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agitation; for I think nothing else is under our present consideration than how we might hand over the Roman state to the Persians with a specious pretext, seeing that they are not concealing their thoughts nor using any veils, but openly confessing their plan, they thus shamelessly demand to take the empire away from us, setting forth the seizure with the openness of their deceit, and cloaking their inactivity with a shameless argument. 1.11.16 And yet it were proper for each of you to repel this attempt of the barbarians with all your might; you, O emperor, so that you might not be the last emperor of the Romans, and you, O general, so that you might not become an obstacle to your own path to the empire. 1.11.17 For other verbal sophistries, being for the most part concealed by solemnity, might perhaps require an interpreter for the many, but this embassy straightway from the very beginning openly wishes to make this Chosroes, whoever he is, an heir for the Roman emperor. 1.11.18 For reason with me on these matters thus: by nature the property of fathers is due to their children, and the laws, which are always in conflict with each other in their different forms among all men, here among both Romans and all barbarians come together and, agreeing with each other, declare children to be the masters of their father's inheritance. So that for you, having chosen the first steps, all that will be left is to concede the rest.” 1.11.19 Proclus said so much. But the emperor and the emperor's nephew accepted his words and 1.11.20 took the matter under advisement. Meanwhile, Cabades sent other letters to the emperor Justin, asking him to send approved men, so that they might make peace with him, and to indicate in writing the manner in which he might wish to make the adoption of his son. 1.11.21 And then indeed Proclus, even more than before, slandered the Persians' attempt, insisting that they were concerned with how they might acquire the Roman power for themselves as securely as possible. 1.11.22 And he gave as his opinion that the peace should be concluded with them right away, and that leading men be sent from the emperor for this purpose, who, when Cabades asks how the adoption of Chosroes must take place, will have to answer plainly that it must be as befits a barbarian, explaining that barbarians do not adopt children by documents, but by the accoutrement of arms. 1.11.23 So, then, the emperor Justin sent the ambassadors away, promising that the best men of the Romans would follow them before long, who would manage the matters concerning the peace and Chosroes in the best way possible. 1.11.24 And he answered Cabades in writing to the same effect. There were sent, then, from the Romans Hypatius, nephew of the former emperor Anastasius, a patrician and holding the command of general of the East, and Rufinus, the son of Silvanus, a distinguished man among the patricians and 1.11.25 known to Cabades from his ancestors; and from the Persians a most powerful man who wielded great authority, Seoses by name, holding the office of adrastadaran salanes, and Mebodes, who held the office of magister. 1.11.26 These men, coming together in a certain place which marks the boundary between the land of the Romans and the Persians, and meeting with one another, negotiated how they might resolve their differences and settle matters concerning the peace well. 1.11.27 And Chosroes also came to the Tigris river, which is about a two days' journey from the city of Nisibis, so that, when the matters of the peace seemed best to both sides, he himself might be sent to Byzantium. 1.11.28 Many other arguments, then, were made by both sides concerning their differences, and Seoses said that the land of Colchis, which is now called Lazica, having been subject to the Persians from of old, the Romans held by force without any right. 1.11.29 When the Romans heard this, they were indignant that Lazica too should be disputed by the Persians. And when they also said that the adoption of Chosroes must take place in the manner that befits a barbarian, 1.11.30 it seemed intolerable to the Persians. Both sides, therefore, broke off and returned home, and Chosroes went away to his father without success, and greatly distressed

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σάλον· οὐ «γὰρ ἄλλο οὐδὲν οἶμαι ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι ἡμῖν ἐν «βουλῇ εἶναι ἢ ὅπως ἂν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα Πέρ»σαις εὐπρεπεῖ παραδοίημεν λόγῳ, οἵ γε οὐκ ἐγκρυφιά»ζοντες οὐδὲ παραπετάσμασί τισι χρώμενοι, ἀλλὰ «διαρρήδην ὁμολογοῦντες τὸ βούλευμα, οὕτως ἀνέδην «ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὴν βασιλείαν ἡμᾶς ἀξιοῦσι, τῷ μὲν τῆς «ἀπάτης φανερῷ τὴν ἀφέλειαν προϊσχόμενοι, λόγῳ δὲ 1.11.16 «ἀναιδεῖ τὴν ἀπραγμοσύνην προβεβλημένοι. καίτοι «χρῆν ἑκάτερον ὑμῶν ταύτην τῶν βαρβάρων τὴν πεῖραν «παντὶ ἀποκρούεσθαι σθένει· σὲ μὲν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὅπως «δὴ μὴ Ῥωμαίων εἴης βασιλεὺς ὕστατος, σὲ δὲ, ὦ «στρατηγὲ, ὅπως ἂν μὴ σαυτῷ ἐς τὴν βασιλείαν ἐμπο1.11.17 «δὼν γένοιο. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα σοφίσματα λόγου ὡς «ἐπὶ πλεῖστον σεμνότητι καλυπτόμενα ἴσως ἄν που «καὶ ἑρμηνέως τοῖς πολλοῖς δέοιτο, αὕτη δὲ ἄντικρυς «ἐκ προοιμίων εὐθὺς ἡ πρεσβεία τῷ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖ «Χοσρόην τοῦτον, ὅστις ποτέ ἐστι, κληρονόμον εἰσποιεῖν 1.11.18 «βούλεται. οὑτωσὶ γάρ μοι περὶ τούτων διαλογίζεσθε· «φύσει τοῖς παισὶ τὰ τῶν πατέρων ὀφείλεται, οἵ τε «νόμοι τῷ διαλλάσσοντι ἀλλήλοις ἀεὶ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώ»ποις μαχόμενοι ἐνταῦθα ἔν τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ πᾶσι «βαρβάροις ξυνίασί τε καὶ ξυνομολογοῦντες ἀλλήλοις «κυρίους ἀποφαίνουσι τοὺς παῖδας εἶναι τοῦ τοῦ πα»τρὸς κλήρου. ὥστε τὰ πρῶτα ἑλομένοις ὑμῖν πάντα «λελείψεται τὰ λοιπὰ ξυγχωρεῖν.» 1.11.19 Πρόκλος μὲν τοσαῦτα εἶπε. βασιλεὺς δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλέως ἀδελφιδοῦς τούς τε λόγους ἐνεδέχοντο καὶ 1.11.20 τὸ πρακτέον ἐν βουλῇ ἐποιοῦντο. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἄλλα Καβάδης γράμματα πρὸς Ἰουστῖνον βασιλέα πέμψας, ἄνδρας τε αὐτὸν στεῖλαι δοκίμους ἠξίου, ἐφ' ᾧ τὴν εἰρήνην πρὸς αὐτὸν θήσονται, καὶ γράμμασι τὸν τρόπον σημῆναι καθ' ὃν ἂν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς 1.11.21 εἰσποίησιν θέσθαι βουλομένῳ εἴη. καὶ τότε δὴ Πρόκλος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον τὴν Περσῶν πεῖραν διέβαλλε, μέλειν τε αὐτοῖς ἰσχυρίζετο, ὅπως δὴ τὸ Ῥωμαίων κράτος σφίσιν αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀσφαλέστατα προσποιή1.11.22 σωνται. καὶ γνώμην ἀπέφαινε τὴν μὲν εἰρήνην αὐτοῖς αὐτίκα δὴ μάλα περαίνεσθαι, ἄνδρας δὲ τοὺς πρώτους ἐκ βασιλέως ἐπ' αὐτῇ στέλλεσθαι, οὓς δὴ δεήσει πυνθανομένῳ τῷ Καβάδῃ καθ' ὅ τι δεῖ τὴν ἐσποίησιν Χοσρόῃ γενέσθαι, διαρρήδην ἀποκρίνασθαι ὅτι δεῖ, ὡς βαρβάρῳ προσήκει, δηλῶν ὅτι οὐ γράμμασιν οἱ βάρβαροι τοὺς παῖδας ἐσποιοῦνται, ἀλλ' ὅπλων 1.11.23 σκευῇ. οὕτω τοίνυν τοὺς πρέσβεις Ἰουστῖνος βασιλεὺς ἀπεπέμψατο, ἄνδρας τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἀρίστους ἕψεσθαι σφίσιν οὐκ ἐς μακρὰν ὑποσχόμενος, οἳ τά τε ἀμφὶ τῇ 1.11.24 εἰρήνῃ καὶ τῷ Χοσρόῃ ὡς ἄριστα διοικήσονται. γράμμασί τε Καβάδην κατὰ ταὐτὸ ἠμείψατο. στέλλονται τοίνυν ἐκ μὲν Ῥωμαίων Ὑπάτιος, Ἀναστασίου τοῦπρώην βεβασιλευκότος ἀδελφιδοῦς, πατρίκιός τε καὶ ἀρχὴν τῆς ἕω τὴν στρατηγίδα ἔχων, καὶ Ῥουφῖνος ὁ Σιλβανοῦ παῖς, ἔν τε πατρικίοις ἀνὴρ δόκιμος καὶ 1.11.25 Καβάδῃ ἐκ πατέρων αὐτῶν γνώριμος· ἐκ Περσῶν δὲ ἀνὴρ δυνατώτατός τε καὶ ἐξουσίᾳ πολλῇ χρώμενος, ὄνομα μὲν Σεόσης, ἀδρασταδάραν σαλάνης δὲ τὸ ἀξίωμα, καὶ Μεβόδης, τὴν τοῦ μαγίστρου ἔχων ἀρχήν. 1.11.26 οἳ δὴ ἐς χῶρόν τινα ξυνιόντες, ὃς γῆν τὴν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν διορίζει, ἀλλήλοις τε ξυγγινόμενοι ἔπρασσον ὅπως τά τε διάφορα διαλύσουσι καὶ τὰ ἀμφὶ 1.11.27 τῇ εἰρήνῃ εὖ θήσονται. ἧκε δὲ καὶ Χοσρόης ἐς ποταμὸν Τίγρην, ὃς δὴ πόλεως Νισίβιδος διέχει δυοῖν ἡμέραιν ὁδῷ μάλιστα, ὅπως, ἐπειδὰν τὰ ἐς τὴν εἰρήνην ἑκατέροις δοκῇ ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν, αὐτὸς ἐς Βυζάντιον 1.11.28 στέλλοιτο. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλοι λόγοι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρων ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν σφίσι διαφόρων ἐλέγοντο, καὶ γῆν δὲ τὴν Κολχίδα, ἣ νῦν Λαζικὴ ἐπικαλεῖται, Σεόσης ἔλεγε Περσῶν κατήκοον τὸ ἀνέκαθεν οὖσαν 1.11.29 βιασαμένους λόγῳ οὐδενὶ Ῥωμαίους ἔχειν. ταῦτα Ῥωμαῖοι ἀκούσαντες δεινὰ ἐποιοῦντο, εἰ καὶ Λαζικὴ πρὸς Περσῶν ἀντιλέγοιτο. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐσποίησιν ἔφασκον δεῖν γενέσθαι Χοσρόῃ οὕτως ὥσπερ βαρβάρῳ 1.11.30 προσήκει, οὐκ ἀνεκτὰ Πέρσαις ἔδοξεν εἶναι. ἑκάτεροι οὖν διαλυθέντες ἐπ' οἴκου ἀνεχώρησαν, καὶ Χοσρόης ἄπρακτος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἀπιὼν ᾤχετο, περιώδυνός τε