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the men of Gotthaeus—that all was for them 3.24.14 as well as possible—he asked for what reason they had come. And when they proposed an alliance of arms, Theudis ordered them to go to the coast; "for from there," he said, "you will learn for certain the 3.24.15 state of affairs at home." But the envoys, suspecting that the statement was not sound, since the man was drunk, 3.24.16 remained silent. But when on the next day they met with him and were discussing the alliance, and Theudis used the same word again, then indeed, understanding that some new turn of events had befallen them in Libya, though having nothing in mind concerning Carthage, 3.24.17 they sailed for it. And having sailed in near it and having fallen in with Roman soldiers, they entrusted 3.24.18 themselves to be used as they wished. From there, having been brought to the general and having reported the whole story, they suffered no harm from him. So then these things 3.24.19 happened to come about in this way. But Cyril, having come near Sardinia and having heard what had befallen Godas, was sailing for Carthage, where, finding both the Roman army and Belisarius victorious, he remained quiet; and Solomon was sent to the emperor to report what had been done. 3.25.1 But when Gelimer had come to the Plain of Bulla, which is a four days' journey for an unencumbered man from Carthage, not far from the borders of Numidia, there he gathered all the Vandals and whatever friendly element he happened to have among the Moors. 3.25.2 Few Moors, however, came to him for an alliance, and these were 3.25.3 altogether without leaders. For all those who ruled the Moors in both Mauritania and Numidia and Byzacium, having sent envoys to Belisarius, both said they were slaves of the emperor 3.25.4 and promised to be his allies. And there were some who also offered their children as hostages, and they requested that the symbols of office be sent to them by him, in accordance with the 3.25.5 ancient custom. For it was the custom for no one to rule the Moors, even if he were an enemy to the Romans, until the Roman emperor should give him the insignia of his office. 3.25.6 And though they had already received these from the Vandals, they did not think 3.25.7 they held their office securely. These symbols are a silver staff overlaid with gold, and a silver cap, not covering the whole head but held up on all sides by silver bands like a crown, and a kind of white cloak, fastened over the right shoulder with a golden brooch in the manner of a Thessalian chlamys, and a white tunic with embroidery, and a gilded boot. 3.25.8 And Belisarius both sent these things to them and 3.25.9 presented each of them with much money. They did not, however, come to him for an alliance, nor indeed did they dare to assist the Vandals, but standing out of the way of both, they waited to see how the fortune of the war would turn out. Thus matters stood for the Romans. 3.25.10 But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia, carrying a letter to his brother Tzazon. Who, going quickly to the coast and happening upon a merchant-ship putting to sea, sailed into the harbour of Caranalis 3.25.11 and delivered the letter to Tzazon. The letter revealed the following: "It was not, I think, Godas who made our island revolt, but some madness sent from heaven that has fallen upon the Vandals. 3.25.12 For having taken you and the notable Vandals from us, it has seized all the good things together from the house of Gizeric. 3.25.13 For you did not sail from here for us to recover the island, but so that Justinian might become master of Libya. For what seemed good to fortune before, it is now possible to know from the 3.24.14 outcomes. So Belisarius has come against us with a small army; but valour, departing from the Vandals, was straightway gone, taking with itself our good fortune. 3.25.15 For Ammatas and Gibamundus have fallen, the Vandals growing soft, and the horses and dockyards and all Libya and not least Carthage itself are now held 3.25.16 by the enemy. And they sit idle, having exchanged bravery in hardships for children and wives and all their property, and for us is left only the Plain of Bulla, where us the

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οἱ ἀμφὶ τὸν Γοτθαῖον ἅπαντα σφίσιν 3.24.14 ὡς ἄριστα ἔχειν, ἠρώτα ὅτου ποτὲ ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν. τῶν δὲ τὴν ὁμαιχμίαν προτεινομένων ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Θεῦδις εἰς τὴν παραλίαν ἰέναι· «ἐνθένδε γὰρ», ἔφη, «τὰ 3.24.15 «οἴκοι πράγματα ἀσφαλῶς εἴσεσθε.» οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις οὐχ ὑγιᾶ τὸν λόγον εἶναι ἅτε οἰνωμένου τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, 3.24.16 ὑποτοπήσαντες, ἐν σιωπῇ ἔσχον. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτῷ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ ξυγγενόμενοι τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐν λόγῳ ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ ῥήματι αὖθις τῷ αὐτῷ ὁ Θεῦδις ἐχρῆτο, οὕτω δὴ ξυνέντες νεώτερα σφίσιν ἐν Λιβύῃ ξυμπεσεῖν πράγματα, οὐδὲν μέντοι ἀμφὶ Καρχηδόνι ἐν νῷ ἔχον3.24.17 τες, ἐς αὐτὴν ἔπλεον. ἀγχοῦ τε αὐτῆς καταπλεύσαντες καὶ Ῥωμαίοις στρατιώταις περιτυχόντες ἐνεχείρισαν 3.24.18 σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ὅ τι βούλοιντο χρῆσθαι. ὅθεν ἐς τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀπαχθέντες καὶ τὸν πάντα λόγον ἀγγείλαντες ἔπαθον οὐδὲν πρὸς ἐκείνου κακόν. ταῦτα μὲν 3.24.19 οὖν οὕτω γενέσθαι τετύχηκε. Κύριλλος δὲ, Σαρδοῦς τε ἀγχοῦ γενόμενος καὶ τὰ τῷ Γώδᾳ ξυμπεσόντα ἀκούσας, ἐς Καρχηδόνα ἔπλει, ἔνθα τό τε Ῥωμαίων στράτευμα καὶ Βελισάριον εὑρὼν νενικηκότας ἡσύχαζε· καὶ Σολόμων παρὰ βασιλέα, ὅπως ἀγγείλῃ τὰ πεπραγμένα, ἐστέλλετο. 3.25.1 Γελίμερ δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐν πεδίῳ Βούλλης ἐγεγόνει, ὅπερ εὐζώνῳ ἀνδρὶ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν ὁδῷ Καρχηδόνος διέχει, οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν τῶν Νουμιδίας ὁρίων, ἐνταῦθα Βανδίλους τε ξύμπαντας ἤγειρε καὶ εἴ τί οἱ 3.25.2 φίλιον ἐν Μαυρουσίοις ἐτύγχανεν ὄν. ὀλίγοι μέντοι Μαυρούσιοι αὐτῷ ἀφίκοντο ἐς ξυμμαχίαν, καὶ οὗτοι 3.25.3 παντάπασιν ἄναρχοι. ὅσοι γὰρ ἔν τε Μαυριτανίᾳ καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ καὶ Βυζακίῳ Μαυρουσίων ἦρχον, πρέσβεις ὡς Βελισάριον πέμψαντες δοῦλοί τε βασιλέως ἔφασκον 3.25.4 εἶναι καὶ ξυμμαχήσειν ὑπέσχοντο. εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐν ὁμήρων παρείχοντο λόγῳ, τά τε ξύμβολα σφίσι παρ' αὐτοῦ στέλλεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς κατὰ δὴ τὸν 3.25.5 παλαιὸν νόμον ἐδέοντο. νόμος γὰρ ἦν Μαυρουσίων ἄρχειν μηδένα, κἂν Ῥωμαίοις πολέμιος ᾖ, πρὶν ἂν αὐτῷ τὰ γνωρίσματα τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς 3.25.6 δοίη. ἅπερ ἤδη πρὸς Βανδίλων λαβόντες οὐκ ᾤοντο 3.25.7 ἐν βεβαίῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχειν. ἔστι δὲ τὰ ξύμβολα ταῦτα ῥάβδος τε ἀργυρᾶ κατακεχρυσωμένη καὶ πῖλος ἀργυροῦς οὐχ ὅλην τὴν κεφαλὴν σκέπων, ἀλλ' ὥσπερ στεφάνη τελαμῶσιν ἀργυροῖς πανταχόθεν ἀνεχόμενος, καὶ τριβώνιόν τι λευκὸν, ἐς χρυσῆν περόνην κατὰ τὸν δεξιὸν ὦμον ἐν χλαμύδος σχήματι Θετταλῆς ξυνιὸν, χιτών τε λευκὸς, ποικίλματα ἔχων, καὶ ἀρβύλη ἐπί3.25.8 χρυσος. Βελισάριος δὲ ταῦτά τε αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψε καὶ 3.25.9 χρήμασι πολλοῖς αὐτῶν ἕκαστον ἐδωρήσατο. οὐ μέντοι αὐτῷ ἐς ξυμμαχίαν ἀφίκοντο, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Βανδίλοις ἐπαμύνειν ἐτόλμησαν, ἀλλ' ἐκποδὼν ἀμφοτέροις στάντες ἐκαραδόκουν ὅπη ποτὲ ἡ τοῦ πολέμου τύχη ἐκβήσεται. ὧδε μὲν Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πράγματα εἶχε. 3.25.10 Γελίμερ δὲ τῶν τινα Βανδίλων ἐς Σαρδὼ ἔπεμψεν, ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς Τζάζωνα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἔχοντα. ὃς ἐς τὴν παραλίαν κατὰ τάχος ἐλθὼν ὁλκάδος τε ἀναγομένης ἐπιτυχὼν, ἐς Καρανάλεως τὸν λιμένα κατέπλευσε 3.25.11 καὶ Τζάζωνι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείρισεν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε «Οὐκ ἦν, οἶμαι, Γώδας ὁ τὴν νῆσον ἡμῶν «ἀποστήσας, ἀλλά τις ἄτη ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἐς Βανδίλους 3.25.12 «ἐπιπεσοῦσα. σέ τε γὰρ ἐξ ἡμῶν καὶ Βανδίλων «τοὺς δοκίμους ἀφελομένη ἅπαντα συλλήβδην ἐκ τοῦ 3.25.13 «Γιζερίχου οἴκου τὰ ἀγαθὰ ἥρπασεν. οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ «ἀνασώσασθαι τὴν νῆσον ἡμῖν ἐνθένδε ἀπῆρας, ἀλλ' «ὅπως Λιβύης Ἰουστινιανὸς κύριος ἔσται. τὰ γὰρ τῇ «τύχῃ δόξαντα πρότερον πάρεστι τανῦν ἐκ τῶν ἀπο3.25.14 «βάντων εἰδέναι. Βελισάριος μὲν οὖν στρατῷ ὀλίγῳ «ἐφ' ἡμᾶς ἥκει· ἡ δὲ ἀρετὴ ἐκ Βανδίλων ἀπιοῦσα «εὐθὺς ᾤχετο, μεθ' ἑαυτῆς λαβοῦσα τὴν ἀγαθὴν τύχην. 3.25.15 «Ἀμμάτας μὲν γὰρ καὶ Γιβαμοῦνδος πεπτώκασι, μαλ»θακιζομένων Βανδίλων, ἵπποι δὲ καὶ νεώρια καὶ ξύμ»πασα Λιβύη καὶ οὐχ ἥκιστα αὐτὴ Καρχηδὼν ἔχονται 3.25.16 «ἤδη πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων. οἱ δὲ κάθηνται, τὸ μὴ ἐν «τοῖς πόνοις ἀνδραγαθίζεσθαι παίδων τε καὶ γυναικῶν «ἀνταλλαξάμενοι καὶ πάντων χρημάτων, ἡμῖν τε ἀπο»λέλειπται μόνον τὸ Βούλλης πεδίον, οὗπερ ἡμᾶς ἡ