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many. In these he made an attempt on the fortress, if he might be able to take it by agreement. For he did not wish to subdue it by force because monks inhabited the fortress, seeing that, if it were taken by force, nothing else would remain but for the monastery to be laid waste, being plundered by the law of war. For this reason, he did not even besiege it vigorously, but only gave the appearance, as if preparing for an assault on the walls. But the monks who were inside and the other crowd gathered from the peasants, whether fearing on account of their rebellion—for having previously seized by deceit the emperor’s guard and the governor whom he had set over them, they had sent them as prisoners 2.197 to the empress—or for some other reason, they both defended themselves most stoutly from the walls, which were very strong by construction, and would not even listen with the tips of their ears to the proposals for a settlement. Meanwhile, John Vatatzes, having slipped out of Byzantium by night—for the fortress was not being securely besieged for the aforementioned reason—entered with a few soldiers, both secured the fortress for the empress and made the enterprise hopeless for the emperor Kantakouzenos. Having therefore moved his army from there, he came to the city of Anastasius, which had been named Peritheorion by the emperor Andronicus. And he sat besieging it for twenty-four days. For indeed he had sent messengers to Hrelja and the protostrator Synadenos in Thessalonica to announce his arrival, and he was waiting to learn if they thought the same things about him as before. But Vatatzes, having gathered not a small army from both the soldiers whom he had brought from Byzantium and from the cities throughout Thrace and Rhodope, though it was nonetheless not a match for the emperor's army—for he had been entrusted with the war against him by the empress and the others who were managing affairs—followed not closely, but keeping a day's journey away, making it a matter of great diligence not to encounter the emperor's army; for he knew he would not get away without loss. And with Peritheorion being closely besieged by the emperor, he set every device in motion, 2.198 so that with a few men—if he could, for it was not possible to slip past with more—he might enter the city and guard it. But he accomplished nothing, as the emperor was holding fast to the siege and keeping a constant guard. For he was preparing all sorts of engines and ladders for the assault on the walls. But Vatatzes, being in no way able to help the besieged, sent to the emperor and confessed his former goodwill, and that no less than before, he is now both well-disposed to him and among those who are most friendly. But that he undertook the war by necessity, so as not to be suspected by the rulers of the Romans. For which reason he now advises what seems will be advantageous. For he is concerned not only for the Romans who will suffer the worst from the war, but also for you on account of friendship. And these things are: to put aside the war, to make a truce with the empress concerning peace. And if it were agreeable to him, he himself would go to the empress as quickly as he could and discuss peace. And that he thought he would persuade them quite easily by making plain the power which you have. For they, thinking you to be among the very weakest, had eagerly rushed to war. So Vatatzes was negotiating such things. And the emperor both gladly received the proposals and ordered him to meet at a certain place, in which they would discuss how the peace should be made; and without any delay, he went to the appointed place, waiting for Vatatzes. But he, whether 2.199 on his own accord, or persuaded by the advice of another, put it off to the next day, saying that he very much wished to be the main cause of peace between you, the emperors, but feared that, having provided no benefit to either, he might become the main cause of the greatest misfortunes for himself. For which reason he had not dared to come to him now. For the rulers of affairs in Byzantium, although he had given them no pretext for suspicion, but was even carrying out their wishes with all diligence, and of him

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πολλάς. ἐν ταύταις δὲ τοῦ φρουρίου ἀπεπείρα, εἰ δύναιτο κατασχεῖν ὁμολογίᾳ. βίᾳ γὰρ παραστήσασθαι οὐκ ἤθελε διὰ τὸ μοναχοὺς τὸ φρούριον κατοικεῖν, συνορῶν ὡς, εἰ βίᾳ κρατηθείη, οὐδὲν ἔσται λοιπὸν, ἢ ἀνάστατον γίνεσθαι τὴν μονὴν πολέμου νόμῳ πορθουμένην. οὗ δὴ ἕνεκα οὐδὲ συντόνως ἐπολιόρκει, ἀλλὰ δόκησιν παρεῖχε μόνον, ὡς πρὸς τειχομαχίαν παρασκευαζόμενος. μοναχοὶ δὲ οἱ ἔνδον ὄντες καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος ἐξ ἀγροτῶν συνειλεγμένοι, εἴτε διὰ τὴν ἀποστασίαν δεδοικότες, τὴν γὰρ βασιλέως πρότερον φρουρὰν καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα, ὃν ἐπέστησεν αὐτοῖς, ἀπάτῃ κατασχόντες δεσμώτας 2.197 ἔπεμψαν εἰς βασιλίδα, εἴτε καὶ τρόπῳ δή τινι ἑτέρῳ, ἠμύνοντό τε καρτερώτατα ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ὀχυρωτάτων ὄντων ἐκ κατασκευῆς, καὶ οὐδ' ἄκροις ὠσὶ προσίεντο τοὺς περὶ συμβάσεως λόγους. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ ὁ Βατάτζης Ἰωάννης ἐκ Βυζαντίου νυκτὸς διαλαθὼν, οὐ γὰρ ἀσφαλῶς τὸ φρούριον ἐπολιορκεῖτο διὰ τὴν εἰρημένην αἰτίαν, ἅμα ὀλίγοις στρατιώταις εἰσελθὼν, περιεποίησέ τε τὸ φρούριον βασιλίδι καὶ βασιλεῖ τῷ Καντακουζηνῷ τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἀνέλπιστον ἐποίει. ἀναστήσας τοίνυν ἐκεῖθεν τὴν στρατιὰν, εἰς τὴν Ἀναστασίου πόλιν, ἣ Περιθεώριον ὑπὸ βασιλέως Ἀνδρονίκου προσηγόρευτο, ἐγένετο. καὶ περιεκάθητο πολιορκῶν ἐν τέσσαρσι καὶ εἴκοσιν ἡμέραις. ἦν γὰρ δὴ καὶ πρὸς Χρέλην καὶ πρωτοστράτορα τὸν Συναδηνὸν ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ τοὺς μηνύσοντας τὴν ἐκείνου ἄφιξιν πεπομφὼς, καὶ περιέμενε μαθεῖν, εἰ τὰ ἴσα ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον περὶ αὐτοῦ διανοοῦνται. Βατάτζης δὲ τούς τε στρατιώτας, οὓς ἐκ Βυζαντίου ἧκεν ἔχων ἐπαγόμενος, καὶ ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Θρᾴκην καὶ Ῥοδόπην πόλεων οὐκ ὀλίγην στρατιὰν συνειλοχὼς, οὐκ ἀξιόμαχον δὲ ὅμως πρὸς τὴν βασιλέως, ἦν γὰρ δὴ ἐκ βασιλίδος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν τὰ πράγματα ἀγόντων τὸν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἐπιτετραμμένος πόλεμον, ἐφείπετο οὐκ ἐγγύθεν, ἀλλὰ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ὁδὸν διέχων, διὰ πολλῆς ποιούμενος σπουδῆς τὸ μὴ τῇ βασιλέως στρατιᾷ περιτυχεῖν· ᾔδει γὰρ οὐ χωρὶς ζημίας ἀπαλλάξων. Περιθεωρίου δ' ὑπὸ βασιλέως πολιορκουμένου ἀκριβῶς, πᾶσαν μὲν ἐκίνει μηχανὴν, 2.198 ὡς ἅμα τισὶν ὀλίγοις, εἰ δύναιτο, πλείοσι γὰρ οὐκ ἐνῆν διαλαθεῖν, παρελευσόμενος εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ φυλάξων. ἤνυε δὲ οὐδὲν, βασιλέως τῆς πολιορκίας συντόνως ἐχομένου καὶ διὰ πάσης ποιουμένου φυλακῆς. μηχανήματά τε γὰρ παντοδαπὰ καὶ κλίμακας πρὸς τὴν τειχομαχίαν παρεσκεύαζε. Βατάτζης δὲ οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις βοηθεῖν δυνάμενος, πρὸς βασιλέα πέμψας τήν τε εὔνοιαν ὡμολόγει τὴν προτέραν, καὶ ὡς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ πρότερον, καὶ νῦν εὔνους τέ ἐστιν αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν μάλιστα φιλούντων. ἀνάγκῃ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ὑπελθεῖν τοῦ μὴ παρὰ τοῖς ἄρχουσι Ῥωμαίων ὑποπτεύεσθαι. οὗ δὴ ἕνεκα καὶ νῦν τὰ δοκοῦντα λυσιτελήσειν συμβουλεύειν. κήδεσθαι γὰρ οὐ Ῥωμαίων μόνον τὰ ἔσχατα ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου πεισομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ σοῦ διὰ τὴν φιλίαν. ταῦτα δέ ἐστι· τὸν πόλεμον καταθέμενον, σπονδὰς ποιήσασθαι πρὸς βασιλίδα περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης. καὶ εἴγε κατὰ γνώμην αὐτῷ εἴη, αὐτὸν πρὸς βασιλίδα ᾗ τάχιστα δύναιτο ἀπελθόντα διαλέξεσθαι περὶ εἰρήνης. οἴεσθαι δὲ καὶ πείσειν ῥᾷστα, τὴν δύναμιν, ἣν ἔχεις, φανερὰν ποιήσαντα. ἐκείνους γὰρ τῶν λίαν οἰομένους ἀσθενεστάτων προθύμως ὡρμῆσθαι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. ὁ μὲν οὖν Βατάτζης τοιαῦτα ἐπρεσβεύετο. βασιλεὺς δὲ ἀσμένως τε ἐδέξατο τοὺς λόγους καὶ πρός τινα ἐκέλευε τόπον συνελθεῖν αὐτῷ, ἐν ᾧ περὶ τοῦ ᾗ χρὴ γενέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην διαλέξονται· μηδέν τε μελλήσας, πρὸς τὸν συντεθειμένον ἦλθε τόπον τὸν Βατάτζην περιμένων. ὁ δ' εἴτ' 2.199 αὐτὸς ὑφ' ἑαυτοῦ, εἴθ' ἑτέρου συμβουλεύοντος πεισθεὶς, εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἀνεβάλλετο, τῆς μὲν εἰρήνης ὑμῶν τῶν βασιλέων μάλιστα βούλεσθαι, εἰπὼν, αἰτιώτατος γενέσθαι, δεδοικέναι δὲ, μὴ οὐδεμίαν ὄνησιν ἑκατέροις παρασχόμενος ἑαυτῷ τῶν μεγίστων συμφορῶν αἰτιώτατος κατασταίη. διὸ οὐδὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν τετολμηκέναι νῦν ἐλθεῖν. τοὺς γὰρ ἐν Βυζαντίῳ τῶν πραγμάτων ἄρχοντας, καίτοι μηδεμίαν ὑποψίας πρόφασιν παρασχομένῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐκείνοις δοκοῦντα πάσῃ πράττοντι σπουδῇ, καὶ αὐτοῦ