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the island; and besides, it was not fitting for him, as an ambassador to discuss peace and treaties and at the same time to proceed to plots and war. And it would have been better, if he had heeded the emperor's advice. But out of eagerness and daring in the face of dangers and battles, not waiting for aid from the emperor, but trusting only in his own force, he was destroyed. For having gathered as many Romans as possible from Phocaea, he sailed over to Chios unexpectedly and joining battle with the La 3.84 tins, he won a decisive victory and made them confined to their walls in Chios, with many having fallen and Beniuzo the ruler having been wounded. But with God tipping the scales otherwise, it happened on the very day on which the battle took place, that Andrea Petrila, he too being from Genoa, while sailing past Chios from Smyrna with two triremes, was hurrying to Byzantium; and learning that his countrymen were being besieged by Tzybos, he landed at Chios and came to the aid of the besieged. And a second battle having taken place and victory again looking towards the Romans, Tzybos, fighting bravely, fell, having been wounded by an arrow during the battle, and again the Latins were masters of Chios; the Phocaeans having crossed over to Phocaea after the death of their general; which they handed over to the emperor, having previously held it while it was subject to the Genoese for as long as Chios was. The emperor sent Leo Kalothetos to Phocaea to rule, he too being a Chian, but during the time of the war having been expelled from the island by Apokaukos the megas doux and having suffered much abuse because of his good will towards the emperor Kantakouzenos, who had appointed Tzybos as ruler in his place. And this especially seemed to have become the cause of the loss of Chios. For he was much better than that man in terms of intelligence and foresight and in knowing how to save the city entrusted to him from the en 3.85 emies. He, having gone to Phocaea, preserved it for the Romans, being held by them to this day. 13. And since the Peloponnese was also being utterly ruined not only by the Turks attacking with great fleets and by the Latins who held what is called Achaea among the Greeks, being subjects of the prince, but even more by themselves, continually opposing one another and plundering each other's property and killing one another, and unwalled villages were destroyed by external enemies, and the cities by their inhabitants, and they were altogether expected to perish; the emperor considered taking some thought for them. And having no greater, he sent his son, the despot Manuel, with triremes, to rule the Peloponnesians and to take what care was possible. He, upon arriving, first resolved the civil strifes, punishing the primary instigators, as was just, and frightening the others from attempting similar things. Then, having also made treaties with the Latins, he kept his own people unharmed by them, and opposing the barbarians and being victorious in many battles, he persuaded them not to hold the Peloponnesians in utter contempt. From which the cities recovered and seemed as if to revive from great misfortunes, and the land was settled, as there was safety to dwell in the fields, and the Peloponnese, more desolate than Scythia, in a short time was 3.86 seen to be cultivated, and it offered not ignoble hopes of future prosperity. Not only did he provide benefits to the cities in common, but he also did good individually to the powerful men of the Peloponnesians; but to them, none of the things being done was enough, but all things were more tolerable than not to engage in sedition and to use their own character. Whence, not being able to against one another due to fear of the despot, with one mind they all combined against him and jointly raised a war. And a certain Lampoudios, the most skilled of the Peloponnesians in these matters, contrived the plot; who, since those who previously resisted were victorious, having been deprived of all that he had, was driven to extreme poverty, through the wickedness of his ways and his practice in stirring up sedition and by the

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τὴν νῆσον· ἄλλως τ' οὐδ' αὐτῷ προσῆκον ὂν, περί τε εἰρήνης καὶ σπονδῶν διαλέγεσθαι πρεσβεύοντα καὶ πρὸς ἐπιβουλὰς ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ πόλεμον χωρεῖν. καὶ ἦν ἂν βέλτιον, εἰ ἐπείθετο τῇ βασιλέως παραινέσει. ὑπὸ δὲ προθυμίας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς κινδύνους καὶ τὰς μάχας εὐτολμίας μὴ περιμείνας καὶ τὴν ἐκ βασιλέως ἐπικουρίαν, ἀλλὰ μόνῃ τῇ σφετέρᾳ θαῤῥήσας ἀπώλετο δυνάμει. συναγαγὼν γὰρ ὅσους μάλιστα ἐκ Φωκαίας ἐνῆν Ῥωμαίους, διέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν Χίον ἀπροσδοκήτως καὶ τοῖς Λα 3.84 τίνοις συμβαλὼν, ἐνίκα κατὰ κράτος καὶ τειχήρεις ἐποίησεν ἐν Χίῳ, πολλῶν πεσόντων καὶ Βενιούζου τοῦ ἄρχοντος τραυματίου γενομένου. τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ ἑτέρως ταλαντεύοντος, συνέβη κατ' αὐτὴν τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ ἡ μάχη ἐγεγένητο, Ἀνδρέαν Πετρίλαν, ἐκ Γεννούας ὄντα καὶ αὐτὸν, ἅμα δυσὶ τριήρεσιν ἐκ Σμύρνης τὴν Χίον παραπλέοντα πρὸς Βυζάντιον ἐπείγεσθαι· πυθόμενον δὲ, ὡς ὑπὸ Τζυβοῦ πολιορκοῖντο οἱ ὁμόφυλοι, ἀποβῆναί τε πρὸς τὴν Χίον καὶ ἐπικουρεῖν τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις. δευτέρας δὲ μάχης γενομένης καὶ τῆς νίκης αὖθις ἀφορώσης πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ὁ Τζυβὸς ἀγωνιζόμενος εὐψύχως ἔπεσε, βέλει τρωθεὶς κατὰ τὴν μάχην, καὶ πάλιν οἱ Λατῖνοι τῆς Χίου κύριοι ἦσαν; τῶν Φωκαέων εἰς τὴν Φώκαιαν περαιωθέντων μετὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τὴν τελευτήν· ἣν καὶ βασιλεῖ παρέδοσαν κατασχόντες πρότερον τελοῦσαν ὑπὸ Γεννουΐταις ὅσον χρόνον καὶ ἡ Χίος. βασιλεὺς δὲ ἔπεμψεν εἰς Φώκαιαν Λέοντα τὸν Καλόθετον ἄρχειν, Χῖον μὲν ὄντα καὶ αὐτὸν, κατὰ δὲ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου χρόνον τῆς νήσου παρὰ Ἀποκαύκου ἐκβληθέντα τοῦ μεγάλου δουκὸς καὶ πολλὴν ὑποστάντα κάκωσιν διὰ τὴν πρὸς Καντακουζηνὸν τὸν βασιλέα εὔνοιαν, Τζυβὸν ἀντ' ἐκείνου καταστήσαντος ἄρχοντα. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα αἴτιον τῆς Χίου ἀπωλείας ἐδόκει γεγενῆσθαι. πολὺ γὰρ ἐκείνου βελτίων ἦν συνέσεως ἕνεκα καὶ προμηθείας καὶ τοῦ διασώζειν εἰδέναι τὴν πιστευθεῖσαν πόλιν ἀπὸ τῶν πο 3.85 λεμίων. ὃς εἰς Φώκαιαν ἐλθὼν, περιεποίησεν αὐτὴν Ῥωμαίοις ἄχρι νῦν κατεχομένην. ιγʹ. Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Πελοπόννησος διέφθαρτο παντάπασιν οὐ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν στόλοις μεγάλοις ἐπιόντων καὶ ὑπὸ Λατίνων τῶν τὴν παρ' Ἕλλησιν Ἀχαΐαν λεγομένην κατεχόντων, ὑπηκόων ὄντων πρίγγιπι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ σφῶν αὐτῶν, διηνεκῶς ἀλλήλοις ἀντικαθισταμένων καὶ διαρπαζόντων τὰ ἀλλήλων καὶ ἀποκτεννόντων, καὶ κῶμαι μὲν ἀτείχιστοι ὑπὸ τῶν ἔξωθεν ἀνάλωνται πολεμίων, αἱ πόλεις δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐνοικούντων, καὶ παντάπασι προσεδοκῶντο ἐκλιπεῖν· πρόνοιάν τινα αὐτῶν ποιήσασθαι ἐσκέψατο ὁ βασιλεύς. μείζω δὲ οὐκ ἔχων, τὸν υἱὸν ἔπεμψε δεσπότην τὸν Μανουὴλ τριήρεσιν, ἄρξοντα Πελοποννησίων καὶ πρόνοιαν ποιησόμενον τὴν δυνατήν. ὃς ἐλθὼν πρῶτα μὲν τὰς ἐμφυλίους ἔλυσε στάσεις, τούς τε πρώτους ἀρχομένους κολάζων, ὥσπερ δίκαιον, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκφοβῶν μὴ τοῖς ὁμοίοις ἐγχειρεῖν. ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ πρὸς Λατίνους θέμενος σπονδὰς, ἀβλαβεῖς τοὺς οἰκείους ἐξ ἐκείνων διετήρει, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀντικαθιστάμενος καὶ μάχαις πολλαῖς νικήσας, ἔπεισε μὴ πάνυ Πελοποννησίων καταφρονεῖν. ἐξ ὧν αἵ τε πόλεις ἀνεῤῥώννυντο καὶ ὥσπερ ἀναφέρειν ἐκ μεγάλων συμφορῶν ἐδόκουν, καὶ ἡ χώρα συνῳκίζετο, ἀδείας οὔσης τοῖς ἀγροῖς ἐνδιατρίβειν, καὶ ἡ Σκυθῶν ἐρημοτέρα Πελοπόννησος ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ ἐ 3.86 φαίνετο γεωργουμένη, καὶ τῆς μελλούσης εὐεξίας οὐκ ἀγεννεῖς παρείχετο ἐλπίδας. οὐ μόνον δὲ ταῖς πόλεσι κοινῇ παρείχετο τὰς εὐεργεσίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἰδίᾳ εὖ τοὺς δυνατοὺς ἐποίει τῶν Πελοποννησίων· τοῖς δὲ οὐδὲν τῶν γινομένων ἤρκει, ἀλλὰ πάντα μᾶλλον ἦσαν ἀνεκτὰ, ἢ τὸ μὴ στασιάζειν καὶ τῷ σφετέρῳ χρῆσθαι ἤθει. ὅθεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους μὴ δυνάμενοι διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην δέος, μιᾷ γνώμῃ πάντες ἐπ' αὐτὸν συνέστησαν καὶ πόλεμον ἤραντο κοινῇ. συνεσκεύασε δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν Λαμπούδιός τις ὁ περὶ ταῦτα δεινότατος τῶν Πελοποννησίων· ὃς ἐπειδὴ πρότερον οἱ ἀνθιστάμενοι ἐνίκων, πάντων ὧν εἶχεν ἀποστερηθεὶς, εἰς ἐσχάτην ἤλασε πενίαν, διὰ τῶν τρόπων τὴν μοχθηρίαν καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸ στασιάζειν ἐξησκῆσθαι καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ