζεται καὶ ἐχθρὸν μὲν ἴδιον λέγει τὸν μὴ πειθόμενον τῇ Ἀρείου μανίᾳ, τὰ δὲ παρὰ τῶν χριστομάχων λεγό μενα καταθυμίως δέχεται καὶ τοιαύτας καὶ τοσαύτας συνόδους ἀτιμάζει; διὰ τί τοῖς Ἀρειανοῖς ἐκέλευσε τὰς ἐκκλησίας παραδίδοσθαι; οὐχ ἵνα ἐκεῖνος ἐλθὼν εὕρῃ, πῶς εἰς αὐτὰς εἰσέλθῃ καὶ ἀποδέξηται τοῦτον ἑτοιμάσαντα τοὺς τόπους αὐτῷ; οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ τοῦ πρὸ αὐτοῦ Ἀχιλλᾶ καὶ πάλιν τοῦ πρὸ τούτου Πέτρου γέροντες ἐπίσκοποι ἐξεβάλλοντο, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ εἰσήγοντο, οὓς ἂν ἔλεγον οἱ ἀκολουθοῦντες τοῖς στρα τιώταις· ἔλεγον δὲ τοὺς τὰ αὐτῶν φρονεῖν ἐπαγγελλομένους.
Εὔκολον δὲ τοῦτο Μελιτιανοῖς ἦν τὸ πρόβλημα. οἱ γὰρ πλεῖστοι, μᾶλλον δὲ οἱ πάντες οὐκ ἀπὸ θεοσεβοῦς ἀγωγῆς εἰσιν οὐδὲ γινώσκουσι τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ὑγιαίνουσαν πίστιν, οὐδ' ὅλως τίς ἐστι Χριστιανισμὸς, ἢ ποίας ἔχομεν ἡμεῖς οἱ Χριστιανοὶ γραφάς. οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐξ εἰδώλων ἐλθόντες, οἱ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ τῆς πρώτης πο λιτείας διὰ τὴν ταλαίπωρον ἀλειτουργησίαν καὶ προστασίαν πείσαντές τε χρήμασι τοὺς πρὸ αὐτῶν Μελιτιανοὺς εἰς τοῦτο παρῆλθον, καὶ πρὶν κατηχηθῶσιν. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἔδοξαν, ποία κατήχησις παρὰ Μελιτιανοῖς ἐστιν; ὅμως οὐδὲ δόξαντες κατηχεῖσθαι ἦλθον ἅμα, καὶ εὐθὺς ὥσπερ παῖδες ὄνομα λαβόντες ἐκλήθησαν ἐπίσκοποι. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοιοῦτοι ὄντες οὐδὲν ἡγήσαντο τὸ πρᾶγμα οὐδὲ διαφέρειν εὐσέβειαν ἀσεβείας ἐνόμισαν. προθύμως γοῦν καὶ ταχέως ἐκ Μελιτιανῶν Ἀρειανοὶ γεγόνασιν. ἂν δὲ καὶ ἕτερόν τι προστάξῃ βασιλεύς, καὶ εἰς τοῦτο πάλιν εἰσὶν ἕτοιμοι μεταβάλλεσθαι. ἡ γὰρ τῆς εὐσεβείας ἄγνοια ταχέως ἐπὶ τὴν συνήθη καὶ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἣν μεμαθήκασιν ἀφρο σύνην καταφέρει τούτους. καὶ γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστιν αὐτοῖς «ἀνέμῳ παντὶ καὶ κλύδωνι περιφέρεσθαι», ἕως μόνον εἰσὶν ἀλειτούργητοι καὶ προστασίαν ἀνθρωπίνην ἔχουσι, τάχα δὲ οὐδὲ μεταβάλλεσθαι, οἷοι καὶ πρὸ τούτου ἦσαν, καὶ οἷοι ἦσαν, ὅτε πάλιν Ἕλληνες ἐτύγχανον. ἀμέλει τοιοῦτοι τὸν τρόπον ὄντες εὔκολοι καὶ νομίζοντες πολιτείαν βουλῆς εἶναι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν καὶ τὰ τῶν εἰδώλων φρονοῦντες ὥσπερ ἔθνη εἰσελθόντες εἰς «τὸ καλὸν ὄνομα τοῦ σωτῆρος ἐμίαναν τὴν Αἴγυπτον πᾶσαν, ποιήσαντες κἂν ὅλως ὀνομασθῆναι τὴν ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν ἐν αὐτῇ. ἔτι γὰρ ἐν ὁλοκλήρῳ μόνῃ τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ παρρησία τῆς ὀρθοδοξίας ἦν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτ' ἐσπούδασαν καὶ ταύτῃ φθόνον ἐπαγαγεῖν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐκ αὐτοί, ἀλλ' ὁ κινήσας αὐτοὺς διάβολος, ἵν' ἐλθὼν ὁ τούτου κῆρυξ ἀντίχριστος εὕρῃ καὶ ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἑαυτοῦ γενομένας τούς τε Μελιτιανοὺς προκατηχηθέντας ἤδη τὰ ἐκείνου καὶ ἐπιγνῷ ἑαυτὸν ἐν ἐκείνοις ἤδη μορφωθέντα.
Τοιοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐστι τὸ ἐξελθὸν παρὰ Κωνσταντίου παράνομον πρόσταγμα, τῶν δὲ λαῶν προθυμία μὲν ἦν εἰς μαρτύριον καὶ μᾶλλον μῖσος κατὰ τῆς ἀσεβεστάτης αἱρέσεως, πένθος δὲ ὅμως διὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας καὶ στεναγμὸς παρὰ πάντων βοώντων πρὸς τὸν κύριον· » «φεῖσαι, κύριε, τοῦ λαοῦ σου, καὶ μὴ δῷς τὴν κληρονομίαν σου εἰς ὄνειδος τοῖς ἐχθροῖς σου, ἀλλὰ καὶ τάχυνον τοῦ ἐξελέσθαι ἡμᾶς ἐκ χειρὸς ἀνόμων. ἰδοὺ γὰρ τῶν μέν σου θεραπόντων οὐκ ἐφείσαντο, τῷ δὲ ἀντιχρίστῳ τὴν ὁδὸν παρασκευάζουσιν». οὐ γὰρ ἀντιστήσονταί ποτε Μελιτιανοὶ τούτῳ οὐδὲ φροντίσουσι περὶ ἀληθείας οὐδὲ ἀρνήσασθαι τὸν Χριστὸν φαῦλον ἡγήσονται, ἄνθρωποι μηδόλως γνησίως προσελθόντες τῷ λόγῳ, πρὸς πάντα κατὰ τὸν χαμαιλέοντα σχηματιζόμενοι καὶ μισθωτοὶ τῶν ἀνυόντων αὐτῶν τὴν χρείαν γιγνόμενοι. οὐ γὰρ πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἔχουσι τὸν σκοπόν, ἀλλὰ ταύτης τὴν παραυτίκα προκρίνουσιν ἡδονήν, καὶ μόνον λέγουσι· «φάγωμεν καὶ πίωμεν· αὔριον γὰρ ἀποθνήσκομεν». τῶν μὲν οὖν ὑποκριτῶν [πικριτιανῶν ἀντὶ Μελιτιανῶν] ἡ πρόθεσις τοιαύτη καὶ ὁ τρόπος ἄπιστος· οἱ δὲ πιστοὶ δοῦλοι τοῦ σωτῆρος καὶ ἀληθῶς ἐπίσκοποι, οἱ γνησίως πιστεύσαντες καὶ μὴ ἑαυτοῖς, ἀλλὰ τῷ κυρίῳ ζῶντες, οὗτοι πιστῶς εὐσεβοῦντες εἰς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν καὶ γιγνώσκοντες, καθὰ προ εῖπον, ὡς κατὰ τῆς ἀληθείας προφάσεις εἰσὶ ψευδεῖς καὶ φανερῶς ἐπλάσθησαν διὰ τὴν ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν· καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐκ τῆς Οὐρσακίου καὶ Οὐάλεντος μετανοίας κατεμάνθανον τὴν κατὰ Ἀθανασίου συντεθεῖσαν συκοφαντίαν, ἵνα αὐτὸν μὲν ἐκποδὼν ἄρωσι, τὴν δὲ ἀσέβειαν τῶν χριστομάχων εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας εἰσάξωσι–ταῦτα συνορῶντες ὡς ἀλη θείας ὄντες ὑπέρμαχοι καὶ κήρυκες ὑβρισθῆναι καὶ ἐξορισθῆναι μᾶλλον εἵλοντο καὶ ὑπέμειναν ἢ κατ' αὐτοῦ ὑπογράψαι καὶ τοῖς Ἀρειομανίταις κοινωνῆσαι. οὐ γὰρ ἐπελάθοντο ἃ ἐδίδαξαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον γιγνώσκουσιν, ὡς τοῖς μὲν προδόταις ἀτιμία πολλή, τοῖς δὲ ὁμολογοῦσι τὴν ἀλήθειαν βασιλεία οὐρανῶν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ὀλιγώροις καὶ φοβηθεῖσι Κωνστάντιον οὐδὲν ἔσται ἀγαθόν, τοῖς δὲ ὑπομείνασι τὰς ὧδε θλίψεις, ὡς ἐκ χειμῶνος ναύταις εὔδιος λιμήν, ὡς ἀθληταῖς μετὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα στέφανος, οὕτω καὶ αὐτοῖς μεγάλη καὶ αἰώνιος χαρὰ καὶ εὐφροσύνη ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς γενήσεται, οἵαν ἔσχεν Ἰωσὴφ μετὰ τὰς θλίψεις ἐκείνας, οἵαν ὁ μέγας ∆ανιὴλ μετὰ τοὺς πειρασμοὺς καὶ τὰς πολλὰς ἐπιβουλὰς τῶν βασιλικῶν, οἵαν ἔχει νῦν ὁ Παῦλος στεφανούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ σωτῆρος, οἵαν προσδοκῶντες καὶ οἱ πανταχοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ λαοὶ ταῦτα βλέποντες οὐκ ἠσθένησαν τῇ προαιρέσει, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἐνεδυναμώθησαν τῇ πίστει καὶ πλέον ηὔξησαν τὴν προθυμίαν. πληρο φορηθέντες γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῆς συκοφαντίας καὶ ἀσεβείας τῶν αἱρετικῶν καταγινώσκουσι μὲν τοῦ διώκοντος, συντρέχουσι δὲ τοῖς διωκομένοις τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ τῇ ὁμοφροσύνῃ, ἵνα καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸν τῆς ὁμολογίας ἀπολάβωσι στέφανον.
Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἄν τις δύναιτο λέγειν κατὰ τῆς μυσαρᾶς καὶ χριστομάχου ταύτης αἱρέσεως, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἀποδείξειεν ἄν τις εἶναι προοίμια τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου τὰ ἐπιτηδεύ ματα Κωνσταντίου. ἐπειδὴ δὲ, ὡς εἶπεν ὁ προφήτης, «ἀπὸ ποδῶν ἕως κεφαλῆς οὐδέν ἐστιν εὔλογον ἐν αὐτῇ», παντὸς δὲ ῥύπου καὶ πάσης ἀσεβείας πεπλήρωται, ὥστε καὶ μόνον ἐξ ἀκοῆς φευκτέαν αὐτὴν εἶναι, ὡς ἐξέραμα κυνὸς καὶ δρακόντων ἰόν, ἔστι δὲ καὶ Κοστύλλιος ἐκ φανεροῦ τὴν εἰκόνα φέρων τοῦ ἀντικειμένου. ἵνα μὴ μακρὸς ὁ λόγος γένηται, διὰ τοῦτο καλὸν ἀρκεσθῆναι τῇ θείᾳ γραφῇ καὶ πάντας αὐτῇ πεισθῆναι παραγγελλούσῃ διά τε τὰς ἄλλας αἱρέσεις καὶ μάλιστα διὰ ταύτην. ἔστι δὲ αὐτῆς τὸ παράγγελμα τοῦτο· «ἀπόστητε, ἀπόστητε, ἐξέλθετε ἐκεῖθεν καὶ ἀκαθάρτου μὴ ἅψησθε, ἐξέλθετε ἐκ μέσου αὐτῶν καὶ ἀφορίσθητε οἱ φέροντες τὰ σκεύη κυρίου». τοῦτο γὰρ πρὸς διδασκαλίαν ἀρκεῖ πᾶσιν, ἵν', εἰ μέν τις ἠπατήθη παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξελθὼν ὡς ἀπὸ Σοδόμων, μηκέτι πρὸς αὐ τοὺς ἐπιστρέψῃ, μήποτε πάθῃ τὰ τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ Λώτ, εἰ δέ τις καθαρὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἀπὸ τῆς ἀσεβοῦς ταύτης αἱρέσεως διέμεινεν, ἔχῃ τὸ καύχημα ἐν Χριστῷ λέγων· «οὐκ ἐξεπετάσαμεν χεῖρας ἡμῶν πρὸς θεὸν ἀλλότριον» οὐδὲ «προσεκυνήσαμεν τοῖς ἔργοις τῶν χειρῶν ἡμῶν» οὐδὲ «ἐλατρεύσαμεν τῇ κτίσει παρὰ σὲ τὸν κτίσαντα» τὰ πάντα θεὸν διὰ τοῦ σοῦ λόγου τοῦ μονογενοῦς υἱοῦ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, δι' οὗ σοὶ τῷ πατρὶ καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ τῷ λόγῳ ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. ἀμήν. (Ἀθανασίου ἐπισκόπου πρὸς τοὺς ἁπανταχοῦ μοναχοὺς περὶ τῶν γεγενημένων παρὰ τῶν Ἀρειανῶν ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου, οὗτος ὁ λόγος διόλου κατὰ Κωνσταντίου συντέτακται τῷ πάπᾳ)
∆ιαμαρτυρία δευτέρα Τάδε δημοσίᾳ διαμαρτύρεται διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς ὑπογραφόντων ὁ λαὸς τῆς ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἥτις ἐστὶν ὑπὸ Ἀθανάσιον τὸν αἰδεσιμώτατον ἐπίσκοπον. Ἤδη μὲν διεμαρτυράμεθα περὶ ἧς πεπόνθομεν νυκτερινῆς ἐφόδου ἡμεῖς τε καὶ τὸ κυ ριακόν, εἰ καὶ διαμαρτυρίας χρεία οὐκ ἦν, ἐφ' οἷς πᾶσα ἡ πόλις ἔγνωκέ τε καὶ γινώσκει. τά τε γὰρ εὑρεθέντα σώματα τῶν ἀναιρεθέντων δημοσίᾳ προετέθη καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ ὅπλα τε καὶ τόξα κέκραγε τὴν παρανομίαν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὴν διαμαρτυρίαν ὁ λαμπρότατος δοὺξ Συριανὸς βιάζεται πάντας συνθέσθαι αὐτῷ, ὡς οὔτε θορύβου γενομέ νου οὔτε τινὸς ἀποθανόντος, ἔλεγχος δὲ οὗτος οὐκ ὀλίγος μὴ γεγενῆσθαι ταῦτα κατὰ γνώ μην τοῦ φιλανθρωποτάτου Αὐγούστου Κωνσταντίου. οὐκ ἂν γὰρ ἐφοβήθη ἐπὶ τοῖς οὕτω γενομένοις, εἰ ἐκ προστάξεως ταῦτα πεποιήκει. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἀπελθόντας ἡμᾶς πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἀξιοῦντας μηδενὶ βίαν ποιεῖν μηδὲ ἀρνεῖσθαι τὰ γενόμενα ἐκέλευσε Χριστιανοὺς ἡμᾶς ὄντας κατακοπῆναι ῥοπάλοις δεικνὺς καὶ ἐκ τούτων τὸν γενόμενον νυκτὸς πόλεμον κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ νῦν ταῦτα διαμαρτυρόμεθα, ἤδη καὶ μελλόντων τινῶν ἐξ ἡμῶν ἀποδημεῖν παρὰ τὸν εὐσεβέστατον Αὔγουστον. ὁρκίζομεν δὲ κατὰ τοῦ παντοκράτορος θεοῦ ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου Αὐγούστου Κωνσταντίου τόν τε ἔπαρχον τῆς Αἰγύπτου Μάξιμον καὶ τοὺς κουριώσους ἀνενεγκεῖν πάντα ἐπὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν τοῦ Αὐγούστου καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν λαμπροτάτων ἐπάρχων. ὁρκίζομεν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ναυκλήρους πάντας κηρύξαι ταῦτα πανταχοῦ καὶ εἰς ἀκοὰς τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου Αὐγούστου ἀνενεγκεῖν καὶ εἰς τοὺς ἐπάρχους καὶ εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τόπον δικαστάς, ἵνα γνω σθῇ ὁ γενόμενος πόλεμος κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, καὶ ὅτι ἐν καιροῖς τοῦ Αὐγούστου Κωνσταν τίου ἐποίησε Συριανὸς γενέσθαι μάρτυρας παρθένους τε καὶ ἄλλους πολλούς. ἐπι φωσκούσης γὰρ τῇ πρὸ πέντε εἰδῶν Φευρουαρίων, τουτέστι τῆς ιδʹ τοῦ Μεχιρ μηνός, ἀγρυπνούντων ἡμῶν ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ καὶ ταῖς εὐχαῖς σχολαζόντων (σύναξις γὰρ ἔμελλε τῇ παρασκευῇ γίγνεσθαι), ἐξαίφνης περὶ τὸ μεσονύκτιον ἐπῆλθεν ἡμῖν τε καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ὁ λαμπρότατος δοὺξ Συριανὸς μετὰ πολλῶν λεγεώνων στρατιωτῶν ἐχόντων ὅπλα καὶ ξίφη γυμνὰ καὶ βέλη καὶ ἄλλα πολεμικὰ σκεύη καὶ τὰς περικεφαλαίας ἐπὶ τῶν κεφαλῶν. καὶ ἀληθῶς εὐχομένων ἡμῶν καὶ ἀναγνώσεως γινομένης τὰς μὲν θύρας κατέαξαν, ὡς δὲ τῇ βίᾳ τοῦ πλήθους ἀνεῴγεισαν αἱ θύραι, ἐκέλευσε. καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐτόξευον, οἱ δὲ ἠλάλαζον καὶ κτύπος ἐγίγνετο τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τὰ ξίφη ἀντέλαμπον τῷ ἐκ τῶν λύχνων φωτί. καὶ λοιπὸν τὰ ἐκ τούτων, παρθένοι ἀνῃροῦντο καὶ πολλοὶ κατεπατοῦντο καὶ συνέπιπτον ἀλλή λοις ἐπερχομένων τῶν στρατιωτῶν, καὶ ἄνδρες τοξευόμενοι ἐθανατοῦντο. ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ διαρπάζειν ἐτρέποντο καὶ γυμνὰς ἵστων τὰς παρθένους, ὁπότε φόβος ἦν αὐταῖς μείζων τοῦ θανάτου τὸ κἂν ὅλως ἅπτεσθαί τινας αὐτῶν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπίσκοπος ἐκάθητο ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου προτρέπων πάντας εὔχεσθαι, ὁ δὲ δοὺξ ἐστρατήγει ἔχων μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Ἱλάριον τὸν νοτάριον ἐνεργοῦντα τοιαῦτα, οἷα καὶ τὸ τέλος ἔδειξεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐπίσκοπος ἑλκόμενος παρ' ὀλίγον διεσπάσθη. παραλυθεὶς γοῦν μεγάλως καὶ ὡς νεκρὸς γενόμενος, οὐκ οἴδαμεν, ποῦ γέγονεν ἀφανὴς παρ' αὐτῶν· ἀποκτεῖναι γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐσπούδαζον. οἱ δὲ ὡς εἶδον πολλοὺς ἀποθανόντας, προσέταττον τοῖς στρατιώταις ἀφανῆ τὰ σώματα καταστῆσαι τῶν τετελευτηκότων. αἱ δὲ καταλειφθεῖσαι νεκραὶ ἁγιώταται παρθένοι ἐτάφησαν ἐν τοῖς μνήμασιν ἔχουσαι καύχημα, ὅτι ἐν τοῖς καιροῖς τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου Κωνσταντίου γεγόνασι μάρτυρες. διάκονοι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ κυριακῷ κατεκόπ τοντο πληγαῖς καὶ συνεκλείοντο. οὐκ ἄχρι δὲ τούτων ἔστη τὸ πρᾶγμα· ἀλλὰ γὰρ μετὰ τὸ ταῦτα γενέσθαι ὁ βουλόμενος λοιπὸν ἣν ἠβούλετο θύραν κατεάσσων ἤνοιγε καὶ ἠρεύνα καὶ ἥρπαζε τὰ ἔνδον, καὶ εἰς τοιούτους τόπους εἰσήρχοντο, εἰς οὓς οὐδὲ πᾶσι τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς ἔξεστιν εἰσελθεῖν. οἶδε ταῦτα καὶ ὁ στρατηγὸς τῆς πόλεως Γοργόνιος· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἦν. οὐ μικρὸς γὰρ ἔλεγχος τῆς τοιαύτης πολεμικῆς ἐφόδου τὸ ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ καταλιπεῖν τὰ παρὰ τῶν εἰσελθόντων ὅπλα καὶ βέλη καὶ ξίφη· μέχρι γὰρ νῦν ἐκρεμάσθη ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἵνα μηδὲ ἀρνήσασθαι δυνηθῶσι. καὶ γὰρ πολλάκις ἀπέστειλε τὸν τῆς τάξεως ∆υνάμιον καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν θέλων αὐτὰ ἆραι· καὶ τέως οὐ συνεχωρήσαμεν, ἕως πᾶσι γνωσθῇ. εἰ μὲν οὖν πρόσταγμά ἐστι διώκεσθαι ἡμᾶς, ἕτοιμοι πάντες μαρτυρῆσαι, εἰ δὲ μὴ ἔστι τοῦ Αὐγούστου πρόσταγμα, ἀξιοῦμεν τὸν ἔπαρχον τῆς Αἰγύπτου Μάξιμον καὶ τοὺς πολιτευτὰς πάντας ἀξιῶσαι αὐτὸν μηκέτι τοιαῦτα ἐπιχειρῆσαι. ἀξιοῦμεν δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἡμῶν τὴν δέησιν ἀνενεχθῆναι, ἵνα μὴ ἄλλον τινὰ ἐπίσκοπον ἐπιχειρήσωσιν εἰσαγαγεῖν ὧδε. μέχρι γὰρ θανάτου ἑστήκαμεν αὐτὸν ἐπιθυμοῦντες τὸν αἰδεσιμώτατον Ἀθανάσιον, ὃν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ θεὸς ἡμῖν δέδωκε κατὰ διαδοχὴν τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν, ὃν καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ εὐσεβέστατος Αὔγουστος Κωνστάντιος μετὰ γραμμάτων καὶ ὅρκων ἀπέστειλε. πιστεύομεν γάρ, ὅτι, ἐὰν μάθῃ ἡ εὐσέβεια αὐτοῦ, ἀγανακτήσει μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς γενομένοις, οὐδὲν δὲ παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους ποιήσει, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάλιν κελεύσει τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἡμῶν Ἀθανάσιον μένειν μεθ' ἡμῶν. Τοῖς μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Ἀρβαιθίωνος καὶ Κολλιανοῦ τῶν λαμπροτάτων ἀποδειχθησομένοις ὑπάτοις Μεχιριζʹ, ἥτις ἐστὶ τῇ πρὸμιᾶς εἰδῶν Φευρουαρίων. (Ἡ μὲν προγεγραμμένη πρὸς τοὺς ἁπανταχοῦ μοναχοὺς ἐπιστολὴ τελευτᾷ εἰς τὰ γεγενημένα ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἐπὶ τῇ χειροτονίᾳ Γεωργίου τοῦ Καππάδοκος ἀπὸ ὑποδεκτῶν τοῦ Ἀρειανοῦ, ἡ δὲ ἑξῆς ἐπιστολὴ περὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἀριμίνῳ καὶ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ τῆς Ἰσαυρίας γεγενημένων συνόδων διηγουμένη τὸν προειρημένον Γεώργιον ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ καθῃρῆσθαί φησιν. ὥστε καλῶς πρώτη τέτακται ἡ πρὸς τοὺς μοναχοὺς ἐν τῷ ἀντιγράφῳ δευτέρα κειμένη.)