Preface, Explaining His Design in Undertaking This Work.
Chapter 5.—Cæsar’s Statement Regarding the Universal Custom of an Enemy When Sacking a City.
Chapter 6.—That Not Even the Romans, When They Took Cities, Spared the Conquered in Their Temples.
Chapter 9.—Of the Reasons for Administering Correction to Bad and Good Together.
Chapter 10.—That the Saints Lose Nothing in Losing Temporal Goods.
Chapter 11.—Of the End of This Life, Whether It is Material that It Be Long Delayed.
Chapter 13.—Reasons for Burying the Bodies of the Saints.
Chapter 14.—Of the Captivity of the Saints, and that Divine Consolation Never Failed Them Therein.
Chapter 17.—Of Suicide Committed Through Fear of Punishment or Dishonor.
Chapter 19.—Of Lucretia, Who Put an End to Her Life Because of the Outrage Done Her.
Chapter 20.—That Christians Have No Authority for Committing Suicide in Any Circumstances Whatever.
Chapter 21.—Of the Cases in Which We May Put Men to Death Without Incurring the Guilt of Murder.
Chapter 22.—That Suicide Can Never Be Prompted by Magnanimity.
Chapter 25.—That We Should Not Endeavor By Sin to Obviate Sin.
Chapter 26.—That in Certain Peculiar Cases the Examples of the Saints are Not to Be Followed.
Chapter 27.—Whether Voluntary Death Should Be Sought in Order to Avoid Sin.
Chapter 31.—By What Steps the Passion for Governing Increased Among the Romans.
Chapter 32.—Of the Establishment of Scenic Entertainments.
Chapter 33.—That the Overthrow of Rome Has Not Corrected the Vices of the Romans.
Chapter 34.—Of God’s Clemency in Moderating the Ruin of the City.
Chapter 36.—What Subjects are to Be Handled in the Following Discourse.
Chapter 1.—Of the Limits Which Must Be Put to the Necessity of Replying to an Adversary.
Chapter 2.—Recapitulation of the Contents of the First Book.
Chapter 5.—Of the Obscenities Practiced in Honor of the Mother of the Gods.
Chapter 6.—That the Gods of the Pagans Never Inculcated Holiness of Life.
Chapter 15.—That It Was Vanity, Not Reason, Which Created Some of the Roman Gods.
Chapter 21.—Cicero’s Opinion of the Roman Republic.
Chapter 24.—Of the Deeds of Sylla, in Which the Demons Boasted that He Had Their Help.
Chapter 28.—That the Christian Religion is Health-Giving.
Chapter 29.—An Exhortation to the Romans to Renounce Paganism.
Chapter 6.—That the Gods Exacted No Penalty for the Fratricidal Act of Romulus.
Chapter 7.—Of the Destruction of Ilium by Fimbria, a Lieutenant of Marius.
Chapter 8.—Whether Rome Ought to Have Been Entrusted to the Trojan Gods.
Chapter 13.—By What Right or Agreement The Romans Obtained Their First Wives.
Chapter 15.—What Manner of Life and Death the Roman Kings Had.
Chapter 19.—Of the Calamity of the Second Punic War, Which Consumed the Strength of Both Parties.
Chapter 24.—Of the Civil Dissension Occasioned by the Sedition of the Gracchi.
Chapter 26.—Of the Various Kinds of Wars Which Followed the Building of the Temple of Concord.
Chapter 27.—Of the Civil War Between Marius and Sylla.
Chapter 28.—Of the Victory of Sylla, the Avenger of the Cruelties of Marius.
Chapter 1.—Of the Things Which Have Been Discussed in the First Book.
Chapter 2.—Of Those Things Which are Contained in Books Second and Third.
Chapter 4.—How Like Kingdoms Without Justice are to Robberies.
Chapter 5.—Of the Runaway Gladiators Whose Power Became Like that of Royal Dignity.
Chapter 11.—Concerning the Many Gods Whom the Pagan Doctors Defend as Being One and the Same Jove.
Chapter 13.—Concerning Those Who Assert that Only Rational Animals are Parts of the One God.
Chapter 15.—Whether It is Suitable for Good Men to Wish to Rule More Widely.
Chapter 17.—Whether, If the Highest Power Belongs to Jove, Victoria Also Ought to Be Worshipped.
Chapter 18.—With What Reason They Who Think Felicity and Fortune Goddesses Have Distinguished Them.
Chapter 27.—Concerning the Three Kinds of Gods About Which the Pontiff Scævola Has Discoursed.
Chapter 2.—On the Difference in the Health of Twins.
Chapter 5.—In What Manner the Mathematicians are Convicted of Professing a Vain Science.
Chapter 6.—Concerning Twins of Different Sexes.
Chapter 7.—Concerning the Choosing of a Day for Marriage, or for Planting, or Sowing.
Chapter 10.—Whether Our Wills are Ruled by Necessity.
Chapter 15.—Concerning the Temporal Reward Which God Granted to the Virtues of the Romans.
Chapter 19.—Concerning the Difference Between True Glory and the Desire of Domination.
Chapter 20.—That It is as Shameful for the Virtues to Serve Human Glory as Bodily Pleasure.
Chapter 22.—The Durations and Issues of War Depend on the Will of God.
Chapter 24.—What Was the Happiness of the Christian Emperors, and How Far It Was True Happiness.
Chapter 25.—Concerning the Prosperity Which God Granted to the Christian Emperor Constantine.
Chapter 26.—On the Faith and Piety of Theodosius Augustus.
Chapter 6.—Concerning the Mythic, that Is, the Fabulous, Theology, and the Civil, Against Varro.
Chapter 7.—Concerning the Likeness and Agreement of the Fabulous and Civil Theologies.
Chapter 9.—Concerning the Special Offices of the Gods.
Chapter 11.—What Seneca Thought Concerning the Jews.
Chapter 7.—Whether It is Reasonable to Separate Janus and Terminus as Two Distinct Deities.
Chapter 9.—Concerning the Power of Jupiter, and a Comparison of Jupiter with Janus.
Chapter 10.—Whether the Distinction Between Janus and Jupiter is a Proper One.
Chapter 12.—That Jupiter is Also Called Pecunia.
Chapter 14.—Concerning the Offices of Mercury and Mars.
Chapter 15.—Concerning Certain Stars Which the Pagans Have Called by the Names of Their Gods.
Chapter 17.—That Even Varro Himself Pronounced His Own Opinions Regarding the Gods Ambiguous.
Chapter 18.—A More Credible Cause of the Rise of Pagan Error.
Chapter 19.—Concerning the Interpretations Which Compose the Reason of the Worship of Saturn.
Chapter 20.—Concerning the Rites of Eleusinian Ceres.
Chapter 21.—Concerning the Shamefulness of the Rites Which are Celebrated in Honor of Liber.
Chapter 22.—Concerning Neptune, and Salacia and Venilia.
Chapter 26.—Concerning the Abomination of the Sacred Rites of the Great Mother.
Chapter 28.—That the Doctrine of Varro Concerning Theology is in No Part Consistent with Itself.
Chapter 3.—Of the Socratic Philosophy.
Chapter 6.—Concerning the Meaning of the Platonists in that Part of Philosophy Called Physical.
Chapter 8.—That the Platonists Hold the First Rank in Moral Philosophy Also.
Chapter 9.—Concerning that Philosophy Which Has Come Nearest to the Christian Faith.
Chapter 10.—That the Excellency of the Christian Religion is Above All the Science of Philosophers.
Chapter 11.—How Plato Has Been Able to Approach So Nearly to Christian Knowledge.
Chapter 16.—What Apuleius the Platonist Thought Concerning the Manners and Actions of Demons.
Chapter 19.—Of the Impiety of the Magic Art, Which is Dependent on the Assistance of Malign Spirits.
Chapter 22.—That We Must, Notwithstanding the Opinion of Apuleius, Reject the Worship of Demons.
Chapter 25.—Concerning Those Things Which May Be Common to the Holy Angels and to Men.
Chapter 26.—That All the Religion of the Pagans Has Reference to Dead Men.
Chapter 27.—Concerning the Nature of the Honor Which the Christians Pay to Their Martyrs.
Chapter 1.—The Point at Which the Discussion Has Arrived, and What Remains to Be Handled.
Chapter 4.—The Opinion of the Peripatetics and Stoics About Mental Emotions.
Chapter 11.—Of the Opinion of the Platonists, that the Souls of Men Become Demons When Disembodied.
Chapter 14.—Whether Men, Though Mortal, Can Enjoy True Blessedness.
Chapter 15.—Of the Man Christ Jesus, the Mediator Between God and Men.
Chapter 19.—That Even Among Their Own Worshippers the Name “Demon” Has Never a Good Signification.
Chapter 20.—Of the Kind of Knowledge Which Puffs Up the Demons.
Chapter 21.—To What Extent the Lord Was Pleased to Make Himself Known to the Demons.
Chapter 22.—The Difference Between the Knowledge of the Holy Angels and that of the Demons.
Chapter 2.—The Opinion of Plotinus the Platonist Regarding Enlightenment from Above.
Chapter 4.—That Sacrifice is Due to the True God Only.
Chapter 6.—Of the True and Perfect Sacrifice.
Chapter 12.—Of the Miracles Wrought by the True God Through the Ministry of the Holy Angels.
Chapter 15.—Of the Ministry of the Holy Angels, by Which They Fulfill the Providence of God.
Chapter 22.—Whence the Saints Derive Power Against Demons and True Purification of Heart.
Chapter 24.—Of the One Only True Principle Which Alone Purifies and Renews Human Nature.
Chapter 27.—Of the Impiety of Porphyry, Which is Worse Than Even the Mistake of Apuleius.
Chapter 28.—How It is that Porphyry Has Been So Blind as Not to Recognize the True Wisdom—Christ.
Chapter 30.—Porphyry’s Emendations and Modifications of Platonism.
Chapter 3.—Of the Authority of the Canonical Scriptures Composed by the Divine Spirit.
Chapter 6.—That the World and Time Had Both One Beginning, and the One Did Not Anticipate the Other.
Chapter 8.—What We are to Understand of God’s Resting on the Seventh Day, After the Six Days’ Work.
Chapter 9.—What the Scriptures Teach Us to Believe Concerning the Creation of the Angels.
Chapter 15.—How We are to Understand the Words, “The Devil Sinneth from the Beginning.”
Chapter 23.—Of the Error in Which the Doctrine of Origen is Involved.
Chapter 25.—Of the Division of Philosophy into Three Parts.
Chapter 27.—Of Existence, and Knowledge of It, and the Love of Both.
Chapter 31.—Of the Seventh Day, in Which Completeness and Repose are Celebrated.
Chapter 32.—Of the Opinion that the Angels Were Created Before the World.
Chapter 1.—That the Nature of the Angels, Both Good and Bad, is One and the Same.
Chapter 5.—That in All Natures, of Every Kind and Rank, God is Glorified.
Chapter 7.—That We Ought Not to Expect to Find Any Efficient Cause of the Evil Will.
Chapter 10.—Of the Falseness of the History Which Allots Many Thousand Years to the World’s Past.
Chapter 23.—Of the Nature of the Human Soul Created in the Image of God.
Chapter 24.—Whether the Angels Can Be Said to Be the Creators of Any, Even the Least Creature.
Chapter 25.—That God Alone is the Creator of Every Kind of Creature, Whatever Its Nature or Form.
Chapter 1.—Of the Fall of the First Man, Through Which Mortality Has Been Contracted.
Chapter 6.—Of the Evil of Death in General, Considered as the Separation of Soul and Body.
Chapter 10.—Of the Life of Mortals, Which is Rather to Be Called Death Than Life.
Chapter 11.—Whether One Can Both Be Living and Dead at the Same Time.
Chapter 13.—What Was the First Punishment of the Transgression of Our First Parents.
Chapter 17.—Against Those Who Affirm that Earthly Bodies Cannot Be Made Incorruptible and Eternal.
Chapter 4.—What It is to Live According to Man, and What to Live According to God.
Chapter 6.—Of the Character of the Human Will Which Makes the Affections of the Soul Right or Wrong.
Chapter 12.—Of the Nature of Man’s First Sin.
Chapter 13.—That in Adam’s Sin an Evil Will Preceded the Evil Act.
Chapter 14.—Of the Pride in the Sin, Which Was Worse Than the Sin Itself.
Chapter 17.—Of the Nakedness of Our First Parents, Which They Saw After Their Base and Shameful Sin.
Chapter 18.—Of the Shame Which Attends All Sexual Intercourse.
Chapter 20.—Of the Foolish Beastliness of the Cynics.
Chapter 22.—Of the Conjugal Union as It Was Originally Instituted and Blessed by God.
Chapter 25.—Of True Blessedness, Which This Present Life Cannot Enjoy.
Chapter 28.—Of the Nature of the Two Cities, the Earthly and the Heavenly.
Chapter 1.—Of the Two Lines of the Human Race Which from First to Last Divide It.
Chapter 2.—Of the Children of the Flesh and the Children of the Promise.
Chapter 3.—That Sarah’s Barrenness was Made Productive by God’s Grace.
Chapter 4.—Of the Conflict and Peace of the Earthly City.
Chapter 8.—What Cain’s Reason Was for Building a City So Early in the History of the Human Race.
Chapter 9.—Of the Long Life and Greater Stature of the Antediluvians.
Chapter 11.—Of Methuselah’s Age, Which Seems to Extend Fourteen Years Beyond the Deluge.
Chapter 13.—Whether, in Computing Years, We Ought to Follow the Hebrew or the Septuagint.
Chapter 14.—That the Years in Those Ancient Times Were of the Same Length as Our Own.
Chapter 17.—Of the Two Fathers and Leaders Who Sprang from One Progenitor.
Chapter 18.—The Significance of Abel, Seth, and Enos to Christ and His Body the Church.
Chapter 19.—The Significance Of Enoch’s Translation.
Chapter 2.—What Was Prophetically Prefigured in the Sons of Noah.
Chapter 3.—Of the Generations of the Three Sons of Noah.
Chapter 4.—Of the Diversity of Languages, and of the Founding of Babylon.
Chapter 5.—Of God’s Coming Down to Confound the Languages of the Builders of the City.
Chapter 6.—What We are to Understand by God’s Speaking to the Angels.
Chapter 8.—Whether Certain Monstrous Races of Men are Derived from the Stock of Adam or Noah’s Sons.
Chapter 9.—Whether We are to Believe in the Antipodes.
Chapter 12.—Of the Era in Abraham’s Life from Which a New Period in the Holy Succession Begins.
Chapter 14.—Of the Years of Terah, Who Completed His Lifetime in Haran.
Chapter 16.—Of the Order and Nature of the Promises of God Which Were Made to Abraham.
Chapter 20.—Of the Parting of Lot and Abraham, Which They Agreed to Without Breach of Charity.
Chapter 25.—Of Sarah’s Handmaid, Hagar, Whom She Herself Wished to Be Abraham’s Concubine.
Chapter 33.—Of Rebecca, the Grand-Daughter of Nahor, Whom Isaac Took to Wife.
Chapter 34.—What is Meant by Abraham’s Marrying Keturah After Sarah’s Death.
Chapter 37.—Of the Things Mystically Prefigured in Esau and Jacob.
Chapter 39.—The Reason Why Jacob Was Also Called Israel.
Chapter 41.—Of the Blessing Which Jacob Promised in Judah His Son.
Chapter 42.—Of the Sons of Joseph, Whom Jacob Blessed, Prophetically Changing His Hands.
Chapter 1.—Of the Prophetic Age.
Chapter 14.—Of David’s Concern in the Writing of the Psalms.
Chapter 19.—Of the 69th Psalm, in Which the Obstinate Unbelief of the Jews is Declared.
Chapter 21.—Of the Kings After Solomon, Both in Judah and Israel.
Chapter 4.—Of the Times of Jacob and His Son Joseph.
Chapter 6.—Who Were Kings of Argos, and of Assyria, When Jacob Died in Egypt.
Chapter 7.—Who Were Kings When Joseph Died in Egypt.
Chapter 8.—Who Were Kings When Moses Was Born, and What Gods Began to Be Worshipped Then.
Chapter 9.—When the City of Athens Was Founded, and What Reason Varro Assigns for Its Name.
Chapter 10.—What Varro Reports About the Term Areopagus, and About Deucalion’s Flood.
Chapter 13.—What Fables Were Invented at the Time When Judges Began to Rule the Hebrews.
Chapter 14.—Of the Theological Poets.
Chapter 17.—What Varro Says of the Incredible Transformations of Men.
Chapter 19.—That Æneas Came into Italy When Abdon the Judge Ruled Over the Hebrews.
Chapter 28.—Of the Things Pertaining to the Gospel of Christ Which Hosea and Amos Prohesied.
Chapter 29.—What Things are Predicted by Isaiah Concerning Christ and the Church.
Chapter 30.—What Micah, Jonah, and Joel Prophesied in Accordance with the New Testament.
Chapter 32.—Of the Prophecy that is Contained in the Prayer and Song of Habakkuk.
Chapter 34.—Of the Prophecy of Daniel and Ezekiel, Other Two of the Greater Prophets.
Chapter 35.—Of the Prophecy of the Three Prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi.
Chapter 36.—About Esdras and the Books of the Maccabees.
Chapter 39.—About the Hebrew Written Characters Which that Language Always Possessed.
Chapter 51.—That the Catholic Faith May Be Confirmed Even by the Dissensions of the Heretics.
Chapter 53.—Of the Hidden Time of the Final Persecution.
Chapter 6.—Of the Error of Human Judgments When the Truth is Hidden.
Chapter 10.—The Reward Prepared for the Saints After They Have Endured the Trial of This Life.
Chapter 16.—Of Equitable Rule.
Chapter 17.—What Produces Peace, and What Discord, Between the Heavenly and Earthly Cities.
Chapter 19.—Of the Dress and Habits of the Christian People.
Chapter 20.—That the Saints are in This Life Blessed in Hope.
Chapter 23.—Porphyry’s Account of the Responses Given by the Oracles of the gods Concerning Christ.
Chapter 25.—That Where There is No True Religion There are No True Virtues.
Chapter 28.—The End of the Wicked.
Chapter 6.—What is the First Resurrection, and What the Second.
Chapter 8.—Of the Binding and Loosing of the Devil.
Chapter 15.—Who the Dead are Who are Given Up to Judgment by the Sea, and by Death and Hell.
Chapter 16.—Of the New Heaven and the New Earth.
Chapter 17.—Of the Endless Glory of the Church.
Chapter 18.—What the Apostle Peter Predicted Regarding the Last Judgment.
Chapter 22.—What is Meant by the Good Going Out to See the Punishment of the Wicked.
Chapter 2.—Whether It is Possible for Bodies to Last for Ever in Burning Fire.
Chapter 3.—Whether Bodily Suffering Necessarily Terminates in the Destruction of the Flesh.
Chapter 4.—Examples from Nature Proving that Bodies May Remain Unconsumed and Alive in Fire.
Chapter 7.—That the Ultimate Reason for Believing Miracles is the Omnipotence of the Creator.
Chapter 9.—Of Hell, and the Nature of Eternal Punishments.
Chapter 14.—Of the Temporary Punishments of This Life to Which the Human Condition is Subject.
Chapter 16.—The Laws of Grace, Which Extend to All the Epochs of the Life of the Regenerate.
Chapter 17.—Of Those Who Fancy that No Men Shall Be Punished Eternally.
Chapter 1.—Of the Creation of Angels and Men.
Chapter 2.—Of the Eternal and Unchangeable Will of God.
Chapter 7.—That the World’s Belief in Christ is the Result of Divine Power, Not of Human Persuasion.
Chapter 14.—Whether Infants Shall Rise in that Body Which They Would Have Had Had They Grown Up.
Chapter 15.—Whether the Bodies of All the Dead Shall Rise the Same Size as the Lord’s Body.
Chapter 16.—What is Meant by the Conforming of the Saints to the Image of The Son of God.
Chapter 17.—Whether the Bodies of Women Shall Retain Their Own Sex in the Resurrection.
Chapter 21.—Of the New Spiritual Body into Which the Flesh of the Saints Shall Be Transformed.
Chapter 29.—Of the Beatific Vision.
Chapter 30.—Of the Eternal Felicity of the City of God, and of the Perpetual Sabbath.
Chapter 12.—By What Virtues the Ancient Romans Merited that the True God, Although They Did Not Worship Him, Should Enlarge Their Empire.
Wherefore let us go on to consider what virtues of the Romans they were which the true God, in whose power are also the kingdoms of the earth, condescended to help in order to raise the empire, and also for what reason He did so. And, in order to discuss this question on clearer ground, we have written the former books, to show that the power of those gods, who, they thought, were to be worshipped with such trifling and silly rites, had nothing to do in this matter; and also what we have already accomplished of the present volume, to refute the doctrine of fate, lest any one who might have been already persuaded that the Roman empire was not extended and preserved by the worship of these gods, might still be attributing its extension and preservation to some kind of fate, rather than to the most powerful will of God most high. The ancient and primitive Ro mans, therefore, though their history shows us that, like all the other nations, with the sole exception of the Hebrews, they worshipped false gods, and sacrificed victims, not to God, but to demons, have nevertheless this commendation bestowed on them by their historian, that they were “greedy of praise, prodigal of wealth, desirous of great glory, and content with a moderate fortune.”171 Sallust, Cat. vii. Glory they most ardently loved: for it they wished to live, for it they did not hesitate to die. Every other desire was repressed by the strength of their passion for that one thing. At length their country itself, because it seemed inglorious to serve, but glorious to rule and to command, they first earnestly desired to be free, and then to be mistress. Hence it was that, not enduring the domination of kings, they put the government into the hands of two chiefs, holding office for a year, who were called consuls, not kings or lords.172 Augustin notes that the name consul is derived from consulere, and thus signifies a more benign rule than that of a rex (from regere), or dominus (from dominari). But royal pomp seemed inconsistent with the administration of a ruler (regentis), or the benevolence of one who consults (that is, for the public good) (consulentis), but rather with the haughtiness of a lord (dominantis). King Tarquin, therefore, having been banished, and the consular government having been instituted, it followed, as the same author already alluded to says in his praises of the Romans, that “the state grew with amazing rapidity after it had obtained liberty, so great a desire of glory had taken possession of it.” That eagerness for praise and desire of glory, then, was that which accomplished those many wonderful things, laudable, doubtless, and glorious according to human judgment. The same Sallust praises the great men of his own time, Marcus Cato, and Caius Cæsar, saying that for a long time the republic had no one great in virtue, but that within his memory there had been these two men of eminent virtue, and very different pursuits. Now, among the praises which he pronounces on Cæsar he put this, that he wished for a great empire, an army, and a new war, that he might have a sphere where his genius and virtue might shine forth. Thus it was ever the prayer of men of heroic character that Bellona would excite miserable nations to war, and lash them into agitation with her bloody scourge, so that there might be occasion for the display of their valor. This, forsooth, is what that desire of praise and thirst for glory did. Wherefore, by the love of liberty in the first place, afterwards also by that of domination and through the desire of praise and glory, they achieved many great things; and their most eminent poet testifies to their having been prompted by all these motives:
“Porsenna there, with pride elate,
Bids Rome to Tarquin ope her gate;
With arms he hems the city in,
Æneas’ sons stand firm to win.”173 Æneid, viii. 646.
At that time it was their greatest ambition either to die bravely or to live free; but when liberty was obtained, so great a desire of glory took possession of them, that liberty alone was not enough unless domination also should be sought, their great ambition being that which the same poet puts into the mouth of Jupiter:
“Nay, Juno’s self, whose wild alarms
Set ocean, earth, and heaven in arms,
Shall change for smiles her moody frown,
And vie with me in zeal to crown
Rome’s sons, the nation of the gown.
So stands my will. There comes a day,
While Rome’s great ages hold their way,
When old Assaracus’s sons
Shall quit them on the myrmidons,
O’er Phthia and Mycenæ reign,
And humble Argos to their chain.”174 Ibid. i. 279.
Which things, indeed, Virgil makes Jupiter predict as future, whilst, in reality, he was only himself passing in review in his own mind, things which were already done, and which were beheld by him as present realities. But I have mentioned them with the intention of showing that, next to liberty, the Romans so highly esteemed domination, that it received a place among those things on which they bestowed the greatest praise. Hence also it is that that poet, preferring to the arts of other nations those arts which peculiarly belong to the Romans, namely, the arts of ruling and commanding, and of subjugating and vanquishing nations, says,
“Others, belike, with happier grace,
From bronze or stone shall call the face,
Plead doubtful causes, map the skies,
And tell when planets set or rise;
But Roman thou, do thou control
The nations far and wide;
Be this thy genius, to impose
The rule of peace on vanquished foes,
Show pity to the humble soul,
And crush the sons of pride.”175 Ibid. vi. 847.
These arts they exercised with the more skill the less they gave themselves up to pleasures, and to enervation of body and mind in coveting and amassing riches, and through these corrupting morals, by extorting them from the miserable citizens and lavishing them on base stage-players. Hence these men of base character, who abounded when Sallust wrote and Virgil sang these things, did not seek after honors and glory by these arts, but by treachery and deceit. Wherefore the same says, “But at first it was rather ambition than avarice that stirred the minds of men, which vice, however, is nearer to virtue. For glory, honor, and power are desired alike by the good man and by the ignoble; but the former,” he says, “strives onward to them by the true way, whilst the other, knowing nothing of the good arts, seeks them by fraud and deceit.”176 Sallust, in Cat. c. xi. And what is meant by seeking the attainment of glory, honor, and power by good arts, is to seek them by virtue, and not by deceitful intrigue; for the good and the ignoble man alike desire these things, but the good man strives to overtake them by the true way. The way is virtue, along which he presses as to the goal of possession—namely, to glory, honor, and power. Now that this was a sentiment engrained in the Roman mind, is indicated even by the temples of their gods; for they built in very close proximity the temples of Virtue and Honor, worshipping as gods the gifts of God. Hence we can understand what they who were good thought to be the end of virtue, and to what they ultimately referred it, namely, to honor; for, as to the bad, they had no virtue though they desired honor, and strove to possess it by fraud and deceit. Praise of a higher kind is bestowed upon Cato, for he says of him “The less he sought glory, the more it followed him.”177 Sallust, in Cat. c. 54. We say praise of a higher kind; for the glory with the desire of which the Romans burned is the judgment of men thinking well of men. And therefore virtue is better, which is content with no human judgment save that of one’s own conscience. Whence the apostle says, “For this is our glory, the testimony of our conscience.”178 2 Cor. i. 12. And in another place he says, “But let every one prove his own work, and then he shall have glory in himself, and not in another.”179 Gal. vi. 4. That glory, honor, and power, therefore, which they desired for themselves, and to which the good sought to attain by good arts, should not be sought after by virtue, but virtue by them. For there is no true virtue except that which is directed towards that end in which is the highest and ultimate good of man. Wherefore even the honors which Cato sought he ought not to have sought, but the state ought to have conferred them on him unsolicited, on account of his virtues.
But, of the two great Romans of that time, Cato was he whose virtue was by far the nearest to the true idea of virtue. Wherefore, let us refer to the opinion of Cato himself, to discover what was the judgment he had formed concerning the condition of the state both then and in former times. “I do not think,” he says, “that it was by arms that our ancestors made the republic great from being small. Had that been the case, the republic of our day would have been by far more flourishing than that of their times, for the number of our allies and citizens is far greater; and, besides, we possess a far greater abundance of armor and of horses than they did. But it was other things than these that made them great, and we have none of them: industry at home, just government without, a mind free in deliberation, addicted neither to crime nor to lust. Instead of these, we have luxury and avarice, poverty in the state, opulence among citizens; we laud riches, we follow laziness; there is no difference made between the good and the bad; all the rewards of virtue are got possession of by intrigue. And no wonder, when every individual consults only for his own good, when ye are the slaves of pleasure at home, and, in public affairs, of money and favor, no wonder that an onslaught is made upon the unprotected republic.”180 Sallust, in Cat. c. 52.
He who hears these words of Cato or of Sallust probably thinks that such praise bestowed on the ancient Romans was applicable to all of them, or, at least, to very many of them. It is not so; otherwise the things which Cato himself writes, and which I have quoted in the second book of this work, would not be true. In that passage he says, that even from the very beginning of the state wrongs were committed by the more powerful, which led to the separation of the people from the fathers, besides which there were other internal dissensions; and the only time at which there existed a just and moderate administration was after the banishment of the kings, and that no longer than whilst they had cause to be afraid of Tarquin, and were carrying on the grievous war which had been undertaken on his account against Etruria; but afterwards the fathers oppressed the people as slaves, flogged them as the kings had done, drove them from their land, and, to the exclusion of all others, held the government in their own hands alone. And to these discords, whilst the fathers were wishing to rule, and the people were unwilling to serve, the second Punic war put an end; for again great fear began to press upon their disquieted minds, holding them back from those distractions by another and greater anxiety, and bringing them back to civil concord. But the great things which were then achieved were accomplished through the administration of a few men, who were good in their own way. And by the wisdom and forethought of these few good men, which first enabled the republic to endure these evils and mitigated them, it waxed greater and greater. And this the same historian affirms, when he says that, reading and hearing of the many illustrious achievements of the Roman people in peace and in war, by land and by sea, he wished to understand what it was by which these great things were specially sustained. For he knew that very often the Romans had with a small company contended with great legions of the enemy; and he knew also that with small resources they had carried on wars with opulent kings. And he says that, after having given the matter much consideration, it seemed evident to him that the pre-eminent virtue of a few citizens had achieved the whole, and that that explained how poverty overcame wealth, and small numbers great multitudes. But, he adds, after that the state had been corrupted by luxury and indolence, again the republic, by its own greatness, was able to bear the vices of its magistrates and generals. Wherefore even the praises of Cato are only applicable to a few; for only a few were possessed of that virtue which leads men to pursue after glory, honor, and power by the true way,—that is, by virtue itself. This industry at home, of which Cato speaks, was the consequence of a desire to enrich the public treasury, even though the result should be poverty at home; and therefore, when he speaks of the evil arising out of the corruption of morals, he reverses the expression, and says, “Poverty in the state, riches at home.”
CAPUT XII. Quibus moribus antiqui Romani meruerint ut Deus verus, quamvis non eum colerent, eorum augeret imperium.
1. Proinde videamus quos Romanorum mores, et quam ob causam Deus verus ad augendum imperium adjuvare dignatus est, in cujus potestate sunt etiam regna terrena. Quod ut absolutius disserere possemus, ad hoc pertinentem et superiorem librum conscripsimus, quod in hac re potestas nulla sit eorum deorum, quos etiam rebus nugatoriis colendos putarunt; et praesentis voluminis partes superiores, quas huc usque perduximus, de fati quaestione tollenda: ne quisquam, cui jam persuasum esset non illorum deorum cultu Romanum imperium propagatum atque servatum, nescio cui fato potius id tribueret, quam Dei summi potentissimae voluntati. Veteres igitur primique Romani, quantum eorum docet et commendat historia, quamvis ut aliae gentes, excepta una populi Hebraeorum, deos falsos colerent, et non Deo victimas, sed daemoniis immolarent. tamen laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant, gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas volebant (Sallust. in Catil., cap. 7): hanc ardentissime dilexerunt, propter hanc vivere voluerunt, pro hac emori non dubitaverunt . Caeteras cupiditates hujus unius ingenti cupiditate presserunt. Ipsam denique patriam suam, quoniam servire videbatur inglorium, dominari vero atque imperare gloriosum, prius omni studio liberam, deinde dominam esse concupierunt. Hinc est quod regalem dominationem non ferentes, annua imperia binosque imperatores sibi fecerunt, qui consules appellati sunt a consulendo, non reges aut domini a regnando atque dominando: cum et reges utique a regendo dicti melius videantur, ut regnum a regibus, reges autem, ut dictum est, a regendo; sed fastus regius non disciplina putata est regentis, vel benevolentia consulentis, sed superbia dominantis. Expulso itaque rege Tarquinio, et consulibus institutis, secutum est quod idem auctor in Romanorum laudibus posuit, quod civitas, incredibile memoratu est, adepta libertate quantum brevi creverit, tanta cupido gloriae incesserat0155 (Sallust. in Catil. cap. 7). Ista ergo laudis aviditas et cupido gloriae multa illa miranda fecit, laudabilia scilicet atque gloriosa secundum hominum existimationem.
2. Laudat idem Sallustius temporibus suis magnos et praeclaros viros, Marcum Catonem et Caium Caesarem, dicens quod diu illa respublica non habuit quemquam virtute magnum, sed sua memoria fuisse illos duos ingenti virtute, diversis moribus. In laudibus autem Caesaris posuit, quod sibi magnum imperium, exercitum, bellum novum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset (Ibid., capp. 53, 54). Ita fiebat in votis virorum virtute magnorum, ut excitaret in bellum miseras gentes, et flagello agitaret Bellona sanguineo, ut esset ubi virtus eorum enitesceret. Hoc illa profecto laudis aviditas et gloriae cupido faciebat. Amore itaque primitus libertatis, post etiam dominationis, et cupiditate laudis et gloriae, multa magna fecerunt. Reddit eis utriusque rei testimonium etiam poeta insignis illorum: inde quippe ait, Necnon Tarquinium ejectum Porsenna jubebat, Accipere, ingentique urbem obsidione premebat: Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant. (Virgil. Aeneid. lib. 8, vers. 646-648.)Tunc itaque magnum illis fuit aut fortiter emori, aut liberos vivere. Sed cum esset adepta libertas, tanta cupido gloriae incesserat, ut parum esset sola libertas, nisi et dominatio quaereretur, dum pro magno haberetur quod, velut loquente Jove, idem poeta dicit, Quin aspera Juno, Quae mare nunc terrasque metu coelumque fatigat, Consilia in melius referet, mecumque fovebit Romanos rerum dominos gentemque togatam. Sic placitum. Veniet lustris labentibus aetas, Cum domus Assaraci Phthiam clarasque Mycenas Servitio premet, ac victis dominabitur Argis. (Aeneid. lib. 1, vers. 279-285.)Quae quidem Virgilius, Jovem inducens tanquam futura praedicentem, ipse jam facta recolebat, cernebatque praesentia: verum propterea commemorare illa volui, ut ostenderem dominationem post libertatem sic habuisse Romanos, ut in eorum magnis laudibus poneretur. Hinc est et illud ejusdem poetae, quod, cum aliarum gentium artibus eas ipsas proprias Romanorum artes regnandi atque imperandi et subigendi ac debellandi populos anteponeret, ait, Excudent alii spirantia mollius aera: Credo equidem, vivos ducent de marmore vultus: Orabunt causas melius; coelique meatus Describent radio, et surgentia sidera dicent. Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento. Hae tibi erunt artes, pacique imponere morem, Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos. (Aeneid. lib. 6, vers. 847-853.)
3. Has artes illi tanto peritius exercebant, quanto minus se voluptatibus dabant, et enervationi animi et corporis in concupiscendis et augendis divitiis, et 0156 per illas moribus corrumpendis, rapiendo miseris civibus, largiendo scenicis turpibus. Unde qui tales jam morum labes superabant atque abundabant, quando scribebat ista Sallustius, canebatque Virgilius, non illis artibus ad honores et gloriam, sed dolis atque fallaciis ambiebant. Unde idem dicit: Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat, quod tamen vitium propius virtutemerat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant: sed ille, inquit, vera via nititur; huic quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit (Sallust. in Catil., c. 11). Hae sunt illae bonae artes, per virtutem scilicet, non per fallacem ambitionem ad honorem et gloriam et imperium pervenire; quae tamen bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant: sed ille, id est bonus, vera via nititur. Via virtus est, qua nititur tanquam ad possessionis finem, id est ad gloriam, honorem, imperium. Hoc insitum habuisse Romanos, etiam deorum apud illos aedes indicant, quas conjunctissimas constituerunt, Virtutis et Honoris , pro diis habentes quae dantur a Deo. Unde intelligi potest quem finem volebant esse virtutis, et quo eam referebant, qui boni erant, ad honorem scilicet: nam mali nec habebant eam, quamvis honorem habere cuperent, quem malis artibus conabantur adipisci, id est dolis atque fallaciis.
4. Melius laudatus est Cato. De illo quippe ait, Quo minus petebat gloriam, eo illum magis sequebatur (Ibid., cap. 54). Quandoquidem gloria est, cujus illi cupiditate flagrabant, judicium hominum bene de hominibus opinantium. Et ideo melior est virtus, quae humano testimonio contenta non est, nisi conscientiae suae. Unde dicit Apostolus, Nam gloria nostra haec est, testimonium conscientiae nostrae (II Cor. I, 12). Et alio loco, Opus autem suum probet unusquisque, et tunc in semetipso tantum gloriam habebit, et non in altero (Galat. VI, 4). Gloriam ergo et honorem et imperium, quae sibi exoptabant, et quo bonis artibus pervenire nitebantur boni, non debet sequi virtus, sed ipsa virtutem. Neque enim est vera virtus, nisi quae ad eum finem tendit, ubi est bonum hominis, quo melius non est. Unde et honores quos petivit Cato, petere non debuit, sed eos civitas ob ejus virtutem non petenti dare .
5. Sed cum illa memoria duo Romani essent virtute magni, Caesar et Cato, longe virtus Catonis veritati videtur propinquior fuisse, quam Caesaris. Proinde 0157 qualis esset illo tempore civitas, et antea qualis fuisset, videamus in ipsa sententia Catonis: Nolite, inquit, existimare, majores nostros armis rempublicam ex parva magnam fecisse. Si ita esset, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus. Quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorum et equorum major copia nobis quam illis est. Sed alia fuere quae illos magnos fecerunt, quae nobis nulla sunt; domi industria, foris justum imperium, animus in consulendo liber, neque delicto neque libidini obnoxius. Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam: laudamus divitias, sequimur inertiam: inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum; omnia virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. Neque mirum: ubi vos separatim sibi quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic pecuniae aut gratiae servitis, eo fit ut impetus fiat in vacuam rempublicam (Sallust. in Catilin., c. 52).
6. Qui audit haec Catonis verba sive Sallustii, putat quales laudantur Romani veteres, omnes eos tales tunc fuisse, vel plures. Non ita est: alioquin vera non essent quae ipse item scribit, ea quae commemoravi in secundo libro hujus operis (Cap. 18), ubi dicit, injurias validiorum, et ob eas discessionem plebis a patribus, aliasque dissensiones domi fuisse jam inde a principio, neque amplius aequo et modesto jure actum, quam expulsis regibus, quam diu metus a Tarquinio fuit, donec bellum grave, quod propter ipsum cum Etruria susceptum fuerat, finiretur: postea vero servili imperio patres exercuisse plebem, regio more verberasse, agro pepulisse, et, caeteris expertibus, solos egisse in imperio; quarum discordiarum, dum illi dominari vellent, illi servire nollent, finem fuisse bellum Punicum secundum : quia rursus gravis metus coepit urgere, atque ab illis perturbationibus, alia majore cura cohibere animos inquietos, et ad concordiam revocare civilem. Sed per quosdam paucos, qui pro suo modo boni erant, magna administrabantur, atque, illis toleratis ac temperatis malis, paucorum bonorum providentia res illa crescebat, sicut idem historicus dicit, multa sibi legenti et audienti, quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque, mari atque terra praeclara facinora fecerit, libuisse se attendere quae res maxime tanta negotia sustinuisset; quoniam sciebat saepenumero parva manu cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse Romanos, cognoverat parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus; sibique multa agitanti constare dixit, paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse, eoque factum ut divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret. Sea postquam luxu atque desidia, inquit, civitas corrupta est, rursus respublica magnitudine sui imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat. Paucorum igitur virtus ad gloriam, honorem, imperium, vera via, id est virtute ipsa, nitentium, etiam a Catone laudata est. Hinc erit domi industria, quam commemoravit Cato, ut aerarium esset opulentum, tenues 0158 res privatae. Unde corruptis moribus vitium e contrario posuit, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam.