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he sent men to the emperor, on the pretext that they were to act as ambassadors concerning certain necessary matters, but in truth, so that, if they could, they might kill the young emperor. One should not disbelieve, considering that it was not possible to dare such things without danger in the midst of the Romans. For it was their custom to do such things not only against foreigners, but also against their own people, and willingly 3.112 to choose death in order, by killing the enemy of their own ruler, to earn the greatest favor and to leave his goodwill to their children and relatives, just as indeed this Merzianes, knowing very clearly that he himself would die, nevertheless undertook the attempt, betraying his own safety for the sake of his goodwill toward Orhan. But the emperor Kantakouzenos, when he learned that the plot against his son had been revealed, ordered him not to go forth from the palace without him, neither now nor later, especially when ambassadors from the barbarians were visiting Byzantium; and as for Merzianes, having made a quick reply to the matters of his embassy, he sent him away. On account of this hostility of the barbarians towards the young emperor, therefore, he also prepared himself, having equipped the triremes. He had the intention of now, by a raid, both harrying the lands of the Triballians and freeing Thessalonica from its dangers; for the season was already around the end of autumn; then to leave the young emperor there, and having himself returned to Byzantium and prepared during the winter, to attack with a greater and more lasting preparation. These things did not please the empress Anna at all, but she begged the emperor and advised him not to leave his son there, but to return with him. For she said that she feared not so much the boy's age, which was easily deceived, as 3.113 the wickedness of the westerners and their readiness for revolutions; she advised him to guard against these things, lest, the young emperor having been deceived by them, sedition and war should again break out among the Romans, and inflict the greatest damage on affairs and on themselves. And the emperor praised the empress for her advice, as being true and just and holding fast to her friendship for him and her concern for the common good, and he himself advised her to be of good courage, as after his visit to Thessalonica, he would do whatever seemed most advantageous. For indeed it did not seem best to him either to leave his son the emperor alone, intending to be away from him for a long time; but for now he would make a kind of raid on account of the danger to Thessalonica, which was suspected to be acute; a danger which the weakness of the inhabitants had brought about no more than their wickedness; and having gone there and driven out those who were betraying the city to the Triballians, he would leave the emperor in the city for the winter to restrain the traitors, if any still remained; for surely they would not wish, with him present, to betray both him and the city, even if they should drive their wickedness to the utmost extreme; then at the beginning of spring, he himself attacking with greater preparation, then at last, with God's help, he would take thought not only for Thessalonica, but also for the rest of Macedonia and Thessaly and Acarnania, 3.114 which the Triballians hold, having seized them during the time of the war. With such words, then, he persuaded the empress, who was not entirely convinced. 17. And when he himself learned that the Persian army was crossing the Hellespont, and the triremes were prepared, he sailed away with speed, taking the young emperor. And having arrived at the Hellespont, he left the young emperor in the triremes, but he himself, going out to the mainland, met with the commanders of the army, and advised them how they should make their journey; and he took no small care that they should not ravage Macedonia, which would soon be subject to him, but that when they arrived at Thessalonica, it would be his concern how to harass the enemy's land. And he ordered his son Matthew, who had the Roman army, along with the commanders, to lead the barbarians to Thessalonica. And his purpose was that there, on the one hand,

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ἔπεμπεν ὡς βασιλέα, πρόφασιν μὲν, ὡς ἀναγκαίων τινῶν πρεσβευσομένους πέρι, τῇ δ' ἀληθείᾳ, ἵν', εἰ δύναιντο, βασιλέα τὸν νέον ἀποκτείνοιεν. ἀπιστεῖν δὲ οὐ χρὴ λογιζομένους, ὡς οὐκ ἐξῆν τοιαῦτα ἀκινδύνως τολμᾷν ἐν μέσοις Ῥωμαίοις. ἔθος γὰρ αὐτοῖς οὐ πρὸς ἀλλοφύλους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους τοιαῦτα πράττειν, καὶ ἑκοντὶ 3.112 τὸν θάνατον αἱρεῖσθαι ὑπὲρ τοῦ τὸν πολέμιον τῷ σφετέρῳ δυνάστῃ ἀνελόντας, χάριν μεγίστην καταθέσθαι καὶ παισὶ καὶ τοῖς οἰκείοις τὴν ἐκείνου εὔνοιαν καταλιπεῖν, ὥσπερ δῆτα καὶ ὁ Μερτζιάνης οὗτος σαφέστατα εἰδὼς, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ἀποθανεῖται, ὅμως ὑφίστατο τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ὀρχάνην εὔνοιαν τὴν οἰκείαν σωτηρίαν καταπροδιδούς. βασιλεὺς δὲ ὁ Καντακουζηνὸς, ἐπεὶ ἠσθάνετο μηνυθεῖσαν τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιβουλὴν, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἐκέλευε μὴ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ προβαίνειν βασιλείων μήτε νῦν, μήθ' ὕστερον, Βυζαντίῳ μάλιστα ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων πρέσβεων ἐπιδημούντων· Μερτζιάνην δὲ, ταχεῖαν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ποιησάμενος ἐφ' οἷς ἐπρέσβευεν, ἀπέπεμπε. διὰ ταύτην οὖν τὴν πρὸς τὸν νέον βασιλέα τῶν βαρβάρων δυσμένειαν τὰς τριήρεις ἐφοπλίσας παρεσκευάζετο καὶ αὐτός. γνώμην δὲ εἶχεν, ὡς νῦν μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου κακουργήσων τε τὰ Τριβαλῶν καὶ Θεσσαλονίκην τῶν κινδύνων ἀπαλλάξων· ἤδη γὰρ καὶ περὶ ἐκβολὰς τοῦ φθινοπώρου ἡ ὥρα ἦν· ἔπειτα βασιλέα μὲν τὸν νέον ἐκεῖσε καταλείπειν, αὐτὸς δὲ εἰς Βυζάντιον ἐπανελθὼν καὶ παρασκευασάμενος τοῦ χειμῶνος, μετὰ μείζονος τῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ χρονισούσης ἐπελθεῖν. ἃ τῇ βασιλίδι Ἄννῃ οὐκ ἤρεσκε παντάπασιν, ἀλλὰ ἐδεῖτο βασιλέως καὶ παρῄνει, μὴ τὸν υἱὸν ἐκεῖσε καταλείπειν, ἀλλ' ἔχοντα ἐπαναστρέφειν. δεδιέναι γὰρ ἔφασκεν οὐ μᾶλλον τοῦ παιδὸς τὴν ἡλικίαν οὖσαν εὐεξαπάτητον, ὅσον 3.113 τῶν ἑσπερίων τὴν μοχθηρίαν καὶ τὴν ἑτοιμότητα πρὸς νεωτερισμούς· ἃ φυλάττεσθαι παρῄνει, μὴ, ὑπ' ἐκείνων ἐξαπατηθέντος τοῦ νέου βασιλέως, στάσις αὖθις καὶ πόλεμος μεταξὺ Ῥωμαίων ἐξαφθῇ, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασι καὶ σφίσιν αὐτοῖς λυμήνηται τὰ μέγιστα. βασιλεὺς δὲ ἐπῄνει τε τῆς παραινέσεως τὴν βασιλίδα, ὡς ἀληθοῦς καὶ δικαίας οὔσης καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίας ἄκρως ἐχομένης καὶ κηδεμονίας τῶν κοινῶν, καὶ παρῄνει καὶ αὐτὸς θαῤῥεῖν, ὡς μετὰ τὴν εἰς Θεσσαλονίκην ἐπιδημίαν, ὅ,τι ἂν δοκοίη μάλιστα λυσιτελεῖν ποιήσοντος. οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ' αὐτῷ μάλιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν δοκεῖν βασιλέα τὸν υἱὸν μόνον καταλείπειν μέλλοντα ἐπιπολὺ ἀπέσεσθαι αὐτοῦ· ἀλλὰ νῦν μὲν ὥσπερ ἔφοδον ποιεῖσθαι διὰ τὸν Θεσσαλονίκης κίνδυνον ὀξὺν ὑποπτευόμενον· ὃν οὐχ ἡ ἀδυναμία τῶν ἐνοικούντων μᾶλλον ἐπήγαγεν, ἢ ἡ μοχθηρία· ἐκεῖσε δὲ γενόμενον καὶ τοὺς προδιδόντας τοῖς Τριβαλοῖς τὴν πόλιν ἐξελάσαντα, βασιλέα μὲν τῇ πόλει καταλείπειν τοῦ χειμῶνος κωλύσοντα τοὺς προδιδόντας, εἴ τινες ὑπολειφθεῖεν ἔτι· οὐ γὰρ δὴ κοινῇ παρόντος αὐτοῦ βουλήσονται αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν πόλιν προδιδόναι, κἂν εἰς ἄκρον μάλιστα ἐλάσωσι μοχθηρίας· ἔπειτα ἅμα ἦρι μετὰ πλείονος ἐπελθόντα τῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ αὐτὸν, τότ' ἤδη θεοῦ συναιρομένου, οὐ περὶ Θεσσαλονίκης μόνον ποιήσεσθαι τὸν λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς ἄλλης Μακεδονίας καὶ Θετταλίας καὶ Ἀκαρνανίας, 3.114 ἃς ἔχουσιν οἱ Τριβαλοὶ κατασχόντες ἐπὶ τὸν τοῦ πολέμου χρόνον. τοιούτοις μὲν δὴ λόγοις ἔπειθε τὴν βασιλίδα, οὐ πάνυ πειθομένην. ιζʹ. Αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπεὶ ἐπύθετο τὴν Περσικὴν στρατιὰν τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον περαιουμένην, καὶ αἱ τριήρεις παρεσκευασμέναι ἦσαν, ἀπέπλει κατὰ τάχος, καὶ βασιλέα τὸν νέον ἔχων. καὶ γενόμενος ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ, βασιλέα μὲν τὸν νέον κατελίμπανεν ἐν ταῖς τριήρεσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον ἐξελθὼν, συνεμίγνυτο τῆς στρατιᾶς τοῖς ἡγεμόσι, καὶ παρῄνει, ᾗ χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν· πρόνοιάν τε ἐποιεῖτο οὐκ ὀλίγην τοῦ μὴ τὴν Μακεδονίαν διαφθείρειν αὐτῷ ὑπήκοον αὐτίκα ἐσομένην, ἀλλ' ἐπειδὰν εἰς Θεσσαλονίκην ἀφίκωνται, αὐτῷ μελήσειν, ᾗ χρὴ κακοῦν τὴν πολεμίαν. τόν τε Ματθαῖον τὸν υἱὸν ἐκέλευε τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἔχοντα στρατιὰν, μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἡγεῖσθαι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὴν εἰς Θεσσαλονίκην. σκοπὸς δὲ ἦν αὐτῷ, ὡς ἐκεῖ μὲν