Letter XLIV.

(a.d. 398.)

To My Lords Most Beloved, and Brethren Worthy of All Praise, Eleusius, Glorius, and the Two Felixes, Augustin Sends Greeting.

Chap. I.

1. In passing through Tubursi on my way to the church at Cirta, though pressed for time, I visited Fortunius, your bishop there, and found him to be, in truth, just such a man as you were wont most kindly to lead me to expect. When I sent him notice of your conversation with me concerning him, and expressed a desire to see him, he did not decline the visit. I therefore went to him, because I thought it due to his age that I should go to him, instead of insisting upon his first coming to me. I went, therefore, accompanied by a considerable number of persons, who, as it happened, were at that time beside me. When, however, we had taken our seats in his house, the thing becoming known, a considerable addition was made to the crowd assembled; but in that whole multitude there appeared to me to be very few who desired the matter to be discussed in a sound and profitable manner, or with the deliberation and solemnity which so great a question demands. All the others had come rather in the mood of playgoers, expecting a scene in our debates, than in Christian seriousness of spirit, seeking instruction in regard to salvation. Accordingly they could neither favour us with silence when we spoke, nor speak with care, or even with due regard to decorum and order,—excepting, as I have said, those few persons about whose pious and sincere interest in the matter there was no doubt. Everything was therefore thrown into confusion by the noise of men speaking loudly, and each according to the unchecked impulse of his own feelings; and though both Fortunius and I used entreaty and remonstrance, we utterly failed in persuading them to listen silently to what was spoken.

2. The discussion of the question was opened notwithstanding, and for some hours we persevered, speeches being delivered by each side in turn, so far as was permitted by an occasional respite from the voices of the noisy onlookers. In the beginning of the debate, perceiving that things which had been spoken were liable to be forgotten by myself, or by those about whose salvation I was deeply concerned; being desirous also that our debate should be managed with caution and self-restraint, and that both you and other brethren who were absent might be able to learn from a record what passed in the discussion, I demanded that our words should be taken down by reporters. This was for a long time resisted, either by Fortunius or by those on his side. At length, however, he agreed to it; but the reporters who were present, and were able to do the work thoroughly, declined, for some reason unknown to me, to take notes. I urged them, that at least the brethren who accompanied me, though not so expert in the work, should take notes, and promised that I would leave the tablets on which the notes were taken in the hands of the other party. This was agreed to. Some words of mine were first taken down, and some statements on the other side were dictated and recorded. After that, the reporters, not being able to endure the disorderly interruptions vociferated by the opposing party, and the increased vehemence with which under this pressure our side maintained the debate, gave up their task. This, however, did not close the discussion, many things being still said by each as he obtained an opportunity. This discussion of the whole question, or at least so much of all that was said as I can remember, I have resolved, my beloved friends, that you shall not lose; and you may read this letter to Fortunius, that he may either confirm my statements as true, or himself inform you, without hesitation, of anything which his more accurate recollection suggests.

Chap. II.

3. He was pleased to begin with commending my manner of life, which he said he had come to know through your statements (in which I am sure there was more kindness than truth), adding that he had remarked to you that I might have done well all the things which you had told him of me, if I had done them within the Church. I thereupon asked him what was the Church within which it was the duty of a man so to live; whether it was that one which, as Sacred Scripture had long foretold, was spread over the whole world, or that one which a small section of Africans, or a small part of Africa, contained. To this he at first attempted to reply, that his communion was in all parts of the earth. I asked him whether he was able to issue letters of communion, which we call regular,213    Formatæ. to places which I might select; and I affirmed, what was obvious to all, that in this way the question might be most simply settled. In the event of his agreeing to this, my intention was that we should send such letters to those churches which we both knew, on the authority of the apostles, to have been already founded in their time.

4. As the falsity of his statement, however, was apparent, a hasty retreat from it was made in a cloud of confused words, in the midst of which he quoted the Lord’s words: “Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheep’s clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves. Ye shall know them by their fruits.”214    Matt. vii. 15, 16. When I said that these words of the Lord might also be applied by us to them, he went on to magnify the persecution which he affirmed that his party had often suffered; intending thereby to prove that his party were Christians because they endured persecution. When I was preparing, as he went on with this, to answer him from the Gospel, he himself anticipated me in bringing forward the passage in which the Lord says: “Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness’ sake: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.”215    Matt. v. 10. Thanking him for the apt quotation, I immediately added that this behoved therefore to be inquired into, whether they had indeed suffered persecution for righteousness’ sake. In following up this inquiry I wished this to be ascertained, though indeed it was patent to all, whether the persecutions under Macarius216    Macarius was sent in a.d. 348 by the Emperor Constans to Africa, to exhort all to cherish the unity of the Catholic Church, and at the same time to collect for the relief of the poor. The vehement opposition with which the Donatists met him led to conflicts and bloodshed, the Donatists claiming the honour of martyrdom for all of their party who fell in fighting with the imperial soldiers. fell upon them while they were within the unity of the Church, or after they had been severed from it by schism; so that those who wished to see whether they had suffered persecution for righteousness’ sake might turn rather to the prior question, whether they had done rightly in cutting themselves off from the unity of the whole world. For if they were found in this to have done wrong, it was manifest that they suffered persecution for unrighteousness’ sake rather than for righteousness’ sake, and could not therefore be numbered among those of whom it is said, “Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness’ sake.” Thereupon mention was made of the surrender of the sacred books, a matter about which much more has been spoken than has ever been proved true. On our side it was said in reply, that their leaders rather than ours had been traditors; but that if they would not believe the documents with which we supported this charge, we could not be compelled to accept those which they brought forward.

Chap. III.

5. Having therefore laid aside that question as one on which there was a doubt, I asked how they could justify their separation of themselves from all other Christians who had done them no wrong, who throughout the world preserved the order of succession, and were established in the most ancient churches, but had no knowledge whatever as to who were traditors in Africa; and who assuredly could not hold communion with others than those whom they had heard of as occupying the episcopal sees. He answered that the foreign churches had done them no wrong, up to the time when they had consented to the death of those who, as he had said, had suffered in the Macarian persecution. Here I might have said that it was impossible for the innocence of the foreign churches to be affected by the offence given in the time of Macarius, seeing that it could not be proved that he had done with their sanction what he did. I preferred, however, to save time by asking whether, supposing that the foreign churches had, through the cruelties of Macarius, lost their innocence from the time in which they were said to have approved of these, it could even be proved that up to that time the Donatists had remained in unity with the Eastern churches and other parts of the world.

6. Thereupon he produced a certain volume, by which he wished to show that a Council at Sardica had sent a letter to African bishops who belonged to the party of Donatus. When this was read aloud, I heard the name Donatus among the bishops to whom the writing had been sent. I therefore insisted upon being told whether this was the Donatus from whom their faction takes its name; as it was possible that they had written to some bishop named Donatus belonging to another section [heresy], especially since in these names no mention had been made of Africa. How then, I asked, could it be proved that we must believe the Donatus here named to be the Donatist bishop, when it could not even be proved that this letter had been specially directed to bishops in Africa? For although Donatus is a common African name, there is nothing improbable in the supposition, that either some one in other countries should be found bearing an African name, or that a native of Africa should be made a bishop there. We found, moreover, no day or name of consul given in the letter, from which any certain light might have been furnished by comparison of dates. I had indeed once heard that the Arians, when they had separated from the Catholic communion, had endeavoured to ally the Donatists in Africa with themselves; and my brother Alypius recalled this to me at the time in a whisper. Having then taken up the volume itself, and glancing over the decrees of the said Council, I read that Athanasius, Catholic bishop of Alexandria, who was so conspicuous as a debater in the keen controversies with the Arians, and Julius, bishop of the Roman Church, also a Catholic, had been condemned by that Council of Sardica; from which we were sure that it was a Council of Arians, against which heretics these Catholic bishops had contended with singular fervour. I therefore wished to take up and carry with me the volume, in order to give more pains to find out the date of the Council. He refused it, however, saying that I could get it there if I wished to study anything in it. I asked also that he would allow me to mark the volume; for I feared, I confess, lest, if perchance necessity arose for my asking to consult it, another should be substituted in its room. This also he refused.

Chap. IV.

7. Thereafter he began to insist upon my answering categorically this question: Whether I thought the persecutor or the persecuted to be in the right? To which I answered, that the question was not fairly stated: it might be that both were in the wrong, or that the persecution might be made by the one who was the more righteous of the two parties; and therefore it was not always right to infer that one is on the better side because he suffers persecution, although that is almost always the case. When I perceived that he still laid great stress upon this, wishing to have the justice of the cause of his party acknowledged as beyond dispute because they had suffered persecution, I asked him whether he believed Ambrose, bishop of the Church of Milan, to be a righteous man and a Christian? He was compelled to deny expressly that that man was a Christian and a righteous man; for if he had admitted this, I would at once have objected to him that he esteemed it necessary for him to be rebaptized. When, therefore, he was compelled to pronounce concerning Ambrose that he was not a Christian nor a righteous man, I related the persecution which he endured when his church was surrounded with soldiers. I also asked whether Maximianus, who had made a schism from their party at Carthage, was in his view a righteous man and a Christian. He could not but deny this. I therefore reminded him that he had endured such persecution that his church had been razed to the foundations. By these instances I laboured to persuade him, if possible, to give up affirming that the suffering of persecution is the most infallible mark of Christian righteousness.

8. He also related that, in the infancy of their schism, his predecessors, being anxious to devise some way of hushing up the fault of Cæcilianus, lest a schism should take place, had appointed over the people belonging to his communion in Carthage an interim bishop before Majorinus was ordained in opposition to Cæcilianus. He alleged that this interim bishop was murdered in his own meeting house by our party. This, I confess, I had never heard before, though so many charges brought by them against us have been refuted and disproved, while by us greater and more numerous crimes have been alleged against them. After having narrated this story, he began again to insist on my answering whether in this case I thought the murderer or the victim the more righteous man; as if he had already proved that the event had taken place as he had stated. I therefore said that we must first ascertain the truth of the story, for we ought not to believe without examination all that is said: and that even were it true, it was possible either that both were equally bad, or that one who was bad had caused the death of another yet worse than himself. For, in truth, it is possible that his guilt is more heinous who rebaptizes the whole man than his who kills the body only.

9. After this there was no occasion for the question which he afterwards put to me. He affirmed that even a bad man should not be killed by Christians and righteous men; as if we called those who in the Catholic Church do such things righteous men: a statement, moreover, which it is more easy for them to affirm than to prove to us, so long as they themselves, with few exceptions, bishops, presbyters, and clergy of all kinds, go on gathering mobs of most infatuated men, and causing, wherever they are able, so many violent massacres, and devastations to the injury not of Catholics only, but sometimes even of their own partisans. In spite of these facts, Fortunius, affecting ignorance of the most villanous doings, which were better known by him than by me, insisted upon my giving an example of a righteous man putting even a bad man to death. This was, of course, not relevant to the matter in hand; for I conceded that wherever such crimes were committed by men having the name of Christians, they were not the actions of good men. Nevertheless, in order to show him what was the true question before us, I answered by inquiring whether Elijah seemed to him to be a righteous man; to which he could not but assent. Thereupon I reminded him how many false prophets Elijah slew with his own hand.217    1 Kings xviii. 40. He saw plainly herein, as indeed he could not but see, that such things were then lawful to righteous men. For they did these things as prophets guided by the Spirit and sanctioned by the authority of God, who knows infallibly to whom it may be even a benefit to be put to death.218    Qui novit cui etiam prosit occidi. He therefore required me to show him one who, being a righteous man, had in the New Testament times put any one, even a criminal and impious man, to death.

Chap. V.

10. I then returned to the argument used in my former letter,219    Let. XLIII. pp. 283, 284. in which I laboured to show that it was not right either for us to reproach them with atrocities of which some of their party had been guilty, or for them to reproach us if any such deeds were found by them to have been done on our side. For I granted that no example could be produced from the New Testament of a righteous man putting any one to death; but I insisted that by the example of our Lord Himself, it could be proved that the wicked had been tolerated by the innocent. For His own betrayer, who had already received the price of His blood, He suffered to remain undistinguished from the innocent who were with Him, even up to that last kiss of peace. He did not conceal from the disciples the fact that in the midst of them was one capable of such a crime; and, nevertheless, He administered to them all alike, without excluding the traitor, the first sacrament of His body and blood.220    Matt. xxvi. 20–28. When almost all felt the force of this argument, Fortunius attempted to meet it by saying, that before the Lord’s Passion that communion with a wicked man did no harm to the apostles, because they had not as yet the baptism of Christ, but the baptism of John only. When he said this, I asked him to explain how it was written that Jesus baptized more disciples than John, though Jesus Himself baptized not, but His disciples, that is to say, baptized by means of His disciples?221    John iv. 1, 2. How could they give what they had not received (a question often used by the Donatists themselves)? Did Christ baptize with the baptism of John? I was prepared to ask many other questions in connection with this opinion of Fortunius; such as—how John himself was interrogated as to the Lord’s baptizing, and replied that He had the bride, and was the Bridegroom?222    John iii. 29. Was it, then, lawful for the Bridegroom to baptize with the baptism of him who was but a friend or servant? Again, how could they receive the Eucharist if not previously baptized? or how could the Lord in that case have said in reply to Peter, who was willing to be wholly washed by Him, “He that is washed needeth not save to wash his feet, but is clean every whit”?223    John xiii. 10. For perfect cleansing is by the baptism, not of John, but of the Lord, if the person receiving it be worthy; if, however, he be unworthy, the sacraments abide in him, not to his salvation, but to his perdition. When I was about to put these questions, Fortunius himself saw that he ought not to have mooted the subject of the baptism of the disciples of the Lord.

11. From this we passed to something else, many on both sides discoursing to the best of their ability. Among other things it was alleged that our party was still intending to persecute them; and he [Fortunius] said that he would like to see how I would act in the event of such persecution, whether I would consent to such cruelty, or withhold from it all countenance. I said that God saw my heart, which was unseen by them; also that they had hitherto had no ground for apprehending such persecution, which if it did take place would be the work of bad men, who were, however, not so bad as some of their own party; but that it was not incumbent on us to withdraw ourselves from communion with the Catholic Church on the ground of anything done against our will, and even in spite of our opposition (if we had an opportunity of testifying against it), seeing that we had learned that toleration for the sake of peace which the apostle prescribes in the words: “Forbearing one another in love, endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.”224    Eph. iv. 2, 3. I affirmed that they had not preserved this peace and forbearance, when they had caused a schism, within which, moreover, the more moderate among them now tolerated more serious evils, lest that which was already a fragment should be broken again, although they did not, in order to preserve unity, consent to exercise forbearance in smaller things. I also said that in the ancient economy the peace of unity and forbearance had not been so fully declared and commended as it is now by the example of the Lord and the charity of the New Testament; and yet prophets and holy men were wont to protest against the sins of the people, without endeavouring to separate themselves from the unity of the Jewish people, and from communion in partaking along with them of the sacraments then appointed.

12. After that, mention was made, I know not in what connection, of Genethlius of blessed memory, the predecessor of Aurelius in the see of Carthage, because he had suppressed some edict granted against the Donatists, and had not suffered it to be carried into effect. They were all praising and commending him with the utmost kindness. I interrupted their commendatory speeches with the remark that, for all this, if Genethlius himself had fallen into their hands, it would have been declared necessary to baptize him a second time. (We were by this time all standing, as the time of our going away was at hand.) On this the old man said plainly, that a rule had now been made, according to which every believer who went over from us to them must be baptized; but he said this with the most manifest reluctance and sincere regret. When he himself most frankly bewailed many of the evil deeds of his party, making evident, as was further proved by the testimony of the whole community, how far he was from sharing in such transactions, and told us what he was wont to say in mild expostulation to those of his own party; when also I had quoted the words of Ezekiel—“As the soul of the father, so also the soul of the son is mine: the soul that sinneth it shall die”225    Ezek. xviii. 4.—it which it is written that the son’s fault is not to be reckoned to his father, nor the father’s fault reckoned to his son, it was agreed by all that in such discussions the excesses of bad men ought not to be brought forward by either party against the other. There remained, therefore, only the question as to schism. I therefore exhorted him again and again that he should with tranquil and undisturbed mind join me in an effort to bring to a satisfactory end, by diligent research, the examination of so important a matter. When he kindly replied that I myself sought this with a single eye, but that others who were on my side were averse to such examination of the truth, I left him with this promise, that I would bring to him more of my colleagues, ten at least, who desire this question to be sifted with the same good-will and calmness and pious care which I saw that he had discovered and now commended in myself. He gave me a similar promise regarding a like number of his colleagues.

Chap. VI.

13. Wherefore I exhort you, and by the blood of the Lord implore you, to put him in mind of his promise, and to insist urgently that what has been begun, and is now, as you see, nearly finished, may be concluded. For, in my opinion, you will have difficulty in finding among your bishops another whose judgment and feelings are so sound as we have seen that old man’s to be. The next day he came to me himself, and we began to discuss the matter again. I could not, however, remain long with him, as the ordination of a bishop required my departing from the place. I had already sent a messenger to the chief man of the Cœlicolæ,226    The Cœlicolæ are mentioned in some laws of Honorius as heretics whose heresy, if they refused to abandon it, involved them in civil penalties. of whom I had heard that he had introduced a new baptism among them, and had by this impiety led many astray, intending, so far as my limited time permitted, to confer with him. Fortunius, when he learned that he was coming, perceiving that I was to be otherwise engaged, and having himself some other duty calling him from home, bade me a kind and friendly farewell.

14. It seems to me that if we would avoid the attendance of a noisy crowd, rather hindering than helping the debate, and if we wish to complete by the Lord’s help so great a work begun in a spirit of unfeigned good-will and peace, we ought to meet in some small village in which neither party has a church, and which is inhabited by persons belonging to both churches, such as Titia. Let this or any other such place be agreed upon in the region of Tubursi or of Thagaste, and let us take care to have the canonical books at hand for reference. Let any other documents be brought thither which either party may judge useful; and laying all other things aside, uninterrupted, if it please God, by other cares, devoting our time for as many days as we can to this one work, and each imploring in private the Lord’s guidance, we may, by the help of Him to whom Christian peace is most sweet, bring to a happy termination the inquiry which has been in such a good spirit opened. Do not fail to write in reply what you or Fortunius think of this.

EPISTOLA XLIV . Augustinus refert quae coepta sint agi de concordia cum Fortunio Donatistarum episcopo, cupiens ut sine tumultu, quod placide coeptum est, perficiatur conventu frequentiore.

Dominis dilectissimis et praedicabilibus fratribus ELEUSIO, GLORIO et FELICIBUS , AUGUSTINUS.

CAPUT PRIMUM.

1. Fortunium quem Tubursicum habetis episcopum, per eamdem civitatem, quanquam festinantissime, cum ad Cirtensem Ecclesiam pergeremus , experti sumus ita omnino ut de illo soletis benignissime 0174 polliceri. Eam ipsam quippe vestram de illo nobis sermocinationem cum ei renuntiaremus, volentes eum videre, non abnuit. Venimus itaque ad eum; quia aetati ejus id a nobis deferendum videbatur, potius quam exigendum ut ipse ad nos veniret prior. Perreximus ergo comitantibus non paucis, quos forte aggregatos nobis illud tempus invenerat. Cum autem apud eum consedissemus, rumore disperso non parva praeterea turba confluxit; sed nobis in tota illa multitudine perpauci apparebant, qui utiliter ac salubriter agi causam illam, et tantam reique tantae quaestionem prudenter et pie discuti cuperent. Caeteri vero magis ad spectaculum quasi altercationis nostrae prope theatrica consuetudine, quam ad instructionem salutis christiana devotione convenerant. Quapropter nec silentium nobis praebere, nec intente nobiscum atque modeste saltem et ordinate colloqui potuerunt, exceptis, ut dixi, paucis, quorum religiosa et simplex apparebat intentio. Itaque libere pro sui cujusque animi motu immoderate loquentium omnia strepitu turbabantur, nec evincere sive nos, sive ipse rogando, interdum etiam objurgando potuimus, ut nobis modestum silentium praeberetur.

2. Res tamen utcumque agi coepta est, et aliquot horas in alterno sermone protraximus, quantum vocibus interquiescentibus varie tumultuantium sinebamur. Sed in ipso disputationis exordio, cum videremus ea quae dicebantur, subinde labi de memoria vel nostra, vel eorum quorum salutem maxime curabamus; et ut esset nobis cautior modestiorque tractatio, simul ut et vos atque alii fratres qui absentes erant, quid inter nos actum esset, legendo cognosceretis, postulavimus ut a notariis verba nostra exciperentur. Diu ab illo vel ei consentientibus reluctatum est; postea tamen ipse concessit. Sed notarii qui aderant, atque id strenue facere poterant, nescio qua causa excipere noluerunt. Egimus saltem ut fratres qui nobiscum erant, quanquam in hac re tardius possent, exciperent, pollicentes nos ibi easdem tabulas relicturos. Consensum est. Coeperunt verba nostra excipi, et aliqua ab invicem ad tabulas dicta sunt. Postea inordinatas perstrepentium interpellationes, et propterea nostram quoque turbulentiorem disputationem notarii non valentes sustinere, cesserunt; nobis sane non desistentibus, et ut cuique facultas dabatur, multa dicentibus. Ex quibus omnibus verbis nostris, quantum recordari potui, causae totius actionem, Dilectionem vestram fraudare nolui. Potestis enim ei litteras meas legere, ut vel approbet vera me scripsisse; vel ipse vobis, si quid melius recolit, incunctanter insinuet.

CAPUT II.

3. Primo enim vitam nostram, quam vobis benevolentius fortasse quam verius narrantibus, se comperisse dicebat, praedicare dignatus est: adjungens se dixisse vobis, nos omnia, quae de nobis insinuaveratis, bene facere potuisse, si in Ecclesia faceremus. Deinde quaerere coepimus quaenam illa esset Ecclesia, ubi vivere sic oporteret; utrum illa quae, sicut sancta tanto ante Scriptura praedixerat, se terrarum 0175 orbe diffunderet, an illa quam pars exigua vel Afrorum vel Africae contineret. Hic primo asserere conatus est, ubique terrarum esse communionem suam. Quaerebam utrum epistolas communicatorias, quas formatas dicimus, posset quo vellem dare, et affirmabam, quod manifestum erat omnibus, hoc modo facillime illam terminari posse quaestionem . Parabam autem, ut si consentiret, ad illas ecclesias a nobis tales litterae mitterentur, quas in apostolicis auctoritatibus pariter legeremus illo jam tempore fuisse fundatas.

4. Sed quia res aperte falsa erat, permixtis verbis cito inde discessum est; inter quae verba evangelicam illam Domini admonitionem commemoravit, qua dixit: Cavete a pseudoprophetis; multi ad vos venient in vestitu ovium, intus autem sunt lupi rapaces: ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos (Matth. VII, 15, 16). Quae verba Domini cum diceremus eadem de illis a nobis posse recitari, ventum inde est ad exaggerationem persecutionis, quam saepe suam partem pertulisse dicebat; hinc volens ostendere suos esse christianos, quia persecutionem paterentur. Inter quae verba cum ego pararem ex Evangelio respondere, inde capitulum commemoravit prior, ubi Dominus ait: Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam, quoniam ipsorum est regnum coelorum (Id. V, 10). Quo loco ego gratulatus, subjeci statim id ergo esse quaerendum, utrum illi persecutionem propter justitiam passi fuerint. In qua quaestione discuti cupiebam, quod quidem omnibus clarum erat, utrum eos in unitate Ecclesiae constitutos, an schismate jam divisos Macariana tempora invenerint ; ut qui videre vellent utrum propter justitiam persecutionem passi fuerint, id potius attenderent, utrum se recte a totius orbis unitate praeciderint. Quod si injuste fecisse invenirentur, manifestum esset eos propter injustitiam potius quam propter justitiam passos persecutionem; et ideo numero beatorum adjungi non posse, de quibus dictum est: Beati qui persecutionem patiuntur propter justitiam. Ibi commemorata est famosior quam certior Codicum illa traditio. Sed respondebatur a partibus nostris, principes illorum potius fuisse traditores: quod si de hac re nostrorum litteris nollent credere, nec nos cogi oportere ut litteris credamus ipsorum.

CAPUT III.

5. Sed tamen sequestrata ista dubia 0176 quaestione, quaerebam quomodo se isti juste separassent ab innocentia caeterorum Christianorum, qui per orbem terrarum successionis ordinem custodientes, in antiquissimis Ecclesiis constituti, penitus ignorarent qui fuerint in Africa traditores; qui certe non possent communicare, nisi eis quos sedere in sedibus episcopalibus audiebant. Respondit, tamdiu transmarinarum partium Ecclesias mansisse innocentes, donec consensissent in eorum sanguinem, quos Macarianam persecutionem pertulisse dicebat. Ubi ego possem quidem dicere, nec invidia Macariani temporis innocentiam transmarinarum Ecclesiarum contaminari potuisse; quandoquidem nullo modo probaretur illis auctoribus fecisse etiam quae fecerat. Sed de compendio quaerere malui, si Macarii saevitia, ex quo in eam consensisse dicebantur transmarinae Ecclesiae, suam innocentiam perdiderunt, utrum saltem probaretur usque ad illa tempora Donatistas cum orientalibus Ecclesiis caeterisque orbis partibus in unitate mansisse.

6. Tunc protulit quoddam volumen, ubi volebat ostendere Sardicense concilium ad episcopos Afros, qui erant communionis Donati, dedisse litteras. Quod cum legeretur, audivimus Donati nomen inter caeteros episcopos, quibus illi scripserant. Itaque flagitare coepimus ut diceretur, utrum ipse esset Donatus de cujus parte isti cognominantur: fieri enim potuisse, ut alicui Donato alterius haeresis episcopo scripserint, cum maxime in illis nominibus nec Africae mentio facta fuerit. Quomodo ergo posset probare Donatum partis Donati episcopum nomine illo accipiendum esse, quando ne id quidem probare posset, utrum ad Africanarum specialiter Ecclesiarum episcopos illae litterae missae fuerint. Quanquam enim Donati nomen Afrum esse soleat, non tamen repugnaret a vero, ut vel partium illarum aliquis vocaretur nomine Afro, vel aliquis Afer in illis partibus constitueretur episcopus. Neque enim in eis vel diem vel consulem invenimus, ut saltem consideratis temporibus certi aliquid eluceret. Sane quoniam nescio quando audieramus Arianos, cum a communione catholica discrepassent, Donatistas in Africa sibi sociare tentasse: ad aurem mihi hoc ipsum frater Alypius suggessit. Tunc accepto ipso volumine, ejusdem concilii statuta considerans, legi Athanasium episcopum Alexandrinum catholicum, cujus maxime adversus Arianos acerrimarum disputationum conflictus eminuit, et Julium Ecclesiae Romanae episcopum, nihilominus catholicum, illo concilio Sardicensi fuisse improbatos. Unde apud nos constitit Arianorum fuisse concilium, quibus isti episcopi catholici vehementissime resistebant. Itaque ad diligentiorem etiam temporum discussionem voluimus ipsum volumen accipere atque auferre nobiscum. Qui noluit dare, dicens, ibi nos habere illud, quando aliquid in eo considerare vellemus. Rogavi etiam ut manu mea notari permitteret, fateor, timens ne mihi forte causa exigente, cum petendum 0177 esset, pro illo aliud proferretur; neque hoc voluit.

CAPUT IV.

7. Deinde mihi coepit instare, ut ad interrogationem suam breviter responderem, quaerens a me quem justum putarem, eum qui persequeretur, an eum qui persecutionem pateretur. Cui respondebam, non recte ita interrogari: fieri enim posse ut ambo iniqui sint, fieri etiam posse ut iniquiorem justior persequatur. Non ergo esse consequens, ut ideo sit quisque justior, quia persecutionem patitur, quamvis id plerumque contingat. Deinde cum viderem in hoc eum multum immorari, ut justitiam suae partis ex eo certam vellet intelligi, quia persecutionem passa fuerit; quaesivi ab eo, utrum justum et christianum putaret episcopum Mediolanensis Ecclesiae Ambrosium. Cogebatur utique negare quod ille vir christianus esset et justus; quia si fateretur, statim objiceremus quod eum rebaptizandum esse censeret. Cum ergo ea loqui cogeretur, quibus ille non esset habendus christianus et justus, commemoravi quantam persecutionem pertulerit, circumdata etiam militibus armatis ecclesia. Quaesivi etiam utrum Maximianum, qui ab eis apud Carthaginem schisma fecerat, et justum et christianum putaret. Non poterat nisi negare. Commemoravi ergo etiam illum talem persecutionem pertulisse, ut ecclesia ejus usque ad fundamenta dirueretur. His igitur exemplis ei, si possem., persuadere moliebar ut jam desineret dicere persecutionis perpessionem, christianae justitiae certissimum esse documentum.

8. Narravit etiam in ipsa schismatis novitate majores suos, cum cogitarent culpam Caeciliani, ne schisma fieret, quoquo modo velle sopire, dedisse quemdam interventorem populo suae communionis apud Carthaginem constituto, antequam Majorinus adversus Caecilianum ordinaretur. Hunc ergo interventorem in suo conventiculo a nostris dicebat occisum. Quod fateor, nunquam antea prorsus audieram, cum tam multa ab eis objecta crimina refellerentur et redarguerentur a nostris, atque in eos plura et majora jacerentur. Sed tamen posteaquam hoc narravit, rursus a me instanter coepit quaerere quem justum putarem, eumne qui occidit, an eum qui occisus esset; quasi jam mihi probavisset, ita ut narraverat, esse commissum. Dicebam ergo, prius utrum verum esset esse quaerendum; non enim temere credi oportere quaecumque dicuntur: et tamen fieri potuisse, ut vel ambo aeque mali essent, vel etiam pejorem quisquam malus occideret. Revera enim fieri potest, ut sceleratior sit rebaptizator totius hominis, quam solius corporis interemptor.

9. Unde etiam illud quod a me postea quaesivit, jam quaerendum non erat. Ait enim etiam malum non debuisse occidi a christianis et justis; quasi nos eos qui haec in Catholica faciunt, justos vocemus: quae tamen nobis ab istis dici facilius quam probari solent, cum tam multas violentissimas caedes et strages plerique 0178 ipsorum et episcopi et presbyteri et quilibet clerici congregatis turbis hominum furiosissimorum, non catholicis tantum, sed nonnunquam etiam suis, ubi possunt, inferre non cessent. Quae cum ita sint, dissimulans tamen ab sceleratissimis factis suorum, quae ipse plus novit, urgebat ut dicerem, quis justorum vel malum aliquem occiderit. Quod etiamsi ad causam jam non pertinebat; fatebamur enim haec ubicumque sub nomine christiano fierent, non fieri a bonis; sed tamen ut admoneretur quid esset quaerendum respondimus, quaerentes utrum Elias justus ei videretur fuisse: quod negare non potuit. Deinde subjecimus quam multos pseudoprophetas sua manu peremerit (III Reg. XVIII, 40). Hic revera vidit quod videndum erat, talia tum licuisse justis. Haec enim prophetico spiritu auctoritate Dei faciebant, qui proculdubio Novit cui etiam prosit occidi. Exigebat ergo ut docerem jam novi Testamenti temporibus, quis justorum aliquem occiderit, etiam sceleratum et impium.

CAPUT V.

10. Tunc reditum est ad superiorem tractatum, quo volebamus ostendere neque nos illis debere objicere suorum scelera, neque illos nobis si qua invenirentur talia facta nostrorum. De Novo enim Testamento ostendi quidem non posse, quod justus quisquam interfecerit aliquem; sed tamen illud probari posse ipso exemplo Domini, sceleratos ab innocentibus fuisse toleratos. Traditorem enim suum, qui jam pretium ejus acceperat, usque ad ultimum pacis osculum inter innocentes secum esse perpessus est: quibus non tacuit esse inter illos tanti sceleris hominem; et tamen primum Sacramentum corporis et sanguinis sui, nondum illo excluso, communiter omnibus dedit (Matth. XVI, 20-28). Quo exemplo cum prope omnes moverentur, tentavit dicere, ante passionem Domini communionem illam cum scelerato non obfuisse Apostolis, quia nondum habebant baptismum Christi, sed baptismum Joannis. Quod posteaquam dixit, coepi ab eo quaerere quemadmodum ergo scriptum esset quod Jesus baptizaverit plures quam Joannes, cum ipse non baptizaret, sed discipuli ejus, hoc est per suos discipulos baptizaret (Joan. IV, 1, 2). Quomodo ergo dabant quod non acceperant? quod ipsi maxime solent dicere. An forte Christus baptismo Joannis baptizabat? Deinde in hac sententia multa quaesiturus eram, quomodo ab ipso Joanne tunc quaesitum sit de baptismo Domini, et responderit quod ille haberet sponsam, et ille esset sponsus (Id. III, 29). Numquid ergo fas erat ut baptismo Joannis baptizaret sponsus, id est baptismo amici vel servi? Deinde quomodo poterant Eucharistiam accipere nondum baptizati? aut quomodo Petro volenti ut totum se lavaret, responderit: Qui lotus est semel, non eum oportet iterum lavari, sed est mundus totus? (Id. XIII, 10.) Perfecta enim mundatio non in Joannis, sed in Domini baptismo est , si eo se dignum qui accipit praebeat; si autem indignum, Sacramenta in eo non ad salutem, sed ad perniciem, permanebunt tamen. Cum 0179 ergo ista quaesiturus essem, etiam ipse vidit de baptismo discipulorum Domini non sibi fuisse quaerendum.

11. Inde itum est in aliud, multis ut poterant utrinque sermocinantibus: inter quae dictum est quod adhuc eos nostri persecuturi essent; nobisque dicebat videre se velle quales nos essemus in illa persecutione praebituros, utrum consensuri essemus tali saevitiae, an nullum commodaturi consensum. Nos dicebamus Deum videre corda nostra, quae ipsi non possent: et illos temere sibi adhuc ista metuere, quae si contigerint, a malis contingere, quibus deteriores ipsi habent; nec tamen ideo nos a catholica communione segregare debere, si quid forte nobis invitis, vel etiam, si valuerimus, contradicentibus factum fuerit, cum tolerantiam pacificam didicerimus, dicente Apostolo: Sufferentes invicem in dilectione, studentes servare unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis (Eph. IV, 2, 3). Quam pacem atque tolerantiam illos non tenuisse dicebamus, qui schisma fecerunt, ut nunc inter suos, qui mitiores eorum sunt, graviora tolerent, ne scindatur quod scissum est; cum leviora nollent pro ipsa unitate tolerare. Dicebamus etiam nondum fuisse temporibus veterum pacem unitatis, et tolerantiam tanta commendatione praedicatam, sicut exemplo Domini et Novi Testamenti charitate; et tamen Prophetas illos et sanctos viros dicere solere in populum scelera eorum, cum tamen se ab illius populi unitate et a communione pariter accipiendorum Sacramentorum quae tunc fuerunt, divellere non tentassent.

12. Inde nescio quomodo ventum est ad commemorationem beatae memoriae Genethlii Carthaginensis ante Aurelium episcopi, quod nescio quam constitutionem datam contra illos compresserit, et effectum habere non siverit. Laudabant illum omnes, et benignissime praeferebant. Inter quas laudes a nobis subjectum est, quod etiam ipse tamen Genethlius, si in eorum manus incidisset rebaptizandus censeretur. Et haec jam stantes loquebamur, quia discedendi tempus urgeret. Ibi plane ille senex dixit, jam formam esse factam, ut quisquis ad eos fidelium a nobis venerit, baptizetur, quod eum invitum et cum dolore animi dicere, quantum poterat, apparebat. Sane cum etiam ipse multa mala suorum apertissime gemeret, atque ostenderet, quod totius civitatis ejus testimonio probabatur, quam esset remotus a talibus factis, et quae ipsis suis dicere soleat modesta conquestione proferret, nosque commemoraremus illud Ezechielis prophetae, ubi aperte scriptum est, nec filii culpam patri, nec patris culpam filio ejus imputandam, ubi dictum est: Sicut enim anima patris mea est, ita et anima filii mea est; anima enim quaecumque peccaverit, sola morietur (Ezech. XVIII, 20, 4), placuit omnibus in talibus disputationibus violenta facta malorum hominum nobis ab invicem objici non debere. Remanebat ergo schismatis quaestio. Itaque hortati eum sumus ut etiam atque etiam placido atque pacato animo annitatur nobiscum, ut diligenti examinatione tanta inquisitio terminum sumat. Ubi ille benigne cum diceret nos solum 0180 ista quaerere, nolle autem nostros haec quaeri; ea facta pollicitatione discessimus, ut exhiberemus ei plures collegas nostros, certe vel decem, qui tanta benevolentia et lenitate et tam pio studio id quaeri vellent, quantum in nobis eum jam animadvertisse atque approbare sentiebamus. Hoc etiam de suorum numero et ipse pollicitus est.

CAPUT VI.

13. Unde vos hortor et obtestor per Domini sanguinem, ut eum promissi sui commoneatis, et gnaviter instetis, ut res coepta peragatur, quam prope ad finem pervenisse jam cernitis. Quantum enim arbitror, difficillime potestis invenire in episcopis vestris tam utilem animum et voluntatem, quam in isto sene perspeximus. Postero enim die ipse ad nos venit, et haec iterum quaerere coeperamus. Sed quia ordinandi episcopi necessitas nos inde jamjamque rapiebat, diutius cum illo esse nequivimus. Jam enim miseramus ad Majorem Coelicolarum quem audieramus novi apud eos baptismi institutorem extitisse , et multos illo sacrilegio seduxisse, ut cum illo, quantum ipsius temporis patiebantur angustiae, aliquid loqueremur. Quem posteaquam venturum comperit, videns nos aliud suscepisse negotium, cum et ipsum nescio quae necessitas profectionis urgeret, benigne a nobis placideque discessit.

14. Videtur autem mihi, ut turbulentas turbas et impedimentum potius quam adjumentum afferentes omnino devitemus, et vere ex animo amico atque tranquillo susceptum tam magnum negotium Domino opitulante peragamus, ad aliquam villam nos convenire debere non magnam, ubi nullius nostrum esset ecclesia: quam tamen villam communiter possident homines et nostrae communionis et ipsius, sicuti est villa Titiana. Sive ergo in Tubursicensi, sive in Thagastensi, talis locus, vel ille quem commemoravi, vel aliquis alius inventus fuerit, faciamus Codices canonicos praesto esse. Et si qua proferri potuerint ex utraque parte documenta: ut postpositis caeteris, nulla, si Domino placuerit, interpellante molestia, quotquot diebus potuerimus ad hoc vacantes, et unusquisque nostrum apud suum hospitem Dominum deprecantes, adjuvante ipso cui pax christiana gratissima est, rem tantam et bono animo coeptam ad inquisitionis terminum perducamus. Rescribite sane quid de hac re vel vobis vel illi videatur.