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to wish to go against the enemy with his army, he changed his mind and was in no way willing 8.34.10 to carry out what had been agreed. But being eager and straining to get back the hostages, he devised the following. Sending to Pacurius, he asked that some few of the Roman soldiers be sent to him, on the condition that it would be possible for them to go to Dryous in safety, and from there, having crossed 8.34.11 the Ionian gulf, to be conveyed to Byzantium. So Pacurius, being far from understanding what the man had planned, sent fifty 8.34.12 of his followers. But he, receiving them in the fortress, immediately imprisoned them, and signified to Pacurius that, if he wished to rescue his own soldiers, 8.34.13 it would be necessary for him to give back the hostages of the Goths. When Pacurius heard this, he left a few men to guard Dryous, and with all the rest of the army 8.34.14 he immediately went against the enemy. But Ragnaris killed the fifty without any delay, and led the Goths out of Tarentum as if to meet the enemy. And when they met one another, the Goths were defeated. 8.34.15 And Ragnaris, having lost most of his men there, took to flight with the remainder. However, he was in no way strong enough to enter Tarentum, as the Romans had surrounded it on all sides, but he went to Acherontis 8.34.16 and remained there. So these things had happened in this way. And not long after, the Romans, having besieged Portus, took it by surrender, and a fortress in Tuscany, which they call Nepa, and the stronghold in Petra, which is named Pertusa. 8.34.17 But Teias (for he did not think the Goths by themselves were a match for the Roman army) sent to Theudibald, the ruler of the Franks, offering much money 8.34.18 and calling for an alliance. But the Franks, having deliberated, I think, for their own advantage, wished to die neither for the benefit of the Goths nor for that of the Romans, but were eager to claim Italy for themselves, and for this reason they were willing to undergo the dangers of war. 8.34.19 Now it happened that Totila had deposited some of his money in Ticinum, as I have said before, but the majority in a very strong fortress, which happens to be in Cumae in Campania, and having stationed guards there, he put his own brother in command of them along with Herodianus. 8.34.20 Narses, wishing to take these men, sent some to Cumae to besiege the fortress, but he himself remained there, putting Rome in order. And sending others, 8.34.21 he ordered them to besiege Centumcellae. But Teias, fearing for the guards in Cumae and the treasure, and having given up hope of help from the Franks, arranged his followers 8.34.22 as if to advance against the enemy. When Narses perceived this, he ordered John, the nephew of Vitalianus, and Philemuth with their own troops to go to the regions of Tuscany, to encamp there and to cut off the road to Campania for their adversaries, so that those besieging Cumae might be able to take it more safely either by force or by surrender. 8.34.23 But Teias, for the most part leaving the most direct roads on his right, and making many and very long detours, and going by way of the coast of the Ionian gulf, arrived in Campania, having eluded all 8.34.24 the enemy. When Narses learned this, he summoned the men with John and Philemuth, who were guarding the pass in Tuscany, and he also summoned Valerian, who had just captured Petra called Pertusa, with his followers, and he gathered his forces, and he himself also went to Campania with the whole army, drawn up as for battle. 8.35.1 There is a certain mountain in Campania, Vesuvius, which I mentioned in the preceding account, because it often sends forth a sound resembling a bellowing. And whenever this happens to it, a great mass of boiling ash is also belched forth with it. These things were said by me up to that point 8.35.2 in the account. Of this mountain, indeed, just as with Aetna in Sicily, the inner parts are empty from the extremities up to the

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στρατῷ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐθέλειν ὁμόσε ἰέναι, μεταπορευθεὶς τὴν βουλὴν ἐπιτελεῖν τὰ ὡμολογημένα οὐδαμῆ 8.34.10 ἤθελε. σπουδάζων δὲ καὶ διατεινόμενος τοὺς ὁμήρους ἀπολαβεῖν ἐπενόει τάδε. πέμψας παρὰ τὸν Πακούριον ᾔτει σταλῆναί οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτῶν ὀλίγους τινὰς, ἐφ' ᾧ ξὺν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ ἔς τε τὸν ∆ρυοῦντα ἰέναι σφίσι δυνατὰ εἴη ἐνθένδε τε διαπορθμευσαμένοις 8.34.11 τὸν Ἰόνιον κόλπον ἐπὶ Βυζαντίου κομίζεσθαι. ὁ μὲν οὖν Πακούριος μακρὰν ἀπολελειμμένος τῶν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ βεβουλευμένων τῶν οἱ ἑπομένων πεντήκοντα 8.34.12 στέλλει. ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς τῷ φρουρίῳ δεξάμενος καθεῖρξεν εὐθὺς, τῷ τε Πακουρίῳ ἐσήμαινεν ὡς, εἴπερ αὐτῷ τοὺς στρατιώτας βουλομένῳ εἴη τοὺς αὑτοῦ ῥύεσθαι, 8.34.13 ἀποδιδόναι δεήσει τοὺς Γότθων ὁμήρους. ταῦτα ἀκούσας Πακούριος ὀλίγους μέν τινας ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ ∆ρυοῦντος φυλακῇ εἴασε, παντὶ δὲ τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ 8.34.14 ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτίκα ᾔει. Ῥάγναρις δὲ τοὺς μὲν πεντήκοντα μελλήσει οὐδεμιᾷ ἔκτεινεν, ὡς ὑπαντιάσων δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκ τοῦ Τάραντος τοὺς Γότθους ἐξῆγεν. ἐπειδή τε ἀλλήλοις ξυνέμιξαν, ἡσσῶνται 8.34.15 Γότθοι. Ῥάγναρίς τε αὐτοῦ ἀποβαλὼν πλείστους ξὺν τοῖς καταλοίποις δρασμῷ εἴχετο. ἐς μέντοι τὸν Τάραντα εἰσελθεῖν οὐδαμῆ ἴσχυσε, πανταχόθεν αὐτὸν περιβεβλημένων Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλ' ἐς Ἀχεροντίδα ἐλθὼν 8.34.16 ἔμεινε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τοιαύτῃ ἐγεγόνει. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τόν τε Πόρτον πολιορκήσαντες ὁμολογίᾳ εἷλον καὶ φρούριον ἐν Τούσκοις, ὃ δὴ Νέπα καλοῦσι, καὶ τὸ ἐν Πέτρᾳ τῇ Περτούσῃ ὀνομαζομένῃ ὀχύρωμα. 8.34.17 Τεΐας δὲ (οὐ γὰρ ἀξιομάχους τῷ Ῥωμαίων στρατῷ Γότθους κατὰ μόνας ᾤετο εἶναι) παρὰ Θευδίβαλδον τὸν Φράγγων ἄρχοντα ἔπεμψε, χρήματα πολλὰ 8.34.18 προτεινόμενος ἐπί τε ξυμμαχίαν παρακαλῶν. ἀλλὰ Φράγγοι τὰ ξύμφορα, οἶμαι, βεβουλευμένοι οὔτε ὑπὲρ τῆς Γότθων οὔτε ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὠφελείας ἐβούλοντο θνήσκειν, ἀλλὰ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς προσποιεῖν Ἰταλίαν ἐν σπουδῇ εἶχον, καὶ τούτου δὴ ἕνεκα τοὺς ἐν πολέμῳ κινδύνους ὑφίστασθαι 8.34.19 ἤθελον. ἐτύγχανε δὲ Τουτίλας ἔνια μὲν τῶν χρημάτων ἐν Τικινῷ καταθέμενος, ᾗπέρ μοι ἔμπροσθεν εἴρηται, τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα ἐν φρουρίῳ ἐχυρῷ μάλιστα, ὅπερ ἐν Κύμῃ τῇ ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ξυμβαίνει εἶναι, καὶ φρουροὺς ἐνταῦθα καταστησάμενος, ἄρχοντά τε αὐτοῖς τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν αὑτοῦ ξὺν Ἡρωδιανῷ ἐπιστήσας. 8.34.20 τούτους δὴ βουλόμενος ὁ Ναρσῆς ἐξελεῖν ἐς Κύμην τινὰς τοὺς τὸ φρούριον πολιορκήσοντας ἔπεμψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ Ῥώμην διακοσμῶν αὐτοῦ ἔμεινε. καὶ ἄλλους στείλας 8.34.21 ἐκέλευε Κεντουκέλλας πολιορκεῖν. Τεΐας δὲ ἀμφὶ τοὺς ἐν Κύμῃ φρουροὺς καὶ τὰ χρήματα δείσας, ἀπογνούς τε τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Φράγγων ἐλπίδα, τούς οἱ ἑπομένους 8.34.22 διέτασσεν ὡς τοῖς πολεμίοις ὁμόσε χωρήσων. ὧνπερ αἰσθόμενος ὁ Ναρσῆς Ἰωάννην τε τὸν Βιταλιανοῦ ἀδελφιδοῦν καὶ Φιλημοὺθ ξὺν τῷ οἰκείῳ στρατεύματι ἐς τὰ ἐπὶ Τουσκίας χωρία ἰέναι κελεύει, ἐνταῦθά τε καθιζησομένους καὶ τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἀναχαιτίσοντας τὴν ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ὁδὸν, ὅπως οἱ Κύμην πολιορκοῦντες ἀδεέστερον αὐτὴν ἢ βίᾳ ἢ ὁμολογίᾳ ἐξελεῖν δύναιντο. 8.34.23 ἀλλὰ Τεΐας ὁδοὺς μὲν ἐν δεξιᾷ τὰς ἐπιτομωτάτας ἐπὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἀφεὶς, περιόδους δὲ πολλὰς καὶ μακροτάτας περιβαλόμενος, διά τε τῆς παραλίας κόλπου τοῦ Ἰονίου ἰὼν, ἐς Καμπανίαν ἀφίκετο, τοὺς πολεμίους 8.34.24 λαθὼν ἅπαντας. ὅπερ ἐπεὶ Ναρσῆς ἔμαθε, τούς τε ἀμφὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην καὶ Φιλημοὺθ μετεπέμπετο, οἳ τὴν δίοδον ἐν Τούσκοις ἐφρούρουν, καὶ Βαλεριανὸν ἄρτι Πέτραν ἐξαιροῦντα τὴν Περτοῦσαν καλουμένην μετεκάλει ξὺν τοῖς ἑπομένοις, τάς τε δυνάμεις ξυνήγειρε, παντί τε καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ στρατῷ ὡς ἐς μάχην ξυντεταγμένος ἐς Καμπανοὺς ᾔει. 8.35.1 Ἔστι δέ τι ὄρος ἐπὶ Καμπανίας ὁ Βέβιος, οὗπερ ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν λόγοις ἐμνήσθην, ὅτι δὴ πολλάκις ἀφίησιν ἦχον μυκηθμῷ ἐμφερῆ. καὶ ἐπειδὰν αὐτῷ τοῦτο ξυμβαίη, ὁ δὲ καὶ κόνεως ἐπὶ τούτῳ ζεούσης μέγα τι χρῆμα ἐρεύγεται. ταῦτα μὲν ἐς ἐκεῖνό 8.35.2 μοι τοῦ λόγου ἐρρήθη. τούτου δὴ τοῦ ὄρους, ᾗπερ καὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν Αἴτνης, κενὰ τὰ ἐν μέσῳ ἐκ τῶν ἐσχάτων ἄχρι ἐς τὴν