Gregory Nazianzen's Second Invective Against Julian The Emperor.

 1. THUS, then, the first portion of my task has now been completed and brought to an end for I have shown up the wickedness of that personage, both i

 2. Diseases justly sent upon the impious, rendings that cannot be concealed, plagues and scourges of divers kinds, corresponding to the atrocities the

 3. He [Julian] was daily growing more infuriated against us, as though raising up waves by other waves, he that went mad first against himself, that t

 4. And when he had formed this plan, and made them believe it (for whatever suits one's wishes is a ready engine for deceiving people), they began to

 5. What will those gentlemen say of these events----they who are wise, as this world goes, and make a fine show of their own cause, smoothing down the

 6. Thus much is taken from things celestial and sympathizing with our fortunes, in accordance with the mighty harmony and disposition of the universe.

 7. Was it then only earth and heaven, and did not air likewise give a sign on that occasion, and was hallowed with the badges of the Passion? Let thos

 8. So passed that affair but he, infatuated and urged on as he was by his furies in detail, advances to meet the finishing stroke of his crimes: for,

 9. But, as already said, such was his determination----and he was full of eagerness, bringing into one every jugglery of divination, of imposture, of

 10. From this point, however, like sand slipping from beneath the feet, or a great wave bursting upon a ship, things began to go back with him for Ct

 11. For a man, one of no little consideration amongst the Persians, following the example of. that Zopyrus employed by Cyrus in the case of Babylon, o

 12. And when he had said this, and gained credence to his story (for rashness is credulous, especially when God drives it on), everything that was dre

 13. Up to this point, such is the universal account but thenceforward, one and the same story is not told by all, but different accounts are reported

 14. One action of this person deserves not to be passed over in silence, as it contains, to wind up many others, the strongest exemplification of his

 15. When that man had received the imperial power immediately after him, who was elected for his successor in the very camp, and in the extremity of d

 16. What then remained but for the corpse of the impious one to be carried home by the Romans, although he had closed his career in this manner? For w

 17. We, however, more commonly out of regard for his father (who had laid the foundation of the imperial power and the Christian religion) as well as

 18. But as for the other, the circumstances attending his departure to the war were disgraceful (for he was pursued by mobs and townsfolk with vulgar

 19. And these things I have related as forming the greatest and most important of the charges against him, though I am not ignorant that to two or thr

 20. What shall I say of his revisals and alterations of sentences, frequently changed and upset at midnight, like the tides? For my fine fellow though

 21. That part, too, is certainly to be commended in the training of our philosopher, that he was so very free from anger, and superior to all the pass

 22. But the puffings and blowings of the fire (in which this wonderful man, who reviles our rites, set an example to all old ladies) when he was kindl

 23. This character of his was made known by experience to others, and by his coming to the throne which gave him free scope to display it. But it had

 24. Why should I go into particulars? I saw the man before his actions exactly what I afterwards found him in

 25. These are the tales of us Galileans----of us, the vile and abject these are told by us who worship the Crucified One, the disciples of the uned

 26. Now the King of Judah, Hezekiah, when a certain king of the foreigners had come against him with a great force, and had encompassed Jerusalem with

 27. Is this the recompense from thee to the Christians, in return for having been saved (unluckily) by their means? Didst thou thus repay the Lord thy

 28. These things therefore did I think and cry aloud unto God, but now for what expressions, and in place of what, do I exchange them? Henceforth, I b

 29. Let these things therefore take their course in what way soever is well-pleasing to God! Who knows whether He who looseth those that be bound, an

 80. Give me thy reasons, both as an emperor, and as a sophist, thy conclusive arguments and syllogisms: let us see what our own fishermen and vulgar f

 31. Let thy herald hush his disgraceful proclamation let my

 32. No more does the Oak speak no more does the Cauldron thou is

 33. Men and women, young and old, all ye that have been admitted to this tribunal, and all ye that are set in the lower place, all ye whom the Lord ha

 34. Wherefore let us be really corrected by this divine correction let us show ourselves deserving, not only of what we have suffered at first, but o

 35. First, therefore, brethren, let us keep a festival, not with cheerfulness of face, nor changes and sumptuousness of apparel, nor with revellings a

 36. Secondly, the words I am about to utter will be unpleasant and hard of acceptation, I well know, to the generality (for man when placed in a posit

 37. Let us conquer those that have oppressed us, with clemency and above all let humanity be our director, and the force of that commandment which pr

 38. I pass over the inspired, and our own denouncements, and the punishments that, according to us, are in store in the world to come: turn, pray, to

 39. Here is a keepsake for thee in return for a kick, thou best and wisest of men! (to address thee in thy own words) this words, thy  

 40. For we two were not less courageous than the youths who were cooled with dew in the furnace and who overcame the wild beasts through Faith and w

 41. This is the meaning of the lies and ravings of thy Porphyry (of which ye all boast as divinely-inspired words), and of thy Misopogon, or rather

 42. Here is a pillar for thee, raised by our hands, more lofty and more conspicuous than the Pillars of Hercules for they this

15. When that man had received the imperial power immediately after him, who was elected for his successor in the very camp, and in the extremity of danger----that imperatively demanded a leader----a man illustrious in all other respects as well as for piety,11 and in personal appearance truly fitted for sovereignty----he was utterly unable to come to blows with, or even to get near the Persians (although far from deficient either in courage or eagerness for battle), because his army had lost all force and all hope.12 He sought therefore for the means of retreating, and considered in what way he could effect this with safety, inasmuch as he had not been the inheritor of empire, but of defeat. Now, if the Persians had not made a moderate use of their victory (for it is a law with them to know how to measure out prosperity) or had not been fearful of something or other, as the report goes, and therefore had agreed to terms so unexpected and reasonable,13 nothing was there to prevent "not even a fire-carrier's" (as the saying is) "surviving out of the whole army," so completely had the Persians got them in their power, inasmuch as the latter were fighting in their own country, and were elated by the recent events; for the obtaining of some success is a sufficient foundation for hope of the future. In the present case, the one party had, as I have said, but one object in view----namely, how to save his army and preserve the sinews of the Roman power, for they were the sinews, and though they had failed, it was more through the imprudence of him that commanded than their own cowardice. So they agreed to these terms, so disgraceful,14 and so unworthy of the hand of Romans, to sum up the whole in one word; of the blame of which convention if anyone acquits the late and charges the present emperor, he is, in my opinion, but an ignorant critic of what has happened, for the crop is not due to the reaper, but to its sower, nor the conflagration to him that is unable to extinguish it, but to the incendiary. And the remark of Herodotus about the tyranny at Samos may be appropriately quoted, "that Histiaeus stitched the shoe, but Aristagoras put it on," meaning him that had received the succession from the man who had first gotten it.

ΙΕʹ. Διαδεξάμενος δὲ τὴν βασιλείαν εὐθὺς μετ' ἐκεῖνον, ὁ μετ' ἐκεῖνον ἀναῤῥηθεὶς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καὶ τῇ τῶν κινδύνων ἀκμῇ ἀναγκαίως ἐπιζητούσῃ τὸν ἡγησόμενον, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανὴς τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τὴν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ τὸ εἶδος, ἀληθῶς τυραννίδος ἄξιος, τὸ μὲν εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι Πέρσαις, ἢ προϊέναι οὐδαμῶς οἷός τε ἦν, καίτοι γε ἀνδρείας καὶ προθυμίας οὐδὲν ἐλλείπων, τοῦ στρατοῦ παρεικότος τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἐζήτει δὲ τὴν ἀνάζευξιν: καὶ ὅπως ἂν ἀσφαλῶς τύχοι ταύτης ἐσκόπει, ὥσπερ οὐ βασιλείας, ἀλλ' ἥττης γεγονὼς κληρονόμος. Εἰ μὲν οὖν μὴ Πέρσαι τῇ νίκῃ μετριάζοντες (καὶ γὰρ νόμος οὗτος αὐτοῖς εἰδέναι μετρεῖν εὐπραγίαν), ἤ τι δείσαντες ἄλλο τῶν λεγομένων, εἰς συμβάσεις ἐτράποντο, καὶ ταύτας ἀδοκήτους οὕτω καὶ φιλανθρώπους, οὐδὲν ἐκώλυε μηδὲ πυρφόρον, ὃ δή φασιν, ὑπολειφθῆναι τῷ στρατῷ: τοσοῦτον εἶχον αὐτοὺς οἱ Πέρσαι διὰ χειρὸς, ἐν γῇ τε ἰδίᾳ μαχόμενοι, καὶ προσεπηρμένοι τοῖς γεγονόσιν: ἱκανὸν γὰρ τό τι προσλαβεῖν εὐημερίας, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ μέλλοντος: νῦν δὲ ὁ μὲν, ὅπερ εἶπον, ἑνὸς ἦν τοῦ διασώσασθαι τὸν στρατὸν, καὶ τὰ νεῦρα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπολιπεῖν: νεῦρα γὰρ ἦσαν, καὶ εἰ κακῶς ἔπραξαν ἀβουλίᾳ μᾶλλον τοῦ στρατηγήσαντος ἢ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀνανδρίᾳ. Οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς συνθήκαις ταύταις συνέβησαν, ταῖς οὕτως αἰσχραῖς τε καὶ ἀναξίαις τῆς Ῥωμαίων χειρὸς, ἴν' εἴπω τὸ συντομώτατον: ὧν εἴ τις, ἐκεῖνον ἀφεὶς τῆς αἰτίας, τοῦτον καταμέμφοιτο, λίαν ἐστὶν ἀγνώμων ἔμοιγε λογιστὴς τῶν τότε συμβεβηκότων. Οὐ γὰρ τοῦ ἀμήσαντος ὁ στάχυς, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σπείραντος: οὐδὲ τοῦ κατασβέσαι μὴ δυνηθέντος ὁ ἐμπρησμὸς, τοῦ δὲ ἀνάψαντος: καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ἡροδότου περὶ τῆς Σαμίων τυραννίδος καιρὸς εἰπεῖν, ὅτι Τοῦτο τὸ ὑπόδημα ἔῤῥαψε μὲν Ἱστιαῖος, ὑπεδύσατο δὲ Ἀρισταγόρας, ὁ τὰ τοῦ προειληφότος ὑποδεξάμενος.