Apology to the Emperor. (Apologia Ad Constantium.)
2. The first charge, of setting Constans against Constantius.
3. He never saw Constans alone.
4. The movements of Athanasius refute this charge.
5. No possible time or place for the alleged offence.
6. The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius.
7. This charge utterly incredible and absurd.
9. Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother.
11. Challenge to the accusers as to the alleged letter.
12. Truth the defence of Thrones.
13. This charge rests on forgery.
14. The third charge, of using an undedicated Church.
15. Want of room the cause, precedent the justification.
16. Better to pray together than separately.
17. Better to pray in a building than in the desert.
18. Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
19. Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an Imperial order.
20. History of his disobeying it.
22. Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus.
23. A copy of the letter as follows:
24. Why Athanasius did not obey the Imperial Order.
25. The irruption of Syrianus.
26. How Athanasius acted when this took place.
28. The news of the intrusion of George.
29. Athanasius has heard of his own proscription.
30. A copy of the letter of Constantius against Athanasius.
31. Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians against Frumentius.
33. Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother.
How with this apprehension of such a design on their part, was there not an additional probability of my praying for your Grace? Should I feel affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike towards you his brother who avenged his death? Should I remember his crime, and forget that kindness of yours which you vouchsafed to assure me by letter34 Cf. §23. should remain the same towards me after your brother’s death of happy memory, as it had been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to look upon the murderer? Must I not have thought that the blessed Prince beheld me, when I prayed for your safety? For brothers are by nature mirrors of each other. Wherefore as seeing you in him, I never should have slandered you before him; and as seeing him in you, never should I have written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety. Of this my witnesses are, first of all, the Lord who has heard and has given to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers: and next those persons who were present at the time, Felicissimus, who was Duke of Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the former of whom was Receiver-general, the latter, Master there; Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus and Evagrius Official Agents35 1. The Rationales or Receivers, in Greek writers Catholici (λογοθεταὶ being understood, Vales. ad Euseb. vii. 10.), were the same as the Procurators (Gibbon, Hist. ch. xvii. note 148.), who succeeded the Provincial Quæstors in the early times of the Empire. They were in the department of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, or High Treasurer of the Revenue (Gothofr. Cod. Theod. t. 6. p. 327). Both Gothofr. however and Pancirolus, p. 134. Ed. 1623, place Rationales also under the Comes Rerum Privatarum. Pancirolus, p. 120. mentions the Comes Rationalis Summarum Ægypti as distinct from other functionaries. Gibbon, ch. xvii. seems to say that there were in all 29, of whom 18 were counts. 2. Stephanus, μάγιστρος ἐκεῖ. Tillemont translates, ‘Master of the camp of Egypt,’ vol. viii. p. 137. 3. The Master of the offices or of the palace has been noticed above, p. 239, note 4. 4. ἀγεντισηρίβους, agentes in rebus. These were functionaries under the Master of the offices, whose business it was to announce the names of the consuls and the edicts or victories of the Empire. They at length became spies of the Court, vid. Gibbon, ch. xvii. Gothofr. Cod. Th. vi. 27.. I had only to say, ‘Let us pray for the safety of the most religious Emperor, Constantius Augustus,’ and all the people immediately cried out with one voice, ‘O Christ send help to Constantius;’ and they continued praying thus for some time36 ‘Presbyterurn Eraclium mihi successorem polo. A populo acclamatum est, Deo gratias, Christo laudes; dictum est vicies terties. Exaudi Christe, Augustino vita; dictum est sexies decies. Te patrem, te episcopum; dictum est octies.’ August. Ep. 213..
10 Τοῦτο οὖν δεδιὼς φρονοῦντας ἐκείνους, καὶ οὐ μᾶλλον ηὐχόμην περὶ τῆς σῆς φιλανθρωπίας; καὶ τὸν μὲν φονεύσαντα ἐκεῖνον ἠγάπων, εἰς σὲ δέ, τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὄντα καὶ ἐκδικοῦντα τὸν ἐκείνου θάνατον, ἐλυπούμην; Ἀλλ' ἐκείνου μὲν τῆς παρανομίας ἐμνημόνευον, τῆς δὲ σῆς εὐεργεσίας ἐπελανθανόμην, ἣν καὶ μετὰ θάνατον τοῦ μακαρίτου τοιαύτην ἔσεσθαι περὶ ἐμέ, οἵα ἦν καὶ περιόντος ἐκείνου, διὰ γραμμάτων δηλῶσαι κατηξίωσας; Ποίοις ὄμμασι τὸν ἀνδροφόνον ἔβλεπον; Ἢ πῶς οὐχ, ὑπὲρ σῆς σωτηρίας εὐχόμενος, ἐνόμιζον καὶ τὸν μακαρίτην ἐκεῖνον ὁρᾷν; Ἀδελφοὶ γὰρ ἀλλήλων εἰσὶ κάτοπτρα διὰ τὴν φύσιν. ∆ιὰ τοῦτο καὶ σὲ βλέπων ἐν ἐκείνῳ, οὔ ποτε ἂν διέβαλον· κἀκεῖνον ἐν σοὶ πάλιν ὁρῶν, οὔ ποτε ἂν ἔγραψα τῷ κατ' ἐκείνου γενομένῳ, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον περὶ τῆς σῆς σωτηρίας ηὐχόμην. Καὶ μάρτυρες τούτων προηγουμένως μὲν ὁ Κύριος, ὁ ἐπακούσας καὶ χαρισάμενος ὁλόκληρόν σοι τὴν ἐκ προγόνων βασιλείαν· μάρτυρες δὲ καὶ οἱ τότε παρόντες, Φιληκήσιμος ὁ γενόμενος δοὺξ τῆς Αἰγύπτου, καὶ Ῥουφῖνος, καὶ Στέφανος, ὧν ὁ μὲν καθολικός, ὁ δὲ μάγιστρος ἦν ἐκεῖ· καὶ Ἀστέριος ὁ κόμης, καὶ Παλλάδιος ὁ γενόμενος τοῦ παλατίου μάγιστρος, Ἀντίοχός τε καὶ Εὐάγριος οἱ ἀγεντισηρίβους. Μόνον γὰρ ἔλεγον· Εὐξώμεθα περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου Αὐγούστου Κωνσταντίου· καὶ πᾶς ὁ λαὸς εὐθὺς μιᾷ φωνῇ ἐβόα· Χριστέ, βοήθει Κωνσταντίῳ· καὶ διέμενεν οὕτως εὐχόμενος.