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they were far away. But Cavades himself, drawing his scimitar and continually terrifying them with it, urging them toward the ladders, would not let the Persians give up, and death 1.7.29 was the penalty for those who dared to turn back from there. Therefore the Persians, becoming far superior in numbers to their opponents, both defeated them in battle and the city was taken by storm on the eightieth day from the beginning of the siege. 1.7.30 And there was a great slaughter of the Amidenes, until, as Cavades was riding into the city, a certain old man and priest of the Amidenes approached and said that it was not kingly 1.7.31 to kill those who had been captured. Cavades, therefore, still possessed by anger, answered, "Why then did you decide to make war on me?" And he, immediately replying, said, "Because God wished to hand Amida over to you, 1.7.32 not by our judgment, but by your valour." Pleased by this saying, Cavades allowed no one to be killed thereafter, but he commanded the Persians to plunder the wealth and to treat the survivors as slaves, and he instructed them to select for himself all of their notable men. 1.7.33 A little later, leaving a thousand men here for the garrison and appointing Glones, a Persian man, as their commander, and some few wretched Amidenes, who were to serve the Persians in their daily life, he himself with all the rest of the army, taking the captives, 1.7.34 marched for home. Towards these captives he showed a clemency befitting a king; for after a short time he allowed all of them to go to their own homes, 1.7.35 but the story was that they had escaped from him, and the Roman emperor Anastasius showed towards them deeds worthy of virtue; for he remitted all the annual taxes for the city for seven years and presented them both collectively and each one individually with many good things, so that a great forgetfulness of what had happened came upon them. But these things happened at a later time. 1.8.1 But at that time the emperor Anastasius, learning that Amida was being besieged, quickly sent a sufficient army. There were commanders for each company, but four generals were set over all: Areobindus, the son-in-law of Olybrius, who had reigned a little before in the West, and he was at that time general of the East; 1.8.2 and Celer, commander of the regiments in the palace (the Romans are accustomed to call this office Magister); furthermore also the commanders of the soldiers in Byzantium, Patricius the Phrygian and Hypatius the emperor's nephew; these were the four generals. 1.8.3 And with them were Justinus, who later became emperor after Anastasius died, and Patriciolus with his son Vitalian, who not long after took up arms against emperor Anastasius and became a tyrant, and Pharesmanes, a Colchian by race, and exceptionally skilled in warfare, and Godidisclus and Bessas, Gothic men, of the Goths who had not followed Theuderic to Italy when he went from Thrace, both exceptionally noble and experienced in the affairs of war, and many other excellent men 1.8.4 followed. For they say that such an army was assembled by the Romans against the Persians neither before nor since. However, all these men did not march gathered in the same place nor having formed a single army, but each one led his own soldiers against the enemy. 1.8.5 And Apion the Egyptian was sent as paymaster for the army's expenses, a man distinguished among the patricians and exceedingly energetic, and the emperor in his writings proclaimed him a partner of the imperial power, so that he might have authority to manage the expenses as he wished. 1.8.6 This army, therefore, was both assembled over time and marched rather slowly. For this reason, they did not find the barbarians in Roman territory, since the Persians, having made their attack as a raid, had immediately withdrawn to their own 1.8.7 lands with all the booty. And none of the generals wished to set about a siege of those left behind in Amida at the present time; for they learned that they had brought in many provisions; but they were eager to make an invasion into the enemy's country. 1.8.8 However, they did not go against the barbarians together, but separately from one another

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μακράν που ἐγένοντο. ἀλλὰ Καβάδης αὐτὸς τὸν ἀκινάκην σπασάμενος καὶ αὐτῷ ἀεὶ δεδισσόμενος ἐς τὰς κλίμακας ὁρμῶν οὐκ ἀνίει τοὺς Πέρσας, θάνατός 1.7.29 τε ἦν ἡ ζημία τοῖς ἐνθένδε ἀναστρέφειν τολμῶσι. διὸ δὴ πλήθει πολλῷ οἱ Πέρσαι καθυπέρτεροι τῶν ἐναντίων γενόμενοι ἐνίκησάν τε αὐτοὺς τῇ μάχῃ καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἡ πόλις ἥλω ὀγδοηκοστῇ ἀπὸ τῆς πολιορ1.7.30 κίας ἡμέρᾳ. φόνος τε Ἀμιδηνῶν πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, ἕως ἐσελαύνοντι ἐς τὴν πόλιν Καβάδῃ τῶν τις Ἀμιδηνῶν γέρων τε καὶ ἱερεὺς προσελθὼν εἶπεν ὡς οὐ βασιλικὸν 1.7.31 τὸ φονεύειν τοὺς ἡλωκότας εἴη. Καβάδης μὲν οὖν θυμῷ ἔτι ἐχόμενος ἀπεκρίνατο «διὰ τί γάρ μοι πολε»μεῖν ἔγνωτε;» ὁ δὲ ὑπολαβὼν αὐτίκα ἔφη «ὅτι δὴ ὁ «θεὸς οὐχ ἡμετέρᾳ γνώμῃ, ἀλλὰ σῇ ἀρετῇ παραδιδόναι 1.7.32 «σοι Ἄμιδαν ἤθελε». τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ Καβάδης ἡσθεὶς κτείνειν οὐδένα τὸ λοιπὸν εἴασεν, ἀλλὰ τά τε χρήματα ληίζεσθαι Πέρσας ἐκέλευε καὶ τοὺς περιόντας ἐν ἀνδραπόδων ποιεῖσθαι λόγῳ, καὶ αὑτῷ ἐξελέσθαι ἅπαντας αὐτῶν τοὺς δοκίμους ἐπέστελλεν. 1.7.33 Ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χιλίους ἐπὶ τῇ φυλακῇ ἐνταῦθα λιπὼν ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς ἐπιστήσας Γλώνην, ἄνδρα Πέρσην, καὶ τῶν Ἀμιδηνῶν ἀνθρώπους τινὰς ὀλίγους οἰκτροὺς, οἳ δὴ ἐς τὴν δίαιταν ὑπηρετήσειν Πέρσαις ἔμελλον, αὐτὸς παντὶ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ τοὺς ἡλωκότας 1.7.34 ἔχων ἐπ' οἴκου ἀπήλαυνεν. ἐς τούτους δὲ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους φιλανθρωπίᾳ ἐχρήσατο βασιλεῖ πρεπούσῃ· χρόνου γὰρ ὀλίγου εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκεν ἰέναι, 1.7.35 τῷ δὲ λόγῳ ἀπέδρασαν αὐτὸν, ὅ τε Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος ἔργα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐπεδείξατο ἀρετῆς ἄξια· φόρους τε γὰρ τοὺς ἐπετείους ἐς ἔτη ἑπτὰ ξύμπαντας ἀφῆκε τῇ πόλει καὶ αὐτοὺς κοινῇ τε καὶ ἰδίᾳ ἕκαστον πολλοῖς τισιν ἀγαθοῖς ἐδωρήσατο, ὥστε αὐτοῖς λήθην τῶν ξυμβεβηκότων πολλὴν γενέσθαι. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἐγένετο. 1.8.1 Τότε δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἀναστάσιος πολιορκεῖσθαι μαθὼν Ἄμιδαν στράτευμα κατὰ τάχος διαρκὲς ἔπεμψεν. ἄρχοντες δὲ ἦσαν μὲν κατὰ συμμορίαν ἑκάστων, στρατηγοὶ δὲ ἅπασιν ἐφεστήκεσαν τέσσαρες, Ἀρεόβινδός τε, Ὀλυβρίου κηδεστὴς, τοῦ ἐν τῇ ἑσπερίᾳ βεβασιλευκότος ὀλίγῳ πρότερον, τῆς ἑῴας δὲ τότε στρατηγὸς 1.8.2 ἐτύγχανεν ὤν· καὶ τῶν ἐν παλατίῳ ταγμάτων ἀρχηγὸς Κέλερ (μάγιστρον Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν καλεῖν νενομίκασιν)· ἔτι μὴν καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ στρατιωτῶν ἄρχοντες, Πατρίκιός τε ὁ Φρὺξ καὶ Ὑπάτιος ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς· οὗτοι μὲν τέσσαρες στρατηγοὶ ἦσαν. 1.8.3 ξυνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Ἰουστῖνος, ὃς δὴ ὕστερον Ἀναστασίου τελευτήσαντος ἐβασίλευσε, καὶ Πατρικιόλος ξὺν Βιταλιανῷ τῷ παιδὶ, ὃς ὅπλα ἀντάρας Ἀναστασίῳ βασιλεῖ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον ἐτυράννησε, καὶ Φαρεσμάνης Κόλχος μὲν γένος, διαφερόντως δὲ ἀγαθὸς τὰ πολέμια, καὶ Γοδίδισκλός τε καὶ Βέσσας, Γότθοι ἄνδρες, Γότθων τῶν οὐκ ἐπισπομένων Θευδερίχῳ ἐς Ἰταλίαν ἐκ Θρᾴκης ἰόντι, γενναίω τε ὑπερφυῶς ἄμφω καὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πραγμάτων ἐμπείρω, ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ 1.8.4 καὶ ἄριστοι εἵποντο. στράτευμα γὰρ τοιοῦτό φασιν οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον ἐπὶ Πέρσας Ῥωμαίοις ξυστῆναι. οὗτοι μέντοι ἅπαντες οὐκ ἐς ταὐτὸ ἀγηγερμένοι οὐδὲ στράτευμα ἓν ποιησάμενοι ᾔεσαν, ἀλλ' αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τοῖς κατ' αὐτὸν στρατιώταις ἐξηγεῖτο 1.8.5 ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. χορηγὸς δὲ τῆς τοῦ στρατοπέδου δαπάνης Ἀπίων Αἰγύπτιος ἐστάλη, ἀνὴρ ἐν πατρικίοις ἐπιφανής τε καὶ δραστήριος ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλεὺς κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας ἐν γράμμασιν ἀνεῖπεν, ὅπως οἱ ἐξουσία εἴη τὰ ἐς τὴν δαπάνην ᾗ βούλοιτο διοικήσασθαι. 1.8.6 Ὁ μὲν οὖν στρατὸς οὗτος χρόνῳ τε ξυνελέγοντο καὶ σχολαίτεροι ἐπορεύοντο. διὸ δὴ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐν γῇ τῇ Ῥωμαίων οὐχ εὗρον, ἐπεὶ ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς οἱ Πέρσαι τὴν ἔφοδον ποιησάμενοι αὐτίκα δὴ ἐς τὰ πά1.8.7 τρια ἤθη ἀνεχώρησαν ξὺν πάσῃ τῇ λείᾳ. τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν οὐδεὶς ἐς πολιορκίαν τῶν ἐν Ἀμίδῃ ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν τῷ παρόντι καθίστασθαι ἤθελε· πολλὰ γὰρ ἐσκομίσασθαι σφᾶς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἔμαθον· ἀλλ' ἐς τῶν πολεμίων τὴν χώραν ἐσβολὴν ποιήσασθαι ἐν 1.8.8 σπουδῇ εἶχον. οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους κοινῇ ᾔεσαν, ἀλλὰ χωρὶς ἀλλήλων