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having experienced misfortune, one thinks human affairs are worth nothing else than much laughter. Therefore, concerning the laughter which Gelimer laughed, let each one speak as he knows, both enemy and friend. But Belisarius, reporting to the emperor that Gelimer was a captive of the spear in Carthage, asked to come to Byzantium with him. At the same time he was guarding both him and all the Vandals not without honour and was making the fleet ready. Many other things, then, throughout all time have already come to pass beyond hope and will always come to pass, as long as the fortunes of men remain the same. For things which seem impossible in word become accomplished in deed, and things which previously often appeared impossible, then turning out to be so, seemed worthy of wonder. Yet I cannot say whether such deeds have ever chanced to have happened before, that the fourth descendant of Gizeric and his kingdom, flourishing in both wealth and military power, should have been destroyed in so short a time by five thousand men, who were both foreigners and had nowhere to anchor. For so great was the number of the horsemen following Belisarius, who also carried on the entire war against the Vandals. For whether this happened by fortune or by some virtue, one might justly admire it. But I shall return to the point from which I digressed. Thus, then, the Vandalic war ended. But envy, as is wont to happen in great good fortune, was already swelling up against Belisarius, although he offered no pretext for it. For some of the commanders slandered him to the emperor, charging him with a tyranny that was in no way his due. But the emperor did not make this public at all, either holding the slander in contempt, or perhaps it was thought better by him. And sending Solomon, he gave Belisarius the choice to select whichever he might wish, whether to come to Byzantium with Gelimer and the Vandals, or to remain there and send them. But he (for it had not escaped him that the commanders had brought the charge of tyranny) was eager to arrive at Byzantium, so that he might both clear himself of the accusation and be able to prosecute the slanderers. And in what manner he learned of the attempt of the accusers, I am about to say. When indeed the slanderers wished to make this slander, fearing that the one who was about to carry the letter to the emperor might disappear at sea and thwart their plans, writing of the tyranny on two letters, they planned to send two messengers to the emperor on two ships. One of these sailed secretly, but the other was caught on some suspicion in Mandracium, and handing over the letters to those who seized him, he made the plot public. Having learned in this way, Belisarius was eager to come into the presence of the emperor, as was said. These things, indeed, were happening thus in Carthage. But the Maurusians, as many as dwelt in both Byzacium and Numidia, decided to revolt for no reason and, breaking the treaty, suddenly resolved to raise their hands against the Romans. And this was done not out of keeping with their own character. For among the Maurusians there is neither fear of God nor respect for men. For they care for neither oaths nor hostages, even if they happen to be the children or brothers of their leaders. Nor is there peace with the Maurusians for any other reason, except that it is enforced by fear of the enemies against them. And in what manner the treaties with Belisarius were both made by them and in what manner they were broken, I shall explain. When the emperor's fleet was expected to arrive in Libya, the Maurusians, fearing lest they might suffer some harm from it, had recourse to the prophecies of their women. For it is not lawful for a man to prophesy in this nation, but women, becoming possessed by some sacred rite, foretell for them the things that will be, in no way inferior to the ancient oracles. So then, when they inquired, as was said, the women prophesied an army from the waters, the overthrow of the Vandals, and the destruction and defeat of the Maurusians, whenever the Roman general should come beardless. When the Maurusians heard this, since they saw the emperor's army

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φλαύρων ἐν πείρᾳ γεγονότα, ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ἄξια τὰ ἀνθρώπινα ἢ γέλω4.7.16 τος πολλοῦ οἴεσθαι εἶναι. περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ γέλωτος, ὃν Γελίμερ ἐγέλα, λεγέτω ὥς πη ἕκαστος γινώσκει, 4.7.17 καὶ ἐχθρὸς καὶ φίλος. Βελισάριος δὲ ἐς βασιλέα ὡς Γελίμερ δορυάλωτος εἴη ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἀνενεγκὼν ᾔτει ξὺν αὐτῷ ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικέσθαι. ἅμα δὲ αὐτόν τε καὶ Βανδίλους ἅπαντας οὐκ ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ ἐφύλασσε καὶ τὸν στόλον ἐν παρασκευῇ ἐποιεῖτο. 4.7.18 Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλα ἐν τῷ παντὶ αἰῶνι ἤδη τε κρείσσω ἐλπίδος ἐς πεῖραν ἦλθε καὶ ἀεὶ ἥξει, ἕως 4.7.19 ἂν αἱ αὐταὶ τύχαι ἀνθρώπων ὦσι. τά τε γὰρ λόγῳ ἀδύνατα δοκοῦντα εἶναι ἔργῳ ἐπιτελῆ γίγνεται καὶ τὰ τέως ἀδύνατα φανέντα πολλάκις, εἶτα ἀποβάντα θαύ4.7.20 ματος ἄξια ἔδοξεν εἶναι. εἰ μέντοι τοιαῦτα ἔργα πώποτε γεγενῆσθαι τετύχηκεν οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, τὸν Γιζερίχου τέταρτον ἀπόγονον καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν τὴν αὐτοῦ πλούτῳ τε καὶ στρατιωτῶν δυνάμει ἀκμάζουσαν πρὸς πεντακισχιλίων ἀνδρῶν ἐπηλύδων τε καὶ οὐκ ἐχόντων ὅποι ὁρμίζοιντο ἐν χρόνῳ οὕτω βραχεῖ καταλελύσθαι. 4.7.21 τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦν τὸ τῶν ἱππέων πλῆθος τῶν Βελισαρίῳ ἐπισπομένων, οἳ καὶ τὸν πόλεμον πάντα πρὸς Βανδίλους διήνεγκαν. τοῦτο γὰρ εἴτε τύχῃ εἴτε τινὶ ἀρετῇ γέγονε, δικαίως ἄν τις αὐτὸ ἀγασθείη. ἐγὼ δὲ ὅθενπερ ἐξέβην ἐπάνειμι. 4.8.1 Ὁ μὲν οὖν Βανδιλικὸς πόλεμος ἐτελεύτα ὧδε. ὁ δὲ φθόνος, οἷα ἐν μεγάλῃ εὐδαιμονίᾳ φιλεῖ γίγνεσθαι, ᾤδαινεν ἤδη ἐς Βελισάριον, καίπερ αὐτῷ οὐδε4.8.2 μίαν παρέχοντα σκῆψιν. τῶν γὰρ ἀρχόντων τινὲς διέβαλον αὐτὸν ἐς βασιλέα, τυραννίδα αὐτῷ οὐδαμόθεν 4.8.3 προσήκουσαν ἐπικαλοῦντες. βασιλεὺς δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ἐς τὸ πᾶν οὐκ ἐξήνεγκεν, ἢ τὴν διαβολὴν ἐν ὀλιγωρίᾳ 4.8.4 ποιησάμενος, ἢ καὶ βέλτιον αὐτῷ ἐνομίσθη. Σολόμωνα δὲ πέμψας αἵρεσιν Βελισαρίῳ παρέσχετο ἑλέσθαι ὁποτέραν ἂν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ εἴη, πότερα ξὺν Γελίμερί τε καὶ Βανδίλοις ἐς Βυζάντιον ἥκειν, ἢ αὐτοῦ μένοντι 4.8.5 ἐκείνους στεῖλαι. ὁ δὲ (οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθον αὐτὸν οἱ ἄρχοντες τὴν τυραννίδα ἐπενεγκόντες) ἐς Βυζάντιον ἀφικέσθαι ἠπείγετο, ὅπως δὴ τήν τε αἰτίαν ἐκλύσηται καὶ τοὺς διαβαλόντας μετελθεῖν δύνηται. ὅτῳ δὲ τρόπῳ τὴν τῶν κατηγόρων πεῖραν ἔμαθεν, ἐρῶν ἔρχο4.8.6 μαι. ὅτε δὴ τὴν διαβολὴν τήνδε ποιεῖσθαι οἱ διαβαλόντες ἤθελον, δείσαντες μὴ σφίσιν ὁ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μέλλων κομιεῖν βασιλεῖ ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἀφανισθεὶς τὰ πρασσόμενα διακωλύσῃ, ἐν δύο γραμματείοις τὴν τυραννίδα γράψαντες, ἀγγέλους δύο ὡς βασιλέα ἐν 4.8.7 ναυσὶ δύο στέλλειν διενοοῦντο. τούτοιν ἅτερος μὲν λαθὼν ἔπλευσεν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος ἐξ ὑποψίας δή τινος ἐν Μανδρακίῳ ἥλω, καὶ τὰ γράμματα τοῖς λαβοῦσιν αὐτὸν 4.8.8 ἐγχειρίσας ἔκπυστα ἐποίει τὰ πρασσόμενα. ταύτῃ τε μαθὼν Βελισάριος ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν τὴν βασιλέως, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, ἠπείγετο. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐν Καρχηδόνι ἐφέρετο τῇδε. 4.8.9 Μαυρούσιοι δὲ, ὅσοι ἔν τε Βυζακίῳ καὶ Νουμιδίᾳ ᾤκηντο, ἐς ἀπόστασίν τε ἐξ αἰτίας οὐδεμιᾶς εἶδον καὶ τὰς σπονδὰς διαλύσαντες χεῖρας ἀνταίρειν ἐξαπιναίως Ῥωμαίοις ἔγνωσαν. καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἄπο τρόπου τοῦ 4.8.10 οἰκείου σφίσιν ἐπράσσετο. ἔστι γὰρ ἐν Μαυρουσίοις οὔτε θεοῦ φόβος οὔτε ἀνθρώπων αἰδώς. μέλει γὰρ αὐτοῖς οὔτε ὅρκων οὔτε ὁμήρων, ἢν καὶ παῖδες ἢ ἀδελφοὶ τῶν ἐν σφίσιν ἡγουμένων τύχωσιν ὄντες. 4.8.11 οὐδὲ ἄλλῳ οὐδενὶ εἰρήνη ἐν Μαυρουσίοις, ὅτι μὴ τῶν πολεμίων τῶν κατ' αὐτῶν δέει κρατύνεται. ὅτῳ δὲ αὐτοῖς αἵ τε πρὸς Βελισάριον σπονδαὶ ἐγένοντο καὶ 4.8.12 ὅτῳ διελύθησαν τρόπῳ, ἐγὼ δηλώσω. ἡνίκα ὁ βασιλέως στόλος ἐπίδοξος ἐγεγόνει ὡς ἐς Λιβύην ἀφίξεται, δείσαντες οἱ Μαυρούσιοι μή τι ἐνθένδε κακὸν λάβωσι 4.8.13 ταῖς ἐκ τῶν γυναικῶν μαντείαις ἐχρῶντο. ἄνδρα γὰρ μαντεύεσθαι ἐν τῷ ἔθνει τούτῳ οὐ θέμις, ἀλλὰ γυναῖκες σφίσι κάτοχοι ἐκ δή τινος ἱερουργίας γινόμεναι προλέγουσι τὰ ἐσόμενα, τῶν πάλαι χρηστηρίων 4.8.14 οὐδενὸς ἧσσον. τότε οὖν πυνθανομένοις αὐτοῖς, ὥσπερ ἐρρήθη, αἱ γυναῖκες ἀνεῖλον, στρατὸν ἐξ ὑδάτων, Βανδίλων κατάλυσιν, Μαυρουσίων φθοράν τε καὶ ἧτταν, 4.8.15 ὅτε Ῥωμαίοις ὁ στρατηγὸς ἀγένειος ἔλθοι. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Μαυρούσιοι, ἐπεὶ τὸ βασιλέως στράτευμα εἶδον