De sententiis
we would continue to be most happy. 7. That when the overseer becomes better, the established rules are practiced more purely, but when he becomes wor
I will bring them to you, so that you may rule over still more only, he said, release me from this care for if I have leisure from these things, I
I should suffer some terrible thing, did not allow me to be wholly wise nor to rejoice extravagantly. But now if I die, I leave you, my children, aliv
do you think, if their souls were not masters of any of them? For my part, O children, I was never yet persuaded of this, that the soul lives as long
if it is possible to remedy with reason, whether they are performed in sacred groves, as indeed among the barbarians, or for the gods of old, as the s
An elegy has been inscribed on a certain altar in Tralles, indicating the name of Chaeremon who went to Caesar Augustus when he was by the ocean and r
checking the barbarian incursions, but not at all from this was the justice of the superior one flattered, nor by these things were those things cover
some flattery from both sides happens to be said, whether then they spoke some things of themselves arrogantly or ironically or even mocking or even b
to change the ancestral laws and be saved, he said he regretted not that he decided to come to this salvation, but that he decided too late. He said t
to the ears, just as in the marketplace goods are for sale openly to whoever wishes to buy. 41. That he exchanged the life of toil for a certain relax
feasting on a paradoxical tale. From this, then, it is possible to see that the poets were the first to win acclaim for education for they, taking me
behaving arrogantly beyond what is proper. 19. That two brothers by birth, brothers by choice, deserted. And when they had deserted and were deemed w
he reviled those serving him for he rightly condemned a shameful pity, rejecting an insolence that pretended to be piety. This indeed seals death for
only. But it will be said nevertheless. For it is not holy for those deliberating about salvation to conceal the cause. 4. That for those entering int
a certain man among them, of good repute and having some reputation for intelligence, said that he would by no means permit such a thing. For of human
might have towards one another, but the actions of each person, either by their similar nature joining them into an alliance or by their differing dis
when things are not going similarly for them, you would readily accept the words of those who attack. For he whose mind suffers from instability at on
especially good in matters of war, and that they wished the conquest of Italy to be credited not only to Belisarius, but in part to Narses as well. Fo
and simply difficult, for anyone who wishes to observe the laws precisely, how they, using these names as screens for their licentiousness, might be a
who contribute... is always fond of carrying about distrust. 71. That when Rome was captured and the others fled, Bessas among them, many reported to
The descent of those very men, which Xenophon led them on, is on account of Xenophon far more famous among men than both Alexander and the deeds of Al
of the sin committed, but to confess that he had erred, being a man. 58 9. That there are those who say that Anaxarchus the sophist came to Alexander,
is chosen and sacrificed to them and offered as a libation, and hymns are made for the gods, but praises for men but not least by the custom of prost
Callisthenes, about to kiss him, said that he would not approach without prostrating himself and Alexander did not offer himself to be kissed and Ca
it is owed to suffer. And that he should both be esteemed at the present moment and become more useful to Alexander in the future. 64 17. And to those
She also transferred me from your friendship to her own fatherland, and cast me down from so much good fortune to this misfortune. And I advise you (f
today. 19. That they say that the wife of Hasdrubal, as the fire took hold after the capture, came into Scipio's view and said within Scipio's hearin
some varied and useful merchandise into a single perfumery, his own exposition being shut up and gathered together. And having hastily run over and ar
having deliberated, and to those who hasten to and are dedicated to chronicles urging similar things, that precision regarding hours and days is fitti
as if to take hold of the labor. But the one who had become most 77 familiar to him, Oribasius, a man of Pergamum, who was most excellent at prescribi
Time, then, in its long cycles and movements, often seems to bring about the same coincidences, just as those who conspired with Darius against the ma
but, not even if a god were to fashion him, will they find one who through natural authority and stature equal to the divine, overcame the necessity o
having risen up from the fall, uttered a prudent saying, as if he who would possess a little land might then desire the whole. 32. That the ancients s
he drew him to himself, just as the lodestone does iron. It was not a matter of testing what sort of person someone was, but on hearing that someone w
a certain tragic actor, on account of Nero's ambition in these things, having been cast out of Rome and then wandering, it seemed good to him to displ
The barbarians quickly perceived this, easily employing for deception what was admired by the Romans since, for the rest, they guarded their own sacr
pouring it out and covering it up. And then, when he broke the plan to them over drink, the symposium broke up in disorder. 59. That the sons of Theod
and truth is dear. But I do not know what I am becoming writing these things for much is the concern for truth but he who follows and obeys what has
having someone to bury and inter him. 72. That there was a Persian prefect in Rome who presented the Roman good fortune for mockery and laughter havi
having persuaded him to be ashamed of such shamelessness and audacity, he departed with the arguments he had, while those present were astonished 100
102 elements, very much wondering that you are leaving with your heads for it is not permitted for those who are beginning to be ruled to bring accus
and to the Greek affairs, and that the reference of all things should be to one and the same end. Wherefore we have made the beginning of our own hist
concerning the matters at hand, having briefly and summarily set forth beforehand the events in the introduction, of which the first in order are thos
the Carthaginians and the Syracusans, but when the Romans arrived by sea at the city, they immediately went out against the Syracusans. 5. That when t
with securities, and again by a change of fortune were in danger. But nevertheless, Fortune, like a good umpire, having hazardously transferred them f
the growth and advance of the Roman dominion had been completed and in addition to this it seemed to be a matter of universal agreement and necessity
Men not having understood such things, how a beginning differs and how far it is removed from a cause and a pretext, and that the one is the first of
the tests. 18. That Hasdrubal was an enemy of the Romans, who, having died beforehand, did not make his own intention completely clear to all but the
for the moment indeed it delights, but for the future it helps not at all. Or also those who suppose our work to be difficult to acquire and difficult
suffering something similar to the gluttonous among diners. For they, tasting all the dishes set before them, neither truly enjoy any of the foods at
of the enemy leader, since many through indolence and utter laziness not only neglect public affairs but also utterly ruin their own 124 lives, and ma
fearful, so as to endure anything for the sake of not accepting war since why do we all make bold with equal rights and freedom of speech and the nam
to establish for Sparta and at the same time as the report arrived concerning the death of Cleomenes, they set about appointing kings. 32. That the g
to them also the honor from the Greeks, which the kings before them had, so that the cities, keeping before their eyes the magnitude of former gifts,
judgment, not ignorance. Let these things therefore be said by me to those who criticize writers more out of love for glory than for justice. 42. That
Nothing prevents us even now, for the sake of emphasis, from reminding the listeners. For since many matters have been enumerated in many ways, both c
when the turns of fortune fall alternately, it shows the souls of each, according to the poet, experiencing at once both grief and joy. 55. And what h
he worked in those under his command. 62. That it is not possible for one who is neglectful of his own private life to preside well over public affair
have their hopes, but he himself should now especially consider in what way he should begin the war against the Carthaginians for in the time before
For the same person to be in several places at the same time is impossible, and likewise it is not possible for one person to be an eyewitness of all
by the oaths which the Lacedaemonians swore not to return to their own land before they had taken Messene by force, they did not easily take part in t
writing, and to be very far removed from philosophy, but paying attention to ravens and Corybantic women, and that he had justly received punishment f
Just as history and medicine are similar in that each of them, according to their general distinctions, is tripartite, so it happens that the disposit
to admire the writer both for his ability and his experience and to take away many useful things for similar circumstances but when he describes the
and of hortatory and moreover of ambassadorial speeches, which Timaeus has used. For few are the occasions which admit of setting out all the availabl
and he has used such arguments, that who would believe Hermocrates used them—he who fought alongside the Lacedaemonians in the sea-battle at Aegospota
to it actions more distinguished and finer than those throughout the rest of the world, and of men, among those distinguished for wisdom, the wisest w
and of sight, sight being not a little truer according to Heraclitus (for eyes are more accurate witnesses than ears), of these Timaeus rushed to inve
the difference between history and epideictic speeches, as great as that which actually built and constructed things have compared to the places and a
of the introductory explanations of the books: Perhaps, then, in all the Olympiads the preliminary expositions of the events attract the attention of
would be safest for the Carthaginians, and most glorious for you and for all Romans. Hannibal, then, said these things, but Publius replied that the
we relate events that happened throughout the inhabited world, it is clear that it is necessary in some cases to report the end before the beginning,
of the existing ends, utility and pleasure, to which those wishing to inquire into anything through hearing or sight must refer, and this being especi
of the good. But Philopoemen proposed 176 these things and achieved his purpose for it was a fine thing to bring back the captive exiles to Sparta, a
of the war and of the destruction of the Macedonian kingdom but there is simply no cause for these things. This will be clear from what will be said
But it seems to me according to the common proverb that it is possible for a man to be fortunate, but impossible to be fortunate throughout therefore
to deal with the subject peoples, which course, he said, is it more expedient, to cooperate with the impulses of the rulers and to place no obstacl
for a short time, and turning to the crowds, to ask what they wanted, exhorting Aristonicus and striving along with him as much as they were able. Whe
that they had one occupation both at their social gatherings and in their conversations on their walks, to direct the war in Macedonia while sitting i
to hunt Perseus with promises but Perseus was eager from afar for what was being proposed and was agreeing, but he was not able to swallow any of wha
in which sometimes ten foot-soldiers fell, and sometimes a few more, but the cavalrymen fewer than these. For of sieges and topography and things simi
kingdom, I did not think it right to pass over it without notice, since I was an eyewitness of the event, but both to utter the appropriate word mysel
had fallen into the most extravagant practices for the young men, so that many had bought a male lover for a talent, and many a jar of Pontic salt-fis
preparations, and they came into a similar state to those suffering in long-lasting illnesses. For they too often, when, after doing everything ration
to turn aside from the love of rule of the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, and though they started later than them, they would arrive at the same end fr
150. That when letters from Manilius reached the Achaeans in the Peloponnese, saying that they would do well to send Polybius of Megalopolis with hast
Reasonably, concerning such things, following the opinions of the many because of our perplexity, supplicating and sacrificing to propitiate the divin
of the Carthaginians, one would not consider what happened in Greece at that time to be less, but in some respect greater. For the former, in their ut
being treated faithlessly. Wherefore also ........... a reproach followed of those who suffered misfortune .............. name..... ...... For one mus
often even the simple foods rather than the luxurious ones because of their novelty. And one might see the same thing happening with regard to sight
that the day would come, in which it would happen for the sun to see at the same time Hasdrubal alive and his fatherland being set on fire neverthele
common affairs of the world, describing them by Olympiads and dividing them by year and comparing the appropriate ones side-by-side, until the capture
acquires security. 9. That in wars especially the advantages of fortune have their impulse now against some, now against others, coming round accordin
to those already promised by us, considering something 229 ...not to agree and to those sent as ambassadors to the kings with all haste with.........
failed by its ill-timed daring. But best are those who, knowing the difference of the outcomes with understanding, engage in battles rather than with
we all have been gathered together, and the place is very well fortified, from where we, setting out, must harm the enemy both by attacking in scatter
to take courage from the same things from which the difficulty also arose. 27. That Dexippus says, speaking publicly to the Greeks: and let it not occ
to see a murder in the wilderness and you know that I do not lie for I have you as a witness of my boldness. and you see that I have a sword, and I
he honored, but punished many so that from this too he refers all these things to fortune. 13. That Terentius, being judged by Tiberius for his frien
slept with her, when she said that she also had consumption and would not die long after and believing this to be true, he allowed it for him, as for
and cried out to them: Would that I had killed him and at this, being astonished and revering the man, they fell silent. 37. That a freedman of Sab
that they had such a beautiful mother. 49. That Thraseas, a senator, being put to death by Nero, said if indeed Nero were about to kill me alone, I
he said You have done well in coming here, so that by your presence you may gladden me and in my presence you may find enjoyment for what neither yo
to be the sole ruler. 87. That Otho, having drawn up his forces against Vitellius and saying that he could not bear to see a battle of men of the same
but they call a poor man slavish ...... 107. ..... in the streets for he mostly walked or rode a horse, and very rarely used a carriage he lunched w
while traveling abroad but they hinted that they would take eight gold pieces each when Marcus perceived this, he smiled and said, Eight it is, an
Severus visited but his soldiers did not permit those who were with the emperor to enter, but held them outside. 135. That when Severus wanted to hea
An Ausonian beast will set foot on the land of Telephus. And that indeed he was called a beast, he rejoiced and was proud and killed very many all at
Memnon is worthy of condemnation for attempting the impossible, though he has the protection and power of so many rulers, but he and those with him, t
Odenathus appropriated and he, learning this, ordered him to be killed and from his own possessions he lavishly prepared many things for his burial,
them, they no longer trust us but rather let us seek the plunder of the barbarians and spare these men as our own. 177. That Aurelian sent ambassado
leading, but the other to a house of bondage to be shunned by mortals. And the one it is possible to traverse through manliness and lovely concord wh
he was exhorting the crowds not to pay attention to the soothsayers who were improvising for indeed in their own lives they fall into very many error
of the Aesarus river. 20. That when the oracle commanded the founding of Croton, Myscellus, admiring the country around Sybaris, wanted to found it, a
they wrote of themselves on a scroll and fastened it to their hand, so that upon dying they might not be unrecognized by their own people. Thus they p
to have surpassed all men in wis 283 dom and understanding. And he advised him to dedicate it to Apollo for he was wiser than all. 40. That the same
45. That the saying of Chilon, though brief, has encompassed the whole instruction for the best life, so that these maxims are better than the votive
to impose, asked him in what he trusted that he was opposing his designs. And they say he answered, In my old age. 55. That Croesus, building warshi
good fortune. And they say that to Pittacus he said, What rule have you seen to be the strongest? and he replied, That of variegated wood, signify
he will accept those who entrust themselves to faith. 68. That the Lacedaemonians, learning that the Greeks in Asia were in danger, sent word to Cyrus
Euphorbus the Phrygian discovered, who taught men triangles and scalenes and the lengths of seven circles 294 .......... to abstain from living things
No one is wise, being a human and often, on account of the weakness of nature, not being strong enough to accomplish all things, but he who emulates t
they may compare the archetype. Therefore, other women, even if they do any such thing openly, conceal what was accomplished, being wary of the punish
to the free citizens of the state. 111. That Datis, the general of the Persians, being a Mede by race and having received from his ancestors that the
of the common freedom. 303 128. That some of the Greeks were leading .............. ................ for a considerable time but later, having sent a
This praise. But such a memorial for good men neither mold nor all-subduing time will dim. The sacred enclosure has chosen as its inhabitant the glory
glory, but for the wicked to utter fitting blasphemies at their end, we will not allow this man's wickedness and treachery to go unaccused. For who wo
Never yet has there been such a deed of earthly men on land and on sea at the same time. For these men, having destroyed many Medes in Cyprus, capture
to make sick the souls of the best men (for the road to what is worse is downhill, having an easy journey wherefore also many of the moderate, being
they supposed that the nature of failure had been spoken of. 155. That when Plato was sold by Dionysius the tyrant into the slave-market, the philosop
He was restored. 163. That the Lacedaemonians were forced to flee for help to the Athenians, upon whom they had in former times imposed the thirty tyr
have the account of their deeds perfected by their end. But when the very nature of the events works together with the writers, then indeed one must b
having received the virgins, he immediately gave them as a gift to Satyrus. 178. That they say five hundred Phocians who had taken refuge in the templ
he said, if he were to destroy the one who had accomplished the greatest things for in the memory of this man, the one who caused his destruction wou
prophecy. And he, taking it up, said, Yes, I accept, O father, and for the rest I shall be called yours. But if you give me the rule of all the eart
a table. 198. That Thalestris, the queen of the Amazons, who ruled the land between the Phasis and the Thermodon, and was pre-eminent in beauty and st
clearly knowing that fortune makes swift changes in both directions. For he saw that the kings of the Macedonians possessed an empty pretense of kings
foretelling, he composed this elegy: 336 A city is ruined by great men, and the people through folly have fallen into the servitude of a tyrant. 214.
Seleucus taught that those who had campaigned with Alexander and had been promoted by him on account of their virtue ought not to hold on to power by
was utterly defeated by the barbarians, but he also lost the best and largest part of his army but those left behind the walls in Syracuse, a small p
being dragged away with his leg dislocated, and not to depart by choice. But by these exhortations Dionysius was encouraged and persevered in all that
He asked Lysimachus which dinner seemed to him more kingly, the Macedonian or the Thracian. And when Lysimachus said the Macedonian, he said, Why the
of the Carthaginians for it was clear to all that if they did not keep the friendship, they would not dare even to wash their hands in the sea. But t
their natural reverence, and especially the Carthaginians, because of the magnitude of the impending fears, seeking out the sacrifices that had been o
to accept a disgraceful action, and this though he knew that fortune deserts to those who persevere in dreadful circumstances and that the greatest pr
having arrived by chance, they join in the attack. 286. That at Capua, when a council was proposed in a general assembly on what should be done concer
a man who has become the captive of a king should not sin at all, being human for, as it seems, a certain divine nemesis watches over human life, whi
hates those who use them, even if they happen to be allies for each person, I think, refers what was done to himself and is indignant along with the
of Greece, so that it might be ungarrisoned and autonomous, and to successfully restore the damages to those who had been wronged. But he said that he
he admitted indeed that he had the account for the soldiers' expenses, but he refused to render it for he said he ought not, like the others, to fall
Gentius the king of the Illyrians, being the greatest of the rulers at that time, concerning a joint enterprise. 366 And when he said that he was will
we are making it fruitful and useful to all, as far as is possible for us, because mere accounts of sea-battles and land-battles, and also of legislat
he supposed, providing an occasion for great favor, that he would master Egypt without a struggle. For since his fortune was exposing his purpose and
The truth is thus: for it is possible to find more men who face danger nobly than who use their prosperity with moderation. 356. And they, having said
to be of good courage for the country's affairs, inasmuch as fortune had discharged its ebb tide and its envy not against the community of the citizen
for by biting their soft and fleshy feet and their heels from below, it forces them to sit down, until one of the hunters casts and hits his mark for
That Marcus Porcius Cato, who enjoyed great acceptance for his wisdom, when asked by someone what Scipio was doing in Libya, said he alone is wise [ha
robberies and public enslavements with insolence, and in sum, having cast away their freedom and frankness of speech, they exchanged the greatest good
What is said unadornedly becomes an aphorism for the speaker, and a memorable saying for the hearer. 389. That weakness and lowliness always love simp
to consider the city's vulnerability. For it was clear even to the most simple-minded that with the walls having collapsed due to the long-lasting pea
of those who were, or again of those who seemed to have held power illegally. 411. This man, therefore, having an unswerving impulse toward destructio
of the expected terrors for the novelty of evils is always accustomed to obscure for men the misfortunes that came before. 420. The multitude followe
to plunder the property of others and by arms to harry and plunder the neighboring lands is the mark of brave men for, confirming the law of nature,
after the hegemony of the Persians had been conquered with surpassing intelligence and courage, the Romans in more recent times made Macedonia their s
The Capitol and the Vesta of Rome and her ancestral Mars and the founder Sol and the benefactress of animals and plants, Earth, and also the demigods
Fortune is accustomed, as is right, to involve in the same misfortunes even those who have devised some injustice against others ......... for the pre
to correct. 460. That the wealth so contended for by men sometimes surrounds with great misfortunes those who desire to partake of it for by inciting
he rebuked the senators, at the same time reproaching and challenging them to a similar zeal for he said he was amazed if a very young man had seized
of the inhabited world and having freed all the islands within the Ocean from the war with the pirates, he who once delivered the besieged kingdom of
That Remus and Romulus, having fallen into strife with each other, made it clear that some people carry through dangers together much more safely than
Junius, the son of Tarquinius' sister, fearing, since Tarquinius had killed his father and in addition had taken away their property, he feigned fooli
them to be at variance for the most part of men, except in the very greatest dangers, which they had especially for these very reasons from the consta
The natural dissension of most men towards their colleagues (for it is difficult for many to be moderate, especially when in power) was tearing apart
When she had said these things, his wife and children and the other women lamented together, so as to cast him too into grief. And having recovered hi
brought about for they were neither willing to go on campaign, unless they should receive what they desired on each occasion, and whenever they did g
is wont to happen, and she did not cease from her contentiousness before she had disturbed the whole city, so that small and chance events become for
they do all the opposite of them 424 for by timely forgiveness they themselves often change, especially when they do something out of courage and not
but they also gave them food and horses and received them as if they had been victorious for those whom they would not have wanted to be victorious o
he had no way either to believe him or to disbelieve him for he neither wished to hope for everything, because he did not want everything to happen,
After this, thinking at least either to... or at any rate to escape notice, because they were not even being accused, they committed even greater outr
he produced, but those who were deceived a second time had no further enthusiasm, being checked again in their vain confidence, and from the swift 434
I would fight for I consider it of the utmost importance to become your friend, and for this reason I am releasing all the captives without ransom an
he had to defend himself, and was at a loss for he feared to divide his army, being smaller than the enemy's, and he considered it a terrible thing t
he uttered an arrogant and outrageous threat for he said that he would not even allow the Romans to wash their hands in the sea, and along with this
for they would be deprived of nothing and if they won, they would not be in a state of hope), and because of this, having made a preparation in accord
they acquired the power of moderation and decency for the possession of true courage, leading neither good fortune into insolence nor fairness into co
neither toward the goodwill from the gods nor toward the good repute from men, not to seem to be a warmaker, but to be forced to defend themselves aga
and so that those things might be proved to them as having really happened, other things are often imagined besides and if even one of those things i
considering it better to accomplish nothing than to fail, they remained in place for the whole time of their command. 158. That concerning divination
of the enemy leader, since many through indolence and utter laziness not only neglect public affairs but also utterly ruin their own 124 lives, and many through desire for wine are not able to sleep without getting confused and drunk, and some through the urges of venery have not only overthrown cities and lives, but also have been deprived of their own lives with shame. And indeed cowardice and stupidity privately bring reproach upon those who have them, but when found in the leader of all is a common and very great misfortune; for it not only makes his subjects ineffective, but often also brings the greatest dangers upon those who have trusted him. And indeed rashness and audacity and irrational anger, and further vainglory and pride make a man an easy prey to his enemies, and most dangerous to his friends; for such a man is ready for every plot, ambush, and deceit. Therefore if anyone were able to understand the faults of his neighbors and to advance against his opponents in this way by which and through which the leader of the [ ] enemies is most easily captured, he would most quickly master the whole situation. For just as if someone removes the pilot from a ship, the whole vessel with its crew becomes subject to the enemies, in the same way if someone masters the commander of an enemy force in his plans and reasonings, it often becomes possible to conquer the opposing forces with their men. which things indeed Hannibal, having foreseen and reasoned about the leader of the enemy, did not fail in his plan. 25. .... cities free and autonomous according to the peace made in the time of Antalcidas, but they did not remove the harmosts from the cities. Having destroyed the Mantineans, who were their friends and allies, they said they were not doing wrong, having dispersed them from one city into several, by folly combined with wickedness thinking, that if one closes his own eyes, 125 his neighbors also do not see. For both, therefore, this zeal for their polity became the cause of the greatest misfortunes; which should in no way be emulated, neither privately nor publicly, by those who wish to deliberate correctly. 26. These things were being done at the time when Hannibal, having become master of all things within the river Iber, made his move against the city of the Saguntines. If, then, the first enterprises of Hannibal had happened to be interwoven with Greek affairs from the very beginning, it is clear that in the previous book we should have had to make our exposition about these things alternately and in correspondence with the Iberian affairs, following the chronology; but since the affairs of Italy and of Greece and of Asia had separate beginnings for these wars, but a common conclusion, we decided to make the exposition about them separately, until we come to that time in which their affairs became entangled with each other and began to have reference to one end (for thus the narrative about the beginnings of each will be clear and the entanglement evident, about which we showed in the beginning, pointing out when and how and for what reasons it happened), it is now remaining to make the history of all of them a common one. 27. For perhaps private wrongdoings differ in no way from public ones, but only in the number and magnitude of the events. For indeed, in private life the tribe of villains and thieves is ruined in this very way, by not acting justly toward each other. 28. That it was just for the Acarnanians, if for any others, to be excused for postponing and delaying and generally for fearing the war from their neighbors, and for not making war on the Aetolians. But genuine men, it seems to me, both publicly and privately never consider anything of greater importance than what is fitting 126; which the Acarnanians on most occasions are found to have maintained no less than any of the Greeks, although setting out from a small power. with whom one must not hesitate in circumstances to share in affairs, but rather one must hasten, if with any other of the Greeks; for both privately and publicly they have something steadfast and freedom-loving. 29. For I say that war is terrible, but not so much so that
ἐναντίων ἡγεμόνος, ἐπειδὴ πολλοὶ μὲν διὰ ῥαθυμίαν καὶ τὴν σύμπασαν ἀργίαν οὐ μόνον τὰς κοινὰς πράξεις ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἰδίους
καταπροΐενται 124 βίους ἄρδην, πολλοὶ δὲ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν οἶνον ἐπιθυμίαν οὐδ' ὑπνῶσαι δύνανται χωρὶς ἀλλοιώσεως καὶ μέθης,
ἔνιοι δὲ διὰ τὰς τῶν ἀφροδισίων ὁρμὰς οὐ μόνον πόλεις καὶ βίους ἀναστάτους πεποιήκασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ζῆν αὐτῶν ἀφῄρηνται μετ'
αἰσχύνης. καὶ μὴν δειλία καὶ βλακεία κατ' ἰδίαν μὲν αὐτοῖς ὄνειδος ἐπιφέρει τοῖς ἔχουσι, περὶ δὲ τὸν τῶν ὅλων ἡγεμόνα γενομένη
κοινόν ἐστι καὶ μέγιστον συμπτωμάτων· οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀπράκτους ποιεῖ τοὺς ὑποταττομένους, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ κινδύνους ἐπιφέρει
τοὺς μεγίστους τοῖς πεπιστευκόσι. προπέτειά γε μὴν καὶ θρασύτης καὶ θυμὸς ἄλογος, ἔτι δὲ κενοδοξία καὶ τῦφος εὐχείρωτα μὲν
τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, ἐπισφαλέστατα δὲ τοῖς φίλοις· πρὸς γὰρ πᾶσαν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐνέδραν ἀπάτην ἕτοιμος ὅ γε τοιοῦτος. διόπερ εἴ τις δύναιτο
συννοεῖν τὰ περὶ τοὺς πέλας ἁμαρτήματα καὶ τῇδέ που προϊέναι τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις ᾗ μάλιστα καὶ δι' ὧν εὐχείρωτος ἔστι ὁ προεστὼς
τῶν [δὲ] πολεμίων, τάχιστ' ἂν τῶν ὅλων κρατοίη. καθάπερ γὰρ νεὼς ἐὰν ἀφέλῃ τις τὸν κυβερνήτην, τὸ ὅλον αὐτανδρεὶ σκάφος ὑποχείριον
γίνεται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἐὰν τὸν προεστῶτα πόλεμον δυνάμεως χειρώσηταί τις κατὰ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ συλλογισμούς,
αὐτανδρεὶ γίνεται πολλάκις κρατεῖν τῶν ἀντιταττομένων. ἃ δὴ καὶ Ἀννίβας προϊδόμενος καὶ συλλογισάμενος περὶ τοῦ τῶν ἐναντίων
ἡγεμόνος οὐ διεσφάλη τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. 25. .... πόλεις ἐλευθέρας καὶ αὐτονόμους κατὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Ἀνταλκίδου γενομένην εἰρήνην, τοὺς
δ' ἁρμοστὰς οὐκ ἐξῆγον ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. Μαντινεῖς φίλους ὄντας καὶ συμμάχους ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντες οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀδικεῖν, ἐκ μιᾶς
πόλεως εἰς πλείους αὐτοὺς διοικήσαντες, ἀνοίᾳ μετὰ κακίας τὸ δοκεῖν, ἐάν τις αὐτὸς ἐπιμύῃ, 125 μηδὲ τοὺς πέλας ὁρᾶν. ἀμφοτέροις
τοίνυν ὁ ζῆλος οὗτος τῆς πολιτείας αἴτιος κατέστη τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων· ὃν οὐδαμῶς οὐδαμῇ ζηλωτέον, οὔτε κατ' ἰδίαν οὔτε
κοινῇ, τοὺς ὀρθῶς βουλομένους. 26. Ταῦτα δ' ἐπράττετο κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς καθ' οὓς Ἀννίβας, γεγονὼς κύριος τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος
ποταμοῦ πάντων, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν. εἰ μὲν οὖν τὰς πρώτας ἐπιβολὰς τὰς Ἀννίβου ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς πράξεσιν
ἀπ' ἀρχῆς εὐθέως ἐπιπεπλέχθαι συνέβαινε, δῆλον ὡς ἐν τῇ προτέρᾳ βίβλῳ περὶ τούτων ἂν ἡμᾶς ἐναλλὰξ ἔδει καὶ κατὰ περίθεσιν
τοῖς Ἰβηρικοῖς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἀκολουθοῦντας τοῖς καιροῖς· ἐπεὶ δὲ τά τε κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ
κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς τῶν πολέμων τούτων ἰδίας εἰλήφει, τὰς δὲ συντελείας κοινάς, καὶ τὴν ἐξήγησιν περὶ αὐτῶν ἐκρίναμεν
ποιήσασθαι κατ' ἰδίαν, ἕως ἂν ἐπὶ τὸν καιρὸν ἔλθωμεν τοῦτον ἐν ᾧ συνεπλάκησαν αἱ πράξεις ἀλλήλαις καὶ πρὸς ἓν τέλος ἤρξαντο
τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἔχειν (οὕτω γὰρ ἥ τε περὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἑκάστων ἔσται διήγησις σαφὴς ἥ τε συμπλοκὴ καταφανής, περὶ ἧς ἐν ἀρχαῖς ἐνεδειξάμεθα,
παραδείξαντες πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ δι' ἃς αἰτίας γέγονεν), λοιπὸν ἤδη κοινὴν ποιήσασθαι περὶ πάντων τὴν ἱστορίαν. 27. Μήποτε γὰρ
οὐδὲν διαφέρει τὰ κατ' ἰδίαν ἀδικήματα τῶν κοινῶν, ἀλλὰ πλήθει μόνον καὶ μεγέθει τῶν συμβαινόντων. καὶ γὰρ κατ' ἰδίαν τὸ τῶν
ῥαδιουργῶν καὶ κλεπτῶν φῦλον τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ τρόπῳ σφάλλεται, τῷ μὴ ποιεῖν ἀλλήλοις τὰ δίκαια. 28. Ὅτι τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσιν, εἰ
καί τισιν ἑτέροις, δίκαιον ἦν συγγνώμην ἔχειν ὑπερτιθεμένοις καὶ καταμέλλουσι καὶ καθόλου δεδιόσι τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων
πόλεμον, καὶ μὴ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς πολεμεῖν. ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ γνήσιοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατ' ἰδίαν οὐδέποτε περὶ πλείονος
οὐδὲν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ καθήκον 126 τος· ὅπερ Ἀκαρνᾶνες ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις καιροῖς οὐδενὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἧττον εὑρίσκονται διατετηρηκότες,
καίπερ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς ὁρμώμενοι δυνάμεως. οἷς οὐκ ὀκνητέον κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις κοινωνεῖν πραγμάτων, σπευστέον δὲ μᾶλλον, εἰ καί
τισιν ἑτέροις τῶν Ἑλλήνων· καὶ γὰρ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ στάσιμον ἔχουσί τι καὶ φιλελεύθερον. 29. Ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ φοβερὸν εἶναί φημι
τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ μὴν οὕτω γε
