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for what purpose they had come and delivered the letter. And the writing declared the following: “To create beauties for a city that are not existent would be the inventions of wise men who know how to live in a civic manner, but to destroy those that do exist is the likely act of the witless, who are not ashamed to leave this as a token of their own nature to a later time. 7.22.9 Rome, however, of all cities that happen to be under the sun, is acknowledged to be the greatest and most worthy of account. 7.22.10 For it was not by the virtue of one man, nor by the power of a short time that it has reached such a degree of size and beauty, but a multitude of kings, many companies of the best men, length of time, and an excess of wealth and power have availed to gather here both all other things from the whole earth and skilled men. 7.22.11 And so, having fashioned the city to be such as you see it, little by little, they left behind monuments of the virtue of all for those who would come after, so that any outrage against these would rightly seem to be a great injustice to the men of all time; 7.22.12 for it robs those who have gone before of the memory of their virtue, and those who will be born later of the sight of their works. 7.22.13 And since these things are so, know this well, that of two things one must be: either you will be defeated by the emperor in this struggle, or you will be victorious, 7.22.14 if it should so happen. If, then, you are victorious, by destroying Rome, you will have destroyed not that of another, but your own, O best of men; and by preserving it, you will be enriched, as is natural, with the most beautiful possession of all; but if a worse fate should happen to befall you, for having saved Rome a great favour would be preserved for you from the victor, but for having destroyed it, no grounds for clemency will then be left, and there will be the added fact that you gained nothing from the deed. 7.22.15 And a reputation worthy of the deed will befall you from all men, which stands ready for you on either side of your decision. 7.22.16 For whatever the deeds of rulers may be, such a name must they also bear for them.” So much Belisarius 7.22.17 wrote. And Totila, after reading the letter many times and making a careful study of its counsel, was persuaded and did no further harm to Rome. And indicating his decision to Belisarius, he immediately sent the envoys 7.22.18 away. And the greater part of his army he commanded to encamp not far from Rome, but at a distance of one hundred and twenty stades towards the west, in a place called Algedon, and to remain quiet, so that Belisarius and his men might have no opportunity to go anywhere outside the Portus; but he himself with the rest of the army 7.22.19 went against John and the Lucanians. However, he kept the members of the senatorial council with him, but all the others, together with their wives and children, he sent to the districts of Campania, leaving not a single person in Rome, but leaving it completely deserted. 7.22.20 But John, learning that Totila was advancing against him, no longer saw fit to remain in Apulia, but came in haste to Dryous. And the patricians who were being led to Campania sent some of their household to Lucania, with Totila's approval, and ordered their peasants to desist from their activities and to cultivate the fields as they were accustomed; for they announced that the property of the owners would be theirs. 7.22.21 And they renounced the Roman army and remained quietly in their fields; but Tullianus had fled, and the three hundred 7.22.22 Antae decided to withdraw to John. Thus all the lands within the Ionian gulf, except for Dryous, again became subject to the Goths and Totila. And now the barbarians, growing bold and scattering in bands, were going about all the country round about. 7.22.23 When John learned this, he sent many of his followers against them. These indeed fell upon the enemy unexpectedly 7.22.24 and killed many. And because of this Totila became afraid, and gathering all those with him, about Mount Garganus, which rises somewhere in the middle of Apulia, in the entrenchment of Hannibal the Libyan

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ἕνεκα ἥκοιεν καὶ τὰ γράμματα ἐνεχείρισαν. ἐδήλου δὲ ἡ γραφὴ τάδε «Πόλεως μὲν κάλλη οὐκ ὄντα ἐργάζεσθαι «ἀνθρώπων ἂν φρονίμων εὑρήματα εἶεν καὶ πολιτικῶς «βιοτεύειν ἐπισταμένων, ὄντα δὲ ἀφανίζειν τούς γε «ἀξυνέτους εἰκὸς καὶ γνώρισμα τοῦτο τῆς αὑτῶν «φύσεως οὐκ αἰσχυνομένους χρόνῳ τῷ ὑστέρῳ ἀπο7.22.9 «λιπεῖν. Ῥώμη μέντοι πόλεων ἁπασῶν, ὅσαι ὑφ' ἡλίῳ «τυγχάνουσιν οὖσαι, μεγίστη τε καὶ ἀξιολογωτάτη ὡμο7.22.10 «λόγηται εἶναι. οὐ γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς ἀρετῇ εἴργασται «οὐδὲ χρόνου βραχέος δυνάμει ἐς τόσον μεγέθους τε «καὶ κάλλους ἀφῖκται, ἀλλὰ βασιλέων μὲν πλῆθος, «ἀνδρῶν δὲ ἀρίστων συμμορίαι πολλαὶ, χρόνου τε «μῆκος καὶ πλούτου ἐξουσίας ὑπερβολὴ τά τε ἄλλα «πάντα ἐκ πάσης τῆς γῆς καὶ τεχνίτας ἀνθρώπους ἐν7.22.11 «ταῦθα ξυναγαγεῖν ἴσχυσαν. οὕτω τε τὴν πόλιν τοι»αύτην, οἵανπερ ὁρᾷς, κατὰ βραχὺ τεκτηνάμενοι, «μνημεῖα τῆς πάντων ἀρετῆς τοῖς ἐπιγενησομένοις ἀπέ»λιπον, ὥστε ἡ ἐς ταῦτα ἐπήρεια εἰκότως ἂν ἀδίκημα «μέγα ἐς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοῦ παντὸς αἰῶνος δόξειεν 7.22.12 «εἶναι· ἀφαιρεῖται γὰρ τοὺς μὲν προγεγενημένους τὴν «τῆς ἀρετῆς μνήμην, τοὺς δὲ ὕστερον ἐπιγενησομένους 7.22.13 «τῶν ἔργων τὴν θέαν. τούτων δὲ τοιούτων ὄντων «ἐκεῖνο εὖ ἴσθι, ὡς δυοῖν ἀνάγκη τὸ ἕτερον εἶναι· ἢ «γὰρ ἡσσηθήσῃ βασιλέως ἐν τῷδε τῷ πόνῳ, ἢ περιέσῃ, 7.22.14 «ἂν οὕτω τύχοι. ἢν μὲν οὖν νικῴης, Ῥώμην τε καθε»λὼν, οὐ τὴν ἑτέρου του, ἀλλὰ τὴν σαυτοῦ ἀπολω»λεκὼς ἂν, ὦ βέλτιστε, εἴης, καὶ διαφυλάξας, κτήματι, «ὡς τὸ εἰκὸς, τῶν πάντων καλλίστῳ πλουτήσεις· ἢν «δέ γε τὴν χείρω σοι τύχην πληροῦσθαι ξυμβαίη, «σώσαντι μὲν Ῥώμην χάρις ἂν σώζοιτο παρὰ τῷ νενι»κηκότι πολλὴ, διαφθείραντι δὲ φιλανθρωπίας τε οὐ»δεὶς ἔτι λελείψεται λόγος καὶ προσέσται τὸ μηδὲν 7.22.15 «τοῦ ἔργου ἀπόνασθαι. καταλήψεται δέ σε καὶ δόξα «τῆς πράξεως ἀξία πρὸς πάντων ἀνθρώπων, ἥπερ ἐφ' 7.22.16 «ἑκάτερά σοι τῆς γνώμης ἑτοίμως ἕστηκεν. ὁποῖα γὰρ «ἂν τῶν ἀρχόντων τὰ ἔργα εἴη, τοιοῦτον ἀνάγκη καὶ «ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ὄνομα φέρεσθαι.» τοσαῦτα μὲν Βελι7.22.17 σάριος ἔγραψε. Τουτίλας δὲ πολλάκις ἀναλεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ τῆς παραινέσεως ἐς τὸ ἀκριβὲς πεποιημένος τὴν μάθησιν, ἐπείσθη τε καὶ Ῥώμην εἰργάσατο ἄχαρι περαιτέρω οὐδέν. σημήνας τε Βελισαρίῳ τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην τοὺς πρέσβεις εὐθὺς ἀπε7.22.18 πέμψατο. καὶ τοῦ μὲν στρατοῦ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος Ῥώμης οὐ πολλῷ ἄποθεν, ἀλλ' ὅσον ἀπὸ σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὰ πρὸς δύοντα ἥλιον ἐνστρατοπεδευσαμένους ἐν χωρίῳ Ἀλγηδόνι ἐκέλευεν ἡσυχῆ μένειν, ὅπως δὴ μηδεμία ἐξουσία τοῖς ἀμφὶ Βελισάριον εἴη ἔξω πη τοῦ Πόρτου ἰέναι· αὐτὸς δὲ ξὺν τῷ ἄλλῳ 7.22.19 στρατῷ ἐπί τε Ἰωάννην καὶ Λευκανοὺς ᾔει. Ῥωμαίων μέντοι τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ξὺν αὑτῷ εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας ξύν τε γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ἔστειλεν ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας χωρία, ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἄνθρωπον οὐδένα ἐάσας, ἀλλ' ἔρημον αὐτὴν τὸ παράπαν ἀπολιπών. 7.22.20 Ἰωάννης δὲ Τουτίλαν οἱ ἐπιέναι μαθὼν, μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀπουλίας οὐκέτι ἠξίου, ἀλλ' ἐς τὸν ∆ρυοῦντα δρόμῳ ἀφίκετο. τῶν τε πατρικίων οἱ ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀγόμενοι ἐς Λευκανοὺς πέμψαντες τῶν οἰκείων τινὰς, Τουτίλα γνώμῃ, τοὺς σφετέρους ἀγροίκους ἐκέλευον μεθίεσθαι μὲν τῶν πρασσομένων, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς γεωργεῖν ᾗπερ εἰώθεσαν· ἔσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῖς τἀγαθὰ 7.22.21 ἀπήγγελλον τῶν κεκτημένων. οἱ δὲ ἀπετάξαντο μὲν τοῦ Ῥωμαίων στρατοῦ, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἡσυχῆ ἔμενον· Τουλλιανὸς δὲ φυγὼν ᾤχετο, καὶ οἱ τριακόσιοι 7.22.22 Ἄνται παρὰ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἀναχωρεῖν ἔγνωσαν. οὕτω μὲν ἅπαντα τὰ ἐντὸς κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου, πλὴν τοῦ ∆ρυοῦντος, αὖθις ὑποχείρια Γότθοις τε καὶ Τουτίλᾳ γέγονε. θαρσοῦντες δὲ ἤδη οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ κατὰ συμμορίας σκεδαννύμενοι περιῄεσαν κύκλῳ ἅπαντα. 7.22.23 ὅπερ Ἰωάννης μαθὼν τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων πολλοὺς ἐπ' αὐτοὺς ἔπεμψεν. οἳ δὴ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπροσδόκητοι 7.22.24 ἐπιπεσόντες πολλοὺς ἔκτειναν. καὶ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ δείσας ὁ Τουτίλας, ἅπαντάς τε τοὺς ξὺν αὑτῷ ἀγείρας, ἀμφὶ ὄρος τὸ Γάργανον, ὅπερ ἐν Ἀπουλίοις που μέσοις ἀνέχει, ἐν τῷ Ἀννίβαλος τοῦ Λίβυος χαρακώματι