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writing and sending messages. The reason for not campaigning, as the emperor himself also admitted this, was the erupting schism in the church and the great multitude of insubordinate men in rags and sackcloth and their great heap of accusations against him, and the emperor's cowardice in regard to these things, suspecting apostasy. For it was not possible for them to be quiet, but entering into the houses of men, it was easy for them to heap up many things against the emperor, how he had wronged the heir, how he had driven the patriarch from the throne, and the oaths, and the treaties, and this and that, by which they were able to gain provision, receiving a great many things from their listeners. «But,» he says, «fears and cowardice surrounded me, lest something ill-advised and revolutionary should occur.» From which suspicions arose, which made it necessary for him, being on his guard, to be shut in and to remain quiet, looking after his own affairs and entrusting matters of state to whomever was at hand. These things the emperor later said to Athanasios of Alexandria, as he himself reported to us, when, being present with him on the campaign as a comfort to the emperor, he saw the desolations of the lands beyond the Sangarius, and heard such things, as the emperor lamented the desolations. But we too will speak of these things more fully in their proper place.

28. Concerning the schism in the church and concerning the monks of Pantepoptes. And then in truth the schism in the church was growing, so that even within households the members were divided, and a father lived one way, and a son another, and a mother and daughter, and a daughter-in-law and mother-in-law. And there were many monks around Hyacinthus, certain unstable men and wandering from place 409 to place, zealous for the exiled patriarch. And others, renowned for their virtue from Galesios and other monasteries, such as those then attached to the monastery of Pantepoptes, having broken away each from his own flock, were living by themselves, not in any way receiving Joseph into communion, on the one hand, on the grounds that he had supposedly ascended the throne in order to supplant Germanus, and on the other, on the grounds that he himself, at first zealous for the patriarch, both rejected the communion of Germanus and urged others to do so. And this one also had his own charge, greater than the previous one; for that one had taken offense at the translation, but Joseph at the excommunication from the patriarch, whom they said had been excommunicated for not receiving the emperor into spiritual sonship. But the monks of the monastery of Pantepoptes were emboldened and spoke out more freely, taking a stand against the patriarch both as a usurper and as one who had been excommunicated. For from this they also reasoned it a great matter that he was loosing what could not be loosed, and this rather for condemnation and intensification, not as though he were without a share, but as one subject to the same charges while loosing them. And they brought to bear much persuasiveness from their arguments, both because of the reverence for their persons, and because Joseph was zealous with them for the patriarch, whom they now heard was sitting upon the patriarchal throne, as if the lot had fallen differently. Considering it of the greatest importance either to persuade these men or to get them out of the way—for refutations are sharp goads against a soul with a good conscience—he made a specious appeal to the emperor, and, since persuasion was not possible—for where could it be? with men unyielding in their opposition—they chose to punish them. Therefore, the matters concerning these men were entrusted to George Akropolites, who was both Grand Logothete and exceedingly wise, except that he was neglectful of matters of conscience. And indeed, having led them away to a house, he tortured them harshly, by flaying, hanging, and scourging them, and dishonoring those of them who were of higher station by parading them ignominiously through the marketplace on the vilest and trumped-up charges, men who possessed great dignity from their way of life and their own standing, whom also, after having pursued them as bitterly 411 as possible, he gave over to exile, these men who were once and for all exiled from the earth and earthly things. And then for the first time he broke many

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γράφοντες καὶ διαμηνυόμενοι. Τὸ δὲ τῆς ἀστρατείας αἴτιον, ὡς καὶ τοῦτο αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς ὡμολόγει, τὸ συρραγὲν σχίσμα τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῶν ἀνυποτάκτων ῥακενδυτῶν τε καὶ σακκοφόρων πλῆθος καὶ ὁ πολὺς ἐκείνων φορυτὸς τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν κατηγορημάτων καὶ ἡ πρὸς ταῦτα δειλία τοῦ βασιλέως, τὴν ἀποστασίαν ὑποπτεύοντος. Οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἡσυχάζειν αὐτούς, ἀλλ' εἰσδυομένοις τὰς τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἰκίας, σφίσιν ἦν ἐκ προχείρου συνείρειν τὰ πολλὰ κατὰ βασιλέως, ὡς τὸν κληρονόμον ἀδικήσειεν, ὡς ἐξελάσειεν τοῦ θρόνου τὸν πατριάρχην, ἀλλ' οἱ ὅρκοι, ἀλλ' αἱ συνθῆκαι, ἀλλὰ τὸ καὶ τό, οἷς ἐκεῖνοι μὲν πορίζεσθαι εἶχον, πλεῖστα τῶν ἀκουόντων ἀπολαμβάνοντες. «Ἐμὲ δέ, φησίν, οἱ φόβοι καὶ αἱ δειλίαι περιίσταντο, μὴ καί τι τῶν ἀβουλήτων νεωτερισθείη.» Ἐξ ὧν συνέβαινον ὑποψίαι, ἃς ἀνάγκη φυλαττόμενον ἀποκεκλεῖσθαι καὶ ἠρεμεῖν, τὸ καθ' αὑτὸν πολυωροῦντα καὶ τὰ τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς τυχοῦσιν ἐπι τρέποντα. Ταῦτ' ἔλεγε μὲν ὕστερον ὁ κρατῶν πρὸς τὸν Ἀλεξανδρείας Ἀθανάσιον, ὡς αὐτὸς ἡμῖν ἀπήγγειλεν, ὅτε, συνὼν κἀκεῖνος ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκστρατείας κατὰ παραμυθίαν τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἑώρα μὲν τὰς τῶν χωρῶν πέραν τοῦ Σαγγάρεως ἐρημώσεις, κατήκουε δὲ τῶν τοιούτων, ἐποικτιζομένου τοῦ κρατοῦντος ταῖς ἐρημώσεσιν. Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἡμεῖς κατὰ τόπον ἐροῦμεν πλατύτερον.

κηʹ. Περὶ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν σχίσματος καὶ περὶ τῶν Παντεποπτηνῶν μοναχῶν. Τότε δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἀληθείαις τὸ σχίσμα τῆς ἐκκλησίας ηὐξάνετο, ὡς καὶ κατ' οἰκίας τοὺς ἐντὸς διῃρῆσθαι καὶ ἄλλως μὲν πατέρα διάγειν, ἄλλως δ' υἱόν, καὶ μητέρα καὶ θυγατέρα, καὶ νύμφην καὶ πενθεράν. Ἦσαν δὲ πλείους καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ὑάκινθον μοναχοί, ἄστατοί τινες καὶ εἰς τόπους 409 ἐκ τόπων πλανώμενοι, ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατριάρχου ζηλοῦντες ἐξορισθέντος. Ἄλλοι δέ γε καὶ εἰς ἀρετὴν διαβεβοημένοι ἔκ τε τοῦ Γαλησίου καὶ ἑτέρων μονῶν, ὡς οἱ τότε τῇ τοῦ Παντεπόπτου μονῇ προσκαθήμενοι, ἀπορραγέντες τῆς ποίμνης ἕκαστος τῆς ἰδίας, καθ' ἑαυτοὺς διέζων, μηδ' ὁπωστιοῦν τὸν Ἰωσὴφ εἰς κοινωνίαν δεχόμενοι, τοῦτο μὲν ὡς καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπιβάντος δῆθεν τοῦ θρόνου ἐπὶ τῷ πτερνίσαι τὸν Γερμανόν, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ὡς αὐτοῦ, τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατριάρχου ζηλοῦντος, καὶ τὴν τοῦ Γερμανοῦ κοινωνίαν ἀποτρεπομένου καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις προτρέποντος. Ἔγκλημα δ' εἶχε καὶ οὗτος ἴδιον, μεῖζον τοῦ προλαβόντος· ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ τῇ μεταθέσει προσέκρουεν, ὁ δ' Ἰωσὴφ τῷ ἀπὸ τοῦ πατριάρχου ἀφορισμῷ, ὃν ἀφωρίσθαι ἔλεγον ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ τὸν βασιλέα εἰς πνευματικὴν υἱότητα δέχεσθαι. Οἱ δ' ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ Παντεπόπτου μονῆς μοναχοὶ καὶ ἀπεθάρρουν καὶ παρρησιαστικώτερον ἔβαλλον, ἅμα μὲν καὶ ὡς ἐπιβήτορι, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὡς ἀφωρισμένῳ τῷ πατριαρχοῦντι ἐπέχοντες. Ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ καὶ μέγα τι συνελογίζοντο τὸ καὶ λύειν ἄλυτα, καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς κρῖμα καὶ εἰς ἐπίτασιν, οὐχ ὅπως ἀμετόχως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐνεχόμενον λύοντα. Πολλὴν δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐκ λόγων ἐπέφερον πιθανότητα ἅμα μὲν τῷ τῶν προσώπων σφῶν σεβασμίῳ, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῷ συζηλοῦν ἐκείνοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ πατριάρχου τὸν Ἰωσήφ, ὃν καί, ὡς ὀστράκου μεταπεσόντος, ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ θρόνου ἤκουον ἐφιζάνοντα. Τούτους περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενος ἢ πείθειν ἢ ποιεῖν ἐκποδώνὀξεῖαι γὰρ ἀκίδες κατὰ ψυχὴν εὐσυνειδητοῦσαν οἱ ἔλεγχοι, εὐπροσώπως χρᾶται τῷ βασιλεῖ, καί, ἐπειδὴ τὸ πείθειν οὐκ ἦνποῦ γάρ; ἄνδρας ἀμειλίκτους τὴν ἔνστασιν, κολάζειν ᾑροῦντο. Ἀνατίθεται τοίνυν τὰ περὶ τούτων τῷ Ἀκροπολίτῃ Γεωργίῳ καὶ εἰς λογοθέτας μεγάλῳ καὶ σοφῷ τὰ μάλιστα, πλὴν κατημελημένως τῶν εἰς συνείδησιν ἔχοντι. Καὶ δὴ ἐπ' οἰκίας ἀπαγαγὼν χαλεπῶς ᾐκίζετο, δαίρων, κρεμαννύων, μαστίζων, τοὺς δέ γε κρείττους ἐκείνων καὶ ἀτιμῶν τῷ δι' ἀγορᾶς θριαμβεύειν ἀτίμως ἐπ' αἰτίαις κακίσταις καὶ πεπλασμέναις, ἄνδρας πολὺ τὸ ἀξιοπρεπὲς ἔχοντας ἐκ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς σφῶν καταστάσεως, οὓς καὶ μετὰ τὸ πικρῶς 411 ὡς οἷόν τε μετελθεῖν ἐξορίαις ἐδίδου, τοὺς καθάπαξ τῆς γῆς καὶ τῶν γηΐνων ἐξωρισμένους. Καὶ τότε πρώτως πολλοῖς ἐπέκλασε