Chapter VI.—Documents connected with the Council of Tyre.

71. Thus ended the conspiracy. The Meletians were repulsed and covered with shame; but notwithstanding this Eusebius and his fellows still did not remain quiet, for it was not for the Meletians but for Arius and his fellows, that they cared, and they were afraid lest, if the proceedings of the former should be stopped, they should no longer find persons to play the parts220    Of Nicodemia.    Cf. §17, note 1., by whose assistance they might bring in that heresy. They therefore again stirred up the Meletians, and persuaded the Emperor to give orders that a Council should be held afresh at Tyre, and Count Dionysius was despatched thither, and a military guard was given to Eusebius and his fellows. Macarius also was sent as a prisoner to Tyre under a guard of soldiers; and the Emperor wrote to me, and laid a peremptory command upon me, so that, however unwilling, I set out. The whole conspiracy may be understood from the letters which the Bishops of Egypt wrote; but it will be necessary to relate how it was contrived by them in the outset, that so may be perceived the malice and wickedness that was exercised against me. There are in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly one hundred Bishops; none of whom laid anything to my charge; none of the Presbyters found any fault with me; none of the people spoke aught against me; but it was the Meletians who were ejected by Peter, and the Arians, that divided the plot between them, while the one party claimed to themselves the right of accusing me, the other of sitting in judgment on the case. I objected to Eusebius and his fellows as being my enemies on account of the heresy; next, I shewed in the following manner that the person who was called my accuser was not a Presbyter at all. When Meletius was admitted into communion (would that he had never been so admitted221    Hist. Ar. 15.    Cf. §59.!) the blessed Alexander who knew his craftiness required of him a schedule of the Bishops whom he said he had in Egypt, and of the presbyters and deacons that were in Alexandria itself, and if he had any in the country district. This the Pope Alexander has done, lest Meletius, having received the freedom of the Church, should tender222    Musonian was originally of Antioch, and his name Strategius; he had been promoted and honoured with a new name by Constantine, for whom he had collected information about the Manichees. Amm. Marc. xv. 13, §1. In 354, he was Prætorian Prefect of the East. (vid. de Syn. 1, note 1.) Libanius praises him.    [πωλήσ: i.e. palm them off on the church. Cf. Lat. venditare.] many, and thus continually, by a fraudulent procedure, foist upon us whomsoever he pleased. Accordingly he has made out the following schedule of those in Egypt.

A schedule presented by Meletius to the Bishop Alexander.

I, Meletius of Lycopolis, Lucius of Antinopolis, Phasileus of Hermopolis, Achilles of Cusæ, Ammonius of Diospolis.

In Ptolemais, Pachymes of Tentyræ.

In Maximianopolis, Theodorus of Coptus.

In Thebais, Cales of Hermethes, Colluthus of Upper Cynopolis, Pelagius of Oxyrynchus, Peter of Heracleopolis, Theon of Nilopolis, Isaac223    The Castrensians were the officers of the palace; castra, as στρατόπεδον, infr. §86. being at this time used for the Imperial Court. vid. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. vi. 30. p. 218. Du Cange in voc.    Cf. §64. of Letopolis, Heraclides of Niciopolis224    To Philippopolis.    Cf. §64., Isaac of Cleopatris, Melas of Arsenoitis.

In Heliopolis, Amos of Leontopolis, Ision of Athribis.

In Pharbethus, Harpocration of Bubastus, Moses of Phacusæ, Callinicus225    p. 111, note 2.    Cf. §60. of Pelusium, Eudæmon of Tanis226    [Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2) b.]    Cf. §60., Ephraim of Thmuis.

In Sais, Hermæon of Cynopolis and Busiris, Soterichus of Sebennytus, Pininuthes of Phthenegys, Cronius of Metelis, Agathammon of the district of Alexandria.

In Memphis, John who was ordered by the Emperor to be with the Archbishop227    Hist. Arian. §20.    [The ‘archbishop’ is Meletius; this is the first occurrence of the word; it evidently has not its later fixed sense. The historical allusion is obscure.]. These are those of Egypt.

And the Clergy that he had in Alexandria were Apollonius Presbyter, Irenæus Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Tyrannus Presbyter. And Deacons; Timotheus Deacon, Antinous Deacon, Hephæstion Deacon. And Macarius Presbyter of Parembole228    [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c. 1. and §8 (2) c.]    A village on the Mareotic lake. vid. Socr. iv. 23. Athan Opp. ed. Pat. t. 3. p. 86–89..

72. These Meletius presented actually in person229    Vid. supr. p. 100, where Isauria, Thessaly, Sicily, Britain, &c., added. Also Theod. H. E. ii. 6. vid. p. 120 note 9 a.    [Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) sub. fin. and ch. v. §3a.] to the Bishop Alexander, but he made no mention of the person called Ischyras, nor ever professed at all that he had any Clergy in the Mareotis. Notwithstanding our enemies did not desist from their attempts, but still he that was no Presbyter was feigned to be one, for there was the Count ready to use compulsion towards us, and soldiers were hurrying us about. But even then the grace of God prevailed: for they could not convict Macarius in the matter of the cup; and Arsenius, whom they reported to have been murdered by me, stood before them alive and shewed the falseness of their accusation. When therefore they were unable to convict Macarius, Eusebius and his fellows, who became enraged that they had lost the prey of which they had been in pursuit, persuaded the Count Dionysius, who is one of them, to send to the Mareotis, in order to see whether they could not find out something there against the Presbyter, or rather that they might at a distance patch up their plot as they pleased in our absence: for this was their aim. However,—when we represented that the journey to the Mareotis was a superfluous undertaking (for that they ought not to pretend that statements were defective which they had been employed upon so long, and ought not now to defer the matter; for they had said whatever they thought they could say, and now being at a loss what to do, they were making pretences); or if they must needs go to the Mareotis, that at least the suspected parties should not be sent,—the Count was convinced by my reasoning, with respect to the suspected persons; but they did anything rather than what I proposed, for the very persons whom I objected against on account of the Arian heresy, these were they who promptly went off, viz. Diognius, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, Ursacius, and Valens. Again, letters were written to the Prefect of Egypt and a military guard was provided; and, what was remarkable and altogether most suspicious, they caused Macarius the accused party to remain behind under a guard of soldiers, while they took with them the accuser230    Vid. infr. §51, note.    Supr. §13.. Now who after this does not see through this conspiracy? Who does not clearly perceive the wickedness of Eusebius and his fellows? For if a judicial enquiry must needs take place in the Mareotis, the accused also ought to have been sent thither. But if they did not go for the purpose of such an enquiry, why did they take the accuser? It was enough that he had not been able to prove the fact. But this they did in order that they might carry on their designs against the absent Presbyter, whom they could not convict when present, and might concoct a plan as they pleased. For when the Presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole district found fault with them because they were there by themselves, and required that they too might be present at their proceedings (for they said that they knew both the circumstances of the case, and the history of the person named Ischyras), they would not allow them; and although they had with them Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt231    Supr. p. 107, note 9.    Cf. Encycl. §3., who was an apostate, and heathen soldiers, during an enquiry which it was not becoming even for Catechumens to witness, they would not admit the Clergy, lest there as well as at Tyre there might be those who would expose them.

73. But in spite of these precautions they were not able to escape detection: for the Presbyters of the City and of the Mareotis, perceiving their evil designs, addressed to them the following protest.

To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, the Bishops who have come from Tyre, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Catholic Church of Alexandria under the most reverend Bishop Athanasius.

It was incumbent upon you when you came hither and brought with you the accuser, to bring also the Presbyter Macarius; for trials are appointed by Holy Scripture to be so constituted, that the accuser and accused may stand up together. But since neither you brought Macarius, nor our most reverend Bishop Athanasius came hither with you, we claimed for ourselves the right of being present at the investigation, that we might see that the enquiry was conducted impartially, and might ourselves be convinced of the truth. But when you refused to allow this, and wished, in company only with the Prefect of Egypt and the accuser, to do whatever you pleased, we confess that we saw a suspicion of evil in the affair, and perceived that your coming was only the act of a cabal and a conspiracy. Wherefore we address to you this letter, to be a testimony before a genuine Council, that it may be known to all men, that you have carried on an ex parte proceeding and for your own ends, and have desired nothing else but to form a conspiracy against us. A copy of this, lest it should be kept secret by you, we have handed in to Palladius also the Controller232    Vid. supr. §36. infr. §87.    Curiosus; the Curiosi (in curis agendis) were properly the overseers of the public roads, Du Cange in voc., but they became in consequence a sort of imperial spy and were called the Emperor’s eyes. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. t. 2. p. 194. ed. 1665. Constantius confined them to the school of the Agentes in rebus (infr. Apol. ad Const. §10.), under the Master of the Offices. Gothoft. ibid. p. 192. of Augustus. For what you have already done causes us to suspect you, and to reckon on the like conduct from you hereafter.

I Dionysius Presbyter have handed in this letter. Alexander Presbyter, Nilaras Presbyter, Longus Presbyter, Aphthonius Presbyter, Athanasius Presbyter, Amyntius Presbyter, Pistus Presbyter, Plution Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Apollonius Presbyter, Sarapion Presbyter, Ammonius Presbyter, Gaius Presbyter, Rhinus Presbyter, Æthales Presbyter.

Deacons; Marcellinus Deacon, Appianus Deacon, Theon Deacon, Timotheus Deacon, a second Timotheus Deacon.

74. This is the letter, and these the names of the Clergy of the city; and the following was written by the Clergy of the Mareotis, who know the character of the accuser, and who were with me in my visitation.

To the holy Council of blessed Bishops of the Catholic Church, all the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis send health in the Lord.

Knowing that which is written, ‘Speak that thine eyes have seen,’ and, ‘A false witness shall not be unpunished233    Matt. x. 22.    Prov. xxv. 7, LXX, xix. 5.’, we testify what we have seen, especially since the conspiracy which has been formed against our Bishop Athanasius has made our testimony necessary. We wonder how Ischyras ever came to be reckoned among the number of the Ministers of the Church, which is the first point we think it necessary to mention. Ischyras never was a Minister of the Church; but when formerly he represented himself to be a Presbyter of Colluthus, he found no one to believe him, except only his own relations234    Vid. Bingham. Antiqu. V. ii. 5. &c. Gieseler Eccl. Hist. vol. I. p. 242. Bassi. Biblioth. Jur. t. l. p. 276. Bellarm. de C eric. 28.    Cf. §12.. For he never had a Church, nor was ever considered a Clergyman by those who lived but a short distance from his village, except only, as we said before, by his own relations. But, notwithstanding he assumed this designation, he was deposed in the presence of our Father Hosius at the Council which assembled at Alexandria235    Supr. p. 109.    a.d. 324., and was admitted to communion as a layman, and so he continued subsequently, having fallen from his falsely reputed rank of presbyter. Of his character we think it unnecessary to speak, as all men have it in their power to become acquainted therewith. But since he has falsely accused our Bishop Athanasius of breaking a cup and overturning a table, we are necessarily obliged to address you on this point. We have said already that he never had a Church in the Mareotis; and we declare before God as our witness, that no cup was broken, nor table overturned by our Bishop, nor by any one of those who accompanied him; but all that is alleged respecting this affair is mere calumny. And this we say, not as having been absent from the Bishop, for we are all with him when he makes his visitation of the Mareotis, and he never goes about alone, but is accompanied by all of us Presbyters and Deacons, and by a considerable number of the people. Wherefore we make these assertions as having been present with him in every visitation which he has made amongst us, and testify that neither was a cup ever broken, nor table overturned, but the whole story is false, as the accuser himself also witnesses under his own hand236    Vid. Encycl. Letter, infr. §46.    Supr. §64.. For when, after he had gone off with Meletians, and had reported these things against our Bishop Athanasius, he wished to be admitted to communion, he was not received, although he wrote and confessed under his own hand that none of these things were true, but that he had been suborned by certain persons to say so.

75. Wherefore also Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Macedonius, Ursacius, Valens, and their fellows came into the Mareotis, and when they found that none of these things were true, but it was likely to be discovered that they had framed a false accusation against our Bishop Athanasius, Theognius and his fellows being themselves his enemies, caused the relations of Ischyras and certain Arian madmen to say whatever they wished. For none of the people spoke against the Bishop; but these persons, through fear of Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt, and by threats and with the support of the Arian madmen, accomplished whatever they desired. For when we came to disprove the calumny, they would not permit us, but cast us out, while they admitted whom they pleased to a participation in their schemes, and concerted matters with them, influencing them by fear of the Prefect Philagrius. Through his means they prevented us from being present, that we might discover whether those who were suborned by them were members of the Church or Arian madmen. And you also, dearly beloved Fathers, know, as you teach us, that the testimony of enemies avails nothing. That what we say is the truth the handwriting237    It will be observed that this Letter is nearly a transcript of the foregoing. It was first printed in the Benedictine Edition.    χείρ, infr. Apol. ad Const. §11. of Ischyras testifies, as do also the facts themselves, because when we were conscious that no such thing as was pretended had taken place, they took with them Philagrius, that through fear of the sword and by threats they might frame whatever plots they wished. These things we testify as in the presence of God; we make these assertions as knowing that there will be a judgment held by God; desiring indeed all of us to come to you, but being content with certain of our number, so that the letters may be instead of the presence of those who have not come.

I, Ingenius Presbyter, pray you health in the Lord, beloved fathers. Theon Presbyter, Ammonas P., Heraclius P., Boccon P., Tryphon P., Peter P., Hierax P., Sarapion P., Marcus P., Ptollarion P., Gaius P., Dioscorus P., Demetrius P., Thyrsus P.

Deacons; Pistus Deacon, Apollos D., Serras D., Pistus D., Polynicus D., Ammonius D., Maurus D., Hephæstus D., Apollos D., Metopas D., Apollos D., Serapas D., Meliphthongus D., Lucius D., Gregoras D.

76. The same to the Controller, and to Philagrius, at that time Prefect of Egypt.

To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, Ducenary238    Matt. x. 22.    On the different kinds of Ducenaries, vid. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. XI. vii. 1. Here, as in Euseb. Hist. vii. 30. the word stands for a Procurator, whose annual pay amounted to 200 sestertia, vid. Salmas. Hist. Aug. t. l. p. 533. In like manner a Centenary is one who receives 100., Officer of the Palace, and Controller, and to Flavius Antoninus, Commissary of Provisions, and Centenary of my lords the most illustrious Prefects of the sacred Prætorium, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis, a nome of the Catholic Church which is under the most Reverend Bishop Athanasius, we address this testimony by those whose names are underwritten:—

Whereas Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, as if sent by all the Bishops who assembled at Tyre, came into our Diocese alleging that they had received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical affairs, among which they spoke of the breaking of a cup of the Lord, of which information was given them by Ischyras, whom they brought with them, and who says that he is a Presbyter, although he is not,—for he was ordained by the Presbyter Colluthus who pretended to the Episcopate, and was afterwards ordered by a whole Council, by Hosius and the Bishops that were with him, to take the place of a Presbyter, as he was before; and accordingly all that were ordained by Colluthus resumed the same rank which they held before, and so Ischyras himself proved to be a layman,—and the church which he says he has, never was a church at all, but a quite small private house belonging to an orphan boy of the name of Ision;—for this reason we have offered this testimony, adjuring you by Almighty God, and by our Lords Constantine Augustus, and the most illustrious Cæsars his sons, to bring these things to the knowledge of their piety. For neither is he a Presbyter of the Catholic Church nor does he possess a church, nor has a cup ever been broken, but the whole story is false and an invention.

Dated in the Consulship of Julius Constantius the most illustrious Patrician239    §36.    The title Patrician was revived by Constantine as a personal distinction. It was for life, and gave precedence over all the great officers of state except the Consul. It was usually bestowed on favourites, or on ministers as a reward of services. Gibbon, Hist. ch. 17. This Julius Constantius, who was the father of Julian, was the first who bore the title, with L. Optatus, who had been consul the foregoing year. Illustrissimus was the highest of the three ranks of honour. ibid., brother of the most religious Emperor Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illustrious men, on the tenth day of the month Thoth240    Vid. Theod. Hist. ii. 6. Hil. Fragm. ii.    [Sep. 8. 335 a.d. See note on leap-year at the end of the table of Egyptian months, below, Introd. to Letters.].

These were the letters of the Presbyters.

77. The following also are the letters and protests of the Bishops who came with us to Tyre, when they became aware of the conspiracy and plot.

To the Bishops assembled at Tyre, most honoured Lords, those of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt with Athanasius send greeting in the Lord.

We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their fellows is no longer uncertain. From the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the holding of the enquiry in their presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much more of many, is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a cause. And you also yourselves know the enmity which they entertain, not only towards us, but towards all the orthodox, how that for the sake of the madness of Arius, and his impious doctrine, they direct their assaults, they form conspiracies against all. And when, being confident in the truth, we desired to shew the falsehood, which the Meletians had employed against the Church, Eusebius and his fellows endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our representations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, threatening those who gave an honest judgment, and insulting others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design they had against us. Your godly piety, most honoured Lords, was probably ignorant of their conspiracy, but we suppose that it has now been made manifest. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who are suspected by us, so that, while we were absent and remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish what they wished. They knew that the Arian madmen, and Colluthians241    Asclepas, or Asclepius of Gaza, Epiph. Hær. 69. 4. was one of the Nicene Fathers, and according to Theod. Hist. i. 27. was at the Council of Tyre, which Athan. also attended, but only by compulsion. According to the Eusebians at Philippopolis, they had deposed him [17 years previously, but the number must be corrupt, or the statement incorrect]. They state, however, at the same time, that he had been condemned by Athanasius and Marcellus, vid. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 13. Sozomen, Hist. iii. 8. says that they deposed him on the charge of having overturned an altar; and, after Athan. infr. §47, that he was acquitted at Sardica on the ground that Eusebius of Cæsarea and others had reinstated him in his see (before 339). There is mention of a Church built by him in Gaza ap. Bolland. Febr. 26. Vit. L. Porphyr. n. 20. p. 648.    Colluthus formed a schism on the doctrine that God was not the cause of any sort of evil, e.g. did not inflict pain and suffering. Though a Priest, he took on himself to ordain, even to the Priesthood [§12]. St. Alexander even seems to imply that he did so for money. Theod. H. E. i. 3. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §2.] and Meletians, were enemies of the Catholic Church and therefore they were anxious to send them, that in the presence of our enemies they might devise against us whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians who are here, even four days previously (as they knew that this enquiry was about to take place), despatched at evening certain of their party, as couriers, for the purpose of collecting Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because there were none at all there, and Colluthians and Arian madmen, from other parts, and to prepare them to speak against us. For you also know that Ischyras himself confessed before you, that he had not more than seven persons in his congregation. When therefore we heard that, after they had made what preparations they pleased against us, and had sent these suspected persons, they were going about to each of you, and requiring your subscriptions, in order that it might appear as if this had been done with the consent of you all; for this reason we hastened to write to you, and to present this our testimony; declaring that we are the objects of a conspiracy under which we are suffering by and through them, and demanding that having the fear of God in your minds, and condemning their conduct in sending whom they pleased without our consent, you would refuse your subscriptions, lest they pretend that those things are done by you, which they are contriving only among themselves. Surely it becomes those who are in Christ, not to regard human motives, but to prefer the truth before all things. And be not afraid of their threatenings, which they employ against all, nor of their plots, but rather fear God. If it was at all necessary that persons should be sent to the Mareotis, we also ought to have been there with them, in order that we might convict the enemies of the Church, and point out those who were aliens, and that the investigation of the matter might be impartial. For you know that Eusebius and his fellows contrived that a letter should be presented, as coming from the Collutians, the Meletians, and Arians, and directed against us: but it is evident that these enemies of the Catholic Church speak nothing that is true concerning us, but say everything against us. And the law of God forbids an enemy to be either a witness or a judge. Wherefore as you will have to give an account in the day of judgment, receive this testimony, and recognising the conspiracy which has been framed against us, beware, if you are requested by them, of doing anything against us, and of taking part in the designs of Eusebius and his fellows. For you know, as we said before, that they are our enemies, and you are aware why Eusebius of Cæsarea became such last year242    Perhaps Lucius of Hadrianople, says Montfaucon, referring to Apol. de Fug. §3. vid. also Hist. Arian. 19.    [Ath. had refused to attend a synod at Cæsarea, a.d. 334. See Thdt. H. E. i. 28, Prolegg. ch. ii. §4. and D.C.B. ii. 315 b.]. We pray that you may be in health, greatly beloved Lords.

78. To the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius, from the Bishops of the Catholic Church in Egypt who have come to Tyre.

We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus and their fellows, is no longer uncertain. From the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the holding of the enquiry in their presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much more of many, is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a cause. For their enmity is manifest which they entertain, not only towards us, but also towards all the orthodox, because they direct their assaults, they form conspiracies against all. And when, being confident in the truth, we desired to shew the falsehood which the Meletians had employed against the Church, Eusebius and his fellows endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our representations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, threatening those who gave an honest judgment and insulting others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design they had against us. Your goodness was probably ignorant of the conspiracy which they have formed against us, but we suppose that it has now been made manifest. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who are suspected by us, so that, while we were absent and remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish what they wished. They knew that Arian madmen, Colluthians, and Meletians were enemies of the Church, and therefore they were anxious to send them, that in the presence of our enemies, they might devise against us whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians who are here, even four days previously (as they knew that this enquiry was about to take place), despatched at evening two individuals of their own party, as couriers, for the purpose of collecting Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because there were none at all there, and Colluthians, and Arian madmen, from other parts, and to prepare them to speak against us. And your goodness knows that he himself confessed before you, that he had not more than seven persons in his congregation. When therefore we heard that, after they had made what preparations they pleased against us, and had sent these suspected persons, they were going about to each of the Bishops and requiring their subscriptions, in order that it might appear that this was done with the consent of them all; for this reason we hastened to refer the matter to your honour, and to present this our testimony, declaring that we are the objects of a conspiracy, under which we are suffering by and through them, and demanding of you that having in your mind the fear of God, and the pious commands of our most religious Emperor, you would no longer tolerate these persons, but condemn their conduct in sending whom they pleased without our consent.

I Adamantius Bishop have subscribed this letter, Ischyras, Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapammon, Ælurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion, Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbæthion, Potamon, Paphnutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agathammon, Gaius, Pistus, Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, Ariston, Theodorus, Irenæus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apollos, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclammon, Cronius, Myis, Jacobus, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phinees, Psais, Heraclides.

Another from the same.

79. The Bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt to Tyre, to the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius.

Perceiving that many conspiracies and plots are being formed against us through the machinations of Eusebius, Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their fellows (against whom we wished at first to enter an objection, but were not permitted), we are constrained to have recourse to the present appeal. We observe also that great zeal is exerted in behalf of the Meletians, and that a plot is laid against the Catholic Church in Egypt in our persons. Wherefore we present this letter to you, beseeching you to bear in mind the Almighty Power of God, who defends the kingdom of our most religious and godly Emperor Constantine, and to reserve the hearing of the affairs which concern us for the most religious Emperor himself. For it is but reasonable, since you were commissioned by his Majesty, that you should reserve the matter for him upon our appealing to his piety. We can no longer endure to be the objects of the treacherous designs of the fore-mentioned Eusebius and his fellows, and therefore we demand that the case be reserved for the most religious and God-beloved Emperor, before whom we shall be able to set forth our own and the Church’s just claims. And we are convinced that when his piety shall have heard our cause, he will not condemn us. Wherefore we again adjure you by Almighty God, and by our most religious Emperor, who, together with the children of his piety, has thus ever been victorious243    Theodulus, Bishop of Trajanopolis in Thrace, who is here spoken of as deceased, seems to have suffered this persecution from the Eusebians upon their retreat from Sardica, vid. Athan. Hist. Arian. §19. We must suppose then with Montfaucon, that the Council, from whom this letter proceeds, sat some considerable time after that retreat, and that the proceedings spoken of took place in the interval. Socrates, however, makes Theodulus survive Constans, who died 350. H. E. ii. 26.    Cf. Euseb. v. Const. ii. 48. and prosperous these many years, that you proceed no further, nor suffer yourselves to move at all in the Council in relation to our affairs, but reserve the hearing of them for his piety. We have likewise made the same representations to my Lords the orthodox Bishops.

80. Alexander244    The usual proceeding of the Arians was to retort upon the Catholics the charges which they brought against them, supr. §33, note 4. Accordingly, in their Encyclical from Philippopolis, they say that “a vast multitude had congregated at Sardica, of wicked and abandoned persons, from Constantinople and Alexandria; who lay under charges of murder, blood, slaughter, robbery, plunder, spoiling, and all nameless sacrileges and crimes; who had broken altars, burnt Churches, ransacked private houses,” &c. &c. Hil. Fragm. iii. 19.    Cf. §16., Bishop of Thessalonica, on receiving these letters, wrote to the Count Dionysius as follows.

The Bishop Alexander to my master Dionysius.

I see that a conspiracy has evidently been formed against Athanasius; for they have determined, I know not on what grounds, to send all those to whom he has objected, without giving any information to us, although it was agreed that we should consider together who ought to be sent. Take care therefore that nothing be done rashly (for they have come to me in great alarm, saying that the wild beasts have already roused themselves, and are going to rush upon them; for they had heard it reported, that John had sent certain245    p. 101.    Cf. §§17, 65, 70.), lest they be beforehand with us, and concoct what schemes they please. For you know that the Colluthians who are enemies of the Church, and the Arians, and Meletians, are all of them leagued together, and are able to work much evil. Consider therefore what is best to be done, lest some mischief arise, and we be subject to censure, as not having judged the matter fairly. Great suspicions are also entertained of these persons, lest, as being devoted to the Meletians, they should go through those Churches whose Bishops are here246    Cf. §28.    At Tyre., and raise an alarm amongst them, and so disorder the whole of Egypt. For they see that this is already taking place to a great extent.

Accordingly the Count Dionysius wrote to Eusebius and his fellows as follows.

81. This is what I have already mentioned to my lords, Flacillus247    Cf. de Decr. §25, note    Perhaps president of the Council, cf. §20. [But see Prolegg. ch. ii. §5.] and his fellows, that Athanasius has come forward and complained that those very persons have been sent whom he objected to; and crying out that he has been wronged and deceived. Alexander the lord of my soul248    De Syn. §25, note.    i.e. my beloved lord. has also written to me on the subject; and that you may perceive that what his Goodness has said is reasonable, I have subjoined his letter to be read by you. Remember also what I wrote to you before: I impressed upon your Goodness, my lords, that the persons who were sent ought to be commissioned by the general vote and decision of all. Take care therefore lest our proceedings fall under censure, and we give just grounds of blame to those who are disposed to find fault with us. For as the accuser’s side ought not to suffer any oppression, so neither ought the defendant’s. And I think that there is no slight ground of blame against us, when my lord Alexander evidently disapproves of what we have done.

82. While matters were proceeding thus we withdrew from them, as from an assembly of treacherous men249    §44, note 9.    Jer. ix. 2., for whatsoever they pleased they did, whereas there is no man in the world but knows that ex parte proceedings cannot stand good. This the divine law determines; for when the blessed Apostle was suffering under a similar conspiracy and was brought to trial, he demanded, saying, ‘The Jews from Asia ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they had aught against me250    Vid. supr. §§13, note, and 36. About Stephanus, vid. infr. Hist. Arian. §20.    Acts xxiv. 18, 19..’ On which occasion Festus also, when the Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as these men have now laid against me, said, ‘It is not the manner of Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accuser face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him251    [For Macarius, read Arius.] These two Bishops were soon after the Council banished by Eusebian influence into upper Libya, where they suffered extreme ill usage. vid. Hist. Arian. §18.    Acts xxv. 16..’ But Eusebius and his fellows both had the boldness to pervert the law, and have proved more unjust even than those wrong-doers. For they did not proceed privately at the first, but when in consequence of our being present they found themselves weak, then they straightway went out, like the Jews, and took counsel together alone, how they might destroy us and bring in their heresy, as those others demanded Barabbas. For this purpose it was, as they have themselves confessed, that they did all these things.

83. Although these circumstances were amply sufficient for our vindication, yet in order that the wickedness of these men and the freedom of the truth might be more fully exhibited, I have not felt averse to repeat them again, in order to shew that they have acted in a manner inconsistently with themselves, and as men scheming in the dark have fallen foul of their own friends, and while they desired to destroy us have like insane persons wounded themselves. For in their investigation of the subject of the Mysteries, they questioned Jews, they examined Catechumens252    Vid. Acts xx. 29    Vid. §46.; ‘Where were you,’ they said, ‘when Macarius came and overturned the Table?’ They answered, ‘We were within;’ whereas there could be no oblation if Catechumens were present. Again, although they had written word everywhere, that Macarius came and overthrew everything, while the Presbyter was standing and celebrating the Mysteries, yet when they questioned whomsoever they pleased, and asked them, ‘Where was Ischyras when Macarius rushed in?’ those persons answered that he was lying sick in a cell. Well, then, he that was lying was not standing, nor was he that lay sick in his cell offering the oblation. Besides whereas Ischyras said that certain books had been burnt by Macarius, they who were suborned to give evidence, declared that nothing of the kind had been done, but that Ischyras spoke falsely. And what is most remarkable, although they had again written word everywhere, that those who were able to give evidence had been concealed by us, yet these persons made their appearance, and they questioned them, and were not ashamed when they saw it proved on all sides that they were slanderers, and were acting in this matter clandestinely, and according to their pleasure. For they prompted the witnesses by signs, while the Prefect threatened them, and the soldiers pricked them with their swords; but the Lord revealed the truth, and shewed them to be slanderers. Therefore also they concealed the minutes of their proceedings, which they retained themselves, and charged those who wrote them to put out of sight, and to commit to no one whomsoever. But in this also they were disappointed; for the person who wrote them was Rufus, who is now public executioner in the Augustalian253    p. 95, note 4.    Vid. Encyc. §3, p. 43, note 2. prefecture, and is able to testify to the truth of this; and Eusebius and his fellows sent them to Rome by the hands of their own friends, and Julius the Bishop transmitted them to me. And now they are mad, because we obtained and read what they wished to conceal.

84. As such was the character of their machinations, so they very soon shewed plainly the reasons of their conduct. For when they went away, they took the Arians with them to Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion, having sent out a letter concerning them, part254    2 Cor. ii. 17.    Vid. de Syn. §21. of which, and the beginning, is as follows.

The holy Council by the grace of God assembled at Jerusalem, to the Church of God which is in Alexandria, and to the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in all Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, Pentapolis, and throughout the world, sends health in the Lord.

Having come together out of different Provinces to a great meeting which we have held for the consecration of the Martyry255    Gal. i. 9.    [i.e. Church, see D.C.A. s.v. Martyrium.] of the Saviour, which has been appointed to the service of God the King of all and of His Christ, by the zeal of our most God-beloved Emperor Constantine, the grace of God hath afforded us more abundant rejoicing of heart; which our most God-beloved Emperor himself hath occasioned us by his letters, wherein he hath stirred us up to do that which is right, putting away all envy from the Church of God, and driving far from us all malice, by which the members of God have been heretofore torn asunder, and that we should with simple and peaceable minds receive Arius and his fellows, whom envy, that enemy of all goodness, has caused for a season to be excluded from the Church. Our most religious Emperor has also in his letter testified to the correctness of their faith, which he has ascertained from themselves, himself receiving the profession of it from them by word of mouth, and has now made manifest to us by subjoining to his own letters the men’s orthodox opinion in writing.

85. Every one that hears of these things must see through their treachery. For they made no concealment of what they were doing; unless perhaps they confessed the truth without wishing it. For if I was the hindrance to the admittance of Arius and his fellows into the Church, and if they were received while I was suffering from their plots, what other conclusion can be arrived at, than that these things were done on their account, and that all their proceedings against me, and the story which they fabricated about the breaking of the cup and the murder of Arsenius, were for the sole purpose of introducing impiety into the Church, and of preventing their being condemned as heretics? For this was what the Emperor threatened formerly in his letters to me. And they were not ashamed to write in the manner they did, and to affirm that those persons whom the whole Ecumenical Council anathematized held orthodox sentiments. And as they undertook to say and do anything without scruple, so they were not afraid to meet together ‘in a corner,’ in order to overthrow, as far as was in their power, the authority of so great a Council.

Moreover, the price which they paid for false testimony yet more fully manifests their wickedness and impious intentions. The Mareotis, as I have already said, is a country district of Alexandria, in which there has never been either a Bishop or a Chorepiscopus256    2 Cor. vi. 14, 15.    That Chorepiscopi were real Bishops, vid. Bevereg. in Conc. Ancyr. Can. 13. Routh in Conc. Neocæs. Can. 13. referring to Rhabanus Maurus. Thomassin on the other hand denies that they were Bishops, Discipl. Eccl. i. 2. c. 1. [see D.C.A. s.v.]; but the Churches of the whole district are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria, and each Presbyter has under his charge one of the largest villages, which are about ten or more in number257    1 Cor. v. 3.    Ten under each Presbyter. Vales ad Socr. Hist. i. 27. Ten altogether, Montfaucon in loc. with more probability; and so Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 20. [Six villages are mentioned supr. §64, fin.]. Now the village in which Ischyras lives is a very small one, and possesses so few inhabitants, that there has never been a church built there, but only in the adjoining village. Nevertheless, they determined, contrary to ancient usage258    In like manner the Council of Chalcedon was confirmed by as many as 470 subscriptions, according to Ephrem (Phot. Bibl. p. 801) by 1600 according to Eulogius (ibid. p. 877), i.e. of Bishops, Archimandrites. &c.    It was against the Canon of Sardica, and doubtless against ancient usage, to ordain a Bishop for so small a village, vid. Bingham, Antiqu. II. xii., who, however, maintains by instances, that at least small towns might be sees. Also it was against usage that a layman, as Ischyras, should be made a Bishop. ibid. x. 4, &c. St. Hilary, however, makes him a Deacon. Fragm. ii. 16., to nominate a Bishop for this place, and not only so, but even to appoint one, who was not so much as a Presbyter. Knowing as they did the unusual nature of such a proceeding, yet being constrained by the promises they had given in return for his false impeachment of me, they submitted even to this, lest that abandoned person, if he were ungratefully treated by them, should disclose the truth, and thereby shew the wickedness of Eusebius and his fellows. Notwithstanding this he has no church, nor a people to obey him, but is scouted by them all, like a dog259    Hosius is called by Athan, the father and the president of the Council. Hist. Arian. 15, 16. Roman controversialists here explain why Hosius does not sign himself as the Pope’s legate, De Marc. Concord. v. 4. Alber. Dissert. ix. and Protestants why his legates rank before all the other Bishops, even before Protogenes, Bishop of the place. Basnage, Ann. 347. 5. Febronius considers that Hosius signed here and at Nicæa, as a sort of representative of the civil, and the Legates of ecclesiastical supremacy. de Stat. Eccl. vi. 4. And so Thomassin, “Imperator velut exterior Episcopus: præfuit autem summus Pontifex, ut Episcopus interior.” Dissert. in Conc. x. 14. The popes never attended in person the Eastern Councils. St. Leo excuses himself on the plea of its being against usage. Epp. 37. and 93. [Silvester’s absence from Nicæa was due solely to extreme old age. But Sardica was a Western council.]    Dogs without owners, and almost in a wild state, abound, as is well known, in Eastern cities; vid. Psalm lix. 6, 14, 15; 2 Kings ix. 35, 36. and for the view taken in Scripture of dogs, vid. Bochart, Hieroz. ii. 56 [and Dict. Bib. s.v.]., although they have even caused the Emperor to write to the Receiver-General (for everything is in their power), commanding that a church should be built for him, that being possessed of that, his statement may appear credible about the cup and the table. They caused him immediately to be nominated a Bishop also, because if he were without a church, and not even a Presbyter, he would appear to be a false accuser, and a fabricator of the whole matter. At any rate he has no people, and even his own relations are not obedient to him, and as the name which he retains is an empty one, so also the following letter is ineffectual, which he keeps, making a display of it as an exposure of the utter wickedness of himself and of Eusebius and his fellows.

The Letter of the Receiver-General.260    [The above names, with a few exceptions, comprise those present at the Council. See additional Note at the end of this Apology, where a list is given in alphabetical order of all bishops present, with their Sees.]    Catholicus, §14, Apol. Const. §10. [The mention, below, of ‘Augusti and Cæsars’ makes 337 the earliest likely date for this letter.]

Flavius Hemerius sends health to the Tax-collector of the Mareotis.

Ischyras the Presbyter having petitioned the piety of our Lords, Augusti and Cæsars, that a Church might be built in the district of Irene, belonging to Secontarurus261    Of Treveri.    Cf. §17. note 7. [Prolegg. ch. ii. §4.], their divinity has commanded that this should be done as soon as possible. Take care therefore, as soon as you receive the copy of the sacred Edict, which with all due veneration is placed above, and the Reports which have been formed before my devotion, that you quickly make an abstract of them, and transfer them to the Order book, so that the sacred command may be put in execution.

86. While they were thus plotting and scheming, I went up262    Of Lyons.    Cf. §9. and represented to the Emperor the unjust conduct of Eusebius and his fellows, for he it was who had commanded the Council to be held, and his Count presided at it. When he heard my report, he was greatly moved, and wrote to them as follows.

Constantine, Victor263    Of Arles.    Euseb. v. Const. ii. 48., Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops assembled at Tyre.

I know not what the decisions are which you have arrived at in your Council amidst noise and tumult: but somehow the truth seems to have been perverted in consequence of certain confusions and disorders, in that you, through your mutual contentiousness, which you are resolved should prevail, have failed to perceive what is pleasing to God. However, it will rest with Divine Providence to disperse the mischiefs which manifestly are found to arise from this contentious spirit, and to shew plainly to us, whether you, while assembled in that place, have had any regard for the truth, and whether you have made your decisions uninfluenced by either favour or enmity. Wherefore I wish you all to assemble with all speed before my piety in order that you may render in person a true account of your proceedings.

The reason why I have thought good to write thus to you, and why I summon you before me by letter, you will learn from what I am going to say. As I was entering on a late occasion our all-happy home of Constantinople, which bears our name (I chanced at the time to be on horseback), on a sudden the Bishop Athanasius, with certain others whom he had with him, approached me in the middle of the road, so unexpectedly, as to occasion me much amazement. God, who knoweth all things, is my witness, that I should have been unable at first sight even to recognise him, had not some of my attendants, on my naturally inquiring of them, informed me both who it was, and under what injustice he was suffering. I did not however enter into any conversation with him at that time, nor grant him an interview; but when he requested to be heard I was refusing, and all but gave orders for his removal; when with increasing boldness he claimed only this favour, that you should be summoned to appear, that he might have an opportunity of complaining before me in your presence, of the ill-treatment he has met with. As this appeared to me to be a reasonable request, and suitable to the times, I willingly ordered this letter to be written to you, in order that all of you, who constituted the Council which was held at Tyre, might hasten without delay to the Court264    Of Rheims.    στρατόπεδον, §70. note 6. of my clemency, so as to prove by facts that you had passed an impartial and uncorrupt judgment. This, I say, you must do before me, whom not even you will deny to be a true servant of God.

For indeed through my devotion to God, peace is preserved everywhere, and the Name of God is truly worshipped even by the barbarians, who have hitherto been ignorant of the truth. And it is manifest, that he who is ignorant of the truth, does not know God either. Nevertheless, as I said before, even the barbarians have now come to the knowledge of God, by means of me, His true servant265    Of Sens.    “Once in an entertainment, at which he (Constantine) received Bishops, he made the remark that he too was a Bishop; using pretty much these words in my hearing, ‘You are Bishops of matters within the Church, I am appointed by God to be Bishop of matters external to it.” Euseb. Vit. Const. iv. 24., and have learned to fear Him Whom they perceive from actual facts to be my shield and protector everywhere. And from this chiefly they have come to know God, Whom they fear through the dread which they have of me. But we, who are supposed to set forth (for I will not say to guard) the holy mysteries of His Goodness, we, I say, engage in nothing but what tends to dissension and hatred, and, in short, whatever contributes to the destruction of mankind. But hasten, as I said before, and all of you with all speed come to us, being persuaded that I shall endeavour with all my might to amend what is amiss, so that those things specially may be preserved and firmly established in the law of God, to which no blame nor dishonour may attach; while the enemies of the law, who under pretence of His holy Name bring in manifold and divers blasphemies, shall be scattered abroad, and entirely crushed, and utterly destroyed.

87. When Eusebius and his fellows read this letter, being conscious of what they had done, they prevented the rest of the Bishops from going up, and only themselves went, viz. Eusebius, Theognius, Patrophilus, the other Eusebius, Ursacius, and Valens. And they no longer said anything about the cup and Arsenius (for they had not the boldness to do so), but inventing another accusation which concerned the Emperor himself, they declared before him, that Athanasius had threatened that he would cause the corn to be withheld which was sent from Alexandria to his own home266    Of Worms.    Constantinople.. The Bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, and Peter, were present and heard this. It was proved also by the anger of the Emperor; for although he had written the preceding letter, and had condemned their injustice, as soon as he heard such a charge as this, he was immediately incensed, and instead of granting me a hearing, he sent me away into Gaul. And this again shews their wickedness further; for when the younger Constantine, of blessed memory, sent me back home, remembering what his father had written267    Of Strassburg.    [See Bright, Hist. Writ. p. xii. note 3, and on the date of this letter, Prolegg. ch. v. §3 b, and note 6 below.], he also wrote as follows.

Constantine Cæsar, to the people of the Catholic Church of the city of Alexandria.

I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your pious minds, that Athanasius, the interpreter of the adorable Law, was sent away into Gaul for a time, with the intent that, as the savageness of his bloodthirsty and inveterate enemies persecuted him to the hazard of his sacred life, he might thus escape suffering some irremediable calamity, through the perverse dealing of those evil men. In order therefore to escape this, he was snatched out of the jaws of his assailants, and was ordered to pass some time under my government, and so was supplied abundantly with all necessaries in this city, where he lived, although indeed his celebrated virtue, relying entirely on divine assistance, sets at nought the sufferings of adverse fortune. Now seeing that it was the fixed intention of our master Constantine Augustus, my Father, to restore the said Bishop to his own place, and to your most beloved piety, but he was taken away by that fate which is common to all men, and went to his rest before he could accomplish his wish; I have thought proper to fulfil that intention of the Emperor of sacred memory which I have inherited from him. When he comes to present himself before you, you will learn with what reverence he has been treated. Indeed it is not wonderful, whatever I have done on his behalf; for the thoughts of your longing desire for him, and the appearance of so great a man, moved my soul, and urged me thereto. May Divine Providence continually preserve you, beloved brethren.

Dated from Treveri the 15th before the Calends of July268    Of Paris.    June 17. a.d. 337 [see Gwatk. Stud., 136]..

88. This being the reason why I was sent away into Gaul, who, I ask again, does not plainly perceive the intention of the Emperor, and the murderous spirit of Eusebius and his fellows, and that the Emperor had done this in order to prevent their forming some more desperate scheme? for he listened to them in simplicity269    Of Carthage.    ἐπήκουσε γὰρ ἁπλῶς. Montfaucon in Onomast. (Athan. t. 2. ad calc.) points out some passages in his author, where ἐπακούειν, like ὑπακούειν, means “to answer.” vid. Apol. Const. §16 init. Orat. iii. 27 fin.. Such were the practices of Eusebius and his fellows, and such their machinations against me. Who that has witnessed them will deny that nothing has been done in my favour out of partiality, but that that great number of Bishops both individually and collectively wrote as they did in my behalf and condemned the falsehood of my enemies justly, and in accordance with the truth? Who that has observed such proceedings as these will deny that Valens and Ursacius had good reason to condemn themselves, and to write270    §§33, note 3a, and 78.    Cf. §58. as they did, to accuse themselves when they repented, choosing rather to suffer shame for a short time, than to undergo the punishment of false accusers for ever and ever271    οἱ ἐν τῷ καναλί& 251· τῆς ᾽Ιταλίας. “Canalis est, non via regia aut militaris, verum via tranversa, quæ in regiam seu basilicam influit, quasi aquæ canalis in alveum.” Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. vi. de Curiosis, p. 196. who illustrates the word at length. Du Cange on the contrary, in voc. explains it of “the high road.” Tillemont professes himself unable to give a satisfactory sense to it. vol. viii. p. 685. [The word occurs in the XIth. Sardican canon, where the Greek version (Can. XX. in Bruns) glosses it καναλί& 251· ἤτοι παρόδῳ.]    Here ends the second part of the Apology, as is evident by turning back to §58. (supr. p. 130) to which this paragraph is an allusion. The express object of the second part was to prove, what has now been proved by documents, that Valens and Ursacius did but succumb to plain facts which they could not resist. It is observable too from this passage that the Apology was written before their relapse, i.e. before a.d. 351 or 352. The remaining two sections are often after 357, as they mention the fall of Liberius and Hosius, and speak of Constantius in different language from any which has been found above. [Introd. to Apol. Const. and Hist. Ar.]?

89. Wherefore also my blessed fellow-ministers, acting justly and according to the laws of the Church, while certain affirmed that my case was doubtful, and endeavoured to compel them to annul the sentence which was passed in my favour, have now endured all manner of sufferings, and have chosen rather to be banished than to see the judgment of so many Bishops reversed. Now if those genuine Bishops had withstood by words only those who plotted against me, and wished to undo all that had been done in my behalf; or if they had been ordinary men, and not the Bishops of illustrious cities, and the heads of great Churches, there would have been room to suspect that in this instance they too had acted contentiously and in order to gratify me. But when they not only endeavoured to convince by argument, but also endured banishment, and one of them is Liberius, Bishop of Rome, (for although he did not endure272    Cf. §36.    See Hist. Ar. §41. to the end the sufferings of banishment, yet he remained in his exile for two years, being aware of conspiracy formed against us), and since there is also the great Hosius, together with the Bishops of Italy, and of Gaul, and others from Spain, and from Egypt, and Libya, and all those from Pentapolis (for although for a little while, through fear of the threats of Constantius, he seemed not to resist them273    Athan. says, supr. §1. that the Letter of the Council was signed in all by more than 300. It will be observed, that Athan.’s numbers in the text do not accurately agree with each other. The subscriptions enumerated are 284, to which 63 being added, made a total of 347, not 344. [The enumeration of Ath. includes many who signed long afterwards. Those ‘from Palestine’ are simply the signatories of the synodal letter of 346, below §57. The number, 170 mentioned by Ath. Hist. Ar. 15 gives an orthodox majority of 20. See additional Note at end of this Apology, and Gwatkin, Studies, p. 121, note.]    Cf. Apol. Fug.; §5, and Hist. Ar. §45. yet the great violence and tyrannical power exercised by Constantius, and the many insults and stripes inflicted upon him, proved that it was not because he gave up my cause, but through the weakness of old age, being unable to bear the stripes, that he yielded to them for a season), therefore I say, it is altogether right that all, as being fully convinced, should hate and abominate the injustice and the violence which they have used towards me; especially as it is well known that I have suffered these things on account of nothing else but the Arian impiety.

90. Now if anyone wishes to become acquainted with my case, and the falsehood of Eusebius and his fellows, let him read what has been written in my behalf, and let him hear the witnesses, not one, or two, or three, but that great number of Bishops; and again let him attend to the witnesses of these proceedings, Liberius and Hosius, and their fellows, who when they saw the attempts made against us, chose rather to endure all manner of sufferings than to give up the truth, and the judgment which had been pronounced in our favour. And this they did with an honourable and righteous intention, for what they suffered proves to what straits the other Bishops were reduced. And they are memorials and records against the Arian heresy, and the wickedness of false accusers, and afford a pattern and model for those who come after, to contend for the truth unto death274    Ecclus. iv. 28., and to abominate the Arian heresy which fights against Christ, and is a forerunner of Antichrist, and not to believe those who attempt to speak against me. For the defence put forth, and the sentence given, by so many Bishops of high character, are a trustworthy and sufficient testimony in our behalf.

Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τέλος ἔσχεν ἡ συσκευή, καὶ οἱ Μελιτιανοὶ καταισχυνθέντες ἀπεστρά φησαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ Εὐσέβιον οὐδ' οὕτως ἠρέμησαν. ἔμελε γὰρ αὐτοῖς οὐ τῶν Μελιτιανῶν, ἀλλὰ τῶν περὶ Ἄρειον καὶ ἐφοβοῦντο, μὴ παυσαμένων ἐκείνων μηκέτι τοὺς ὑποκρινο μένους εὕρωσι, δι' ὧν τούτους εἰσαγαγεῖν δύνωνται. παροξύνουσι τοίνυν πάλιν τοὺς Μελιτιανοὺς καὶ πείθουσι τὸν βασιλέα σύνοδον αὖθις ἐν Τύρῳ κελεῦσαι γενέσθαι. καὶ κόμης ∆ιονύσιος ἀποστέλλεται καὶ στρατιῶται δορυφόροι δίδονται τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον. καὶ ὁ μὲν Μακάριος δέσμιος διὰ στρατιωτῶν πέμπεται εἰς Τύρον, ἐμοὶ δὲ γράφει καὶ ἀνάγκην ἐπιτίθησιν, ὥστε καὶ ἄκοντας ἡμᾶς ἀποστέλλεσθαι. τὴν μὲν οὖν πᾶσαν συσκευὴν γνῶναι δυνατόν, ἐξ ὧν ἔγραψαν οἱ ἐπίσκοποι τῆς Αἰγύπτου· πῶς δὲ παρ' αὐτῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνετέθη, ἀναγκαῖον ἂν εἴη λέγειν· καὶ γὰρ ἐντεῦθεν θεωρεῖν τὴν κακοήθειαν καὶ τὴν πανουργίαν τὴν καθ' ἡμῶν γενομένην ἔξεστιν. ἐπίσκοποί εἰσιν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ καὶ Πενταπόλει ἐγγὺς ἑκατόν. οὐδεὶς τούτων ἡμᾶς ᾐτιᾶτο, οὐ πρεσβύτερος ἐμέμφετο, οὐ τῶν λαῶν τις κατελάλει, ἀλλ' οἱ Μελιτιανοὶ οἱ ἀπὸ Πέτρου ἐκβληθέντες καὶ οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ ἦσαν οἱ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν μερισάμενοι. καὶ οἱ μὲν τὸ κατηγορεῖν, οἱ δὲ τὸ δικάζειν ἑαυτοῖς ἐξεδίκουν. ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν παρῃτούμεθα τοὺς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ὡς ἐχθροὺς διὰ τὴν αἵρεσιν ὄντας, ἔπειτα τὸν λεγόμενον κατήγορον μὴ εἶναι πρεσβύτερον ὅλως ἐδείκνυμεν οὕτως. ὅτε Μελίτιος ὑπεδέχθη, ὡς μήποτ' ὤφελε, γινώσκων αὐτοῦ τὴν πανουργίαν ὁ μακαρίτης Ἀλέξανδρος ἀπῄτησεν αὐτὸν βρέβιον, ὧν ἔλεγεν ἔχειν ἐπι σκόπων ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων καὶ εἰ ἔχει τινὰς ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ αὐτῆς. τοῦτο δὲ πεποίηκεν ὁ πάπας Ἀλέξανδρος, ἵνα μὴ Μελίτιος λαβὼν τὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας παρρησίαν πωλήσῃ πολλοὺς καὶ ψεύσηται καθ' ἡμέραν ὑποβάλλων οὓς βούλεται. τῶν μὲν οὖν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πεποίηκε τὸ βρέβιον τοῦτο· Βρέβιον δοθὲν παρὰ Μελιτίου Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ἐγὼ Μελίτιος ἐν Λυκῷ Λούκιος ἐν Ἀντινόου Φασιλεὺς ἐν Ἑρμουπόλει Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐν Κουσαῖς Ἀμμώνιος ἐν ∆ιοσπόλει ... ἐν Πτολεμαίδι Παχύμης ἐν Τεντύραις ... ἐν Μαξιμιανουπόλει Θεόδωρος ἐν Κόπτῳ [ἐν Θηβαίδι] Κάλης ἐν Ἑρμεθί Κόλλουθος ἐν τῇ ἄνω Κυνῷ Πελάγιος ἐν Ὀξυρύγχῳ Πέτρος ἐν Ἡρακλέους Θέων ἐν Νειλουπόλει Ἰσαὰκ ἐν Λητοῦς Ἡρακλείδης ἐν Νικίους Ἰσαὰκ ἐν Κλεοπατρίδι Μέλας ἐν Ἀρσενοίτῃ ... ἐν Ἡλίους Ἀμὼς ἐν Λεόντων Ἰσίων ἐν Ἀθριβί ... ἐν Φαρβεθῷ Ἁρποκρατίων ἐν Βουβάστῳ Μωσῆς ἐν Φακουσαῖς Καλλίνικος ἐν Πηλουσίῳ Εὐδαίμων ἐν Τάνει Ἐφραὶμ ἐν Θμουί ... ἐν Σαί Ἑρμαίων ἐν Κυνῷ καὶ Βούσιρι Σωτήριχος ἐν Σεβεννύτῳ Πινινούθης ἐν Φθενεγύ Κρόνιος ἐν Μετήλι Ἀγαθάμμων ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρέων χώρᾳ ἐν Μέμφι Ἰωάννης (κελευσθεὶς παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως εἶναι μετὰ τοῦ ἀρχιεπι σκόπου) Οἱ μὲν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οὗτοι, τῶν δὲ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ εἶχε κληρικῶν· Ἀπολλώνιος πρεσβύτερος Εἰρηναῖος πρεσβύτερος ∆ιόσκορος πρεσβύτερος Τύραννος πρεσβύτερος ∆ιάκονοι Τιμόθεος διάκονος Ἀντίνοος διάκονος Ἡφαιστίων διάκονος καὶ Μακάριος πρεσβύτερος τῆς Παρεμβολῆς
Τούτους Μελίτιος καὶ παρόντας παρέδωκεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ. τοῦ δὲ λεγο μένου Ἰσχύρα οὔτ' ἐμνημόνευσεν οὔτε ὅλως ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτῃ ἐσχηκέναι πρεσβύτερον πώποτε ὡμολόγησε. καὶ ὅμως καὶ οἱ ἐχθροὶ οὐκ ἀφίσταντο καὶ ὁ μὴ πρεσβύτερος ὡς πρεσ βύτερος ἐπλάττετο. κόμης γὰρ ἦν ὁ ἀναγκάζων καὶ στρατιῶται εἷλκον ἡμᾶς. ἀλλὰ καὶ οὕτως ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ νενίκηκεν· οὔτε γὰρ Μακάριον ἤλεγξαν περὶ τοῦ ποτηρίου, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἀρσένιος, ὃν ἐθρύλησαν ἀνῃρῆσθαι παρ' ἡμῶν, εἱστήκει ζῶν καὶ δεικνύων τὴν ἐκείνων συκοφαντίαν. μὴ δυνηθέντων τοίνυν ἐκείνων ἐλέγξαι τὸν Μακάριον οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἐχαλέπαινον ὡς ἀπολέσαντες ὅπερ ἐθήρευον, καὶ πείθουσι τὸν κόμητα τὸν σὺν αὐτοῖς ∆ιονύσιον, ἵν' εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην ἀποστείλῃ, μὴ ἄρα τι δυνηθῶσιν εὑρεῖν ἐκεῖ κατὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, μᾶλλον δὲ ἵνα ἀπελθόντες καττύσωσιν ἀπόντων ἡμῶν, ὡς βούλονται. τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν τὸ σπουδαζόμενον αὐτοῖς. ἀμέλει λεγόντων ἡμῶν «περιττὴν μὲν εἶναι τὴν εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην ἀποδημίαν», ἃ γὰρ ἐκ πολλοῦ χρόνου μεμελετήκασι, μὴ προφασιζέσθωσαν ἐνδεῶς εἰρηκέναι μηδὲ ὑπερτιθέσθωσαν, ἃ γὰρ ἐνόμιζον ἔχειν εἰρήκασι καὶ λοιπὸν ἀπο ροῦντες προφασίζονται· ἢ εἰ χρεία καὶ τοῦ Μαρεώτου, τοὺς γοῦν ὑπόπτους μὴ πέμπεσθαι. ὁ μὲν κόμης περὶ τῶν ὑπόπτων ἐπείθετο, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ τοῦτο πεποιήκασιν. οὓς γὰρ παρῃτούμεθα διὰ τὴν ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν, οὗτοι σπουδαίως ἀπῆλθον, ∆ιόγνιος Μάρις Θεόδωρος Μακεδόνιος Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης. πάλιν τε γράμματα πρὸς τὸν ἔπαρχον τῆς Αἰγύπτου, καὶ στρατιωτικὴ δορυφορία, καὶ τό γε θαυμαστὸν καὶ πάσης ὑπερ οψίας γέμον, Μακάριον μὲν τὸν κατηγορούμενον πεποιήκασι διὰ στρατιωτῶν ἀπομεῖναι, τὸν δὲ κατήγορον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν ἀπήγαγον. τίς οὖν λοιπὸν ἐκ τούτων οὐ θεωρεῖ τὴν συσκευήν; τίς οὐ συνορᾷ λευκῶς τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον τὴν πονηρίαν; εἰ γὰρ κρίσεως ἦν ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτῃ χρεία, ἔδει καὶ τὸν κατηγορούμενον ἀποστέλλεσθαι, εἰ δὲ μὴ κρίσεως ἕνεκεν ἀπήρχοντο, διὰ τί τὸν κατήγορον ἐπήγοντο; καὶ γὰρ ἤρκει ὅτι μὴ ἀπέδειξεν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο πεποιήκασιν, ἵν', ἐπειδὴ παρόντα τὸν πρεσβύτερον οὐκ ἤλεγξαν, τοῦτον ἀπόντα συσκευάσωνται καὶ τυρεύσωσιν, ἅπερ αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει. καὶ γὰρ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας καὶ τῆς χώρας πάσης μεμψαμένους, ὅτι μόνοι παρεγένοντο, καὶ ἀξιοῦντας κἂν αὐτοὺς παρεῖναι οἷς ἔπραττον (εἰδέναι γὰρ ἔλεγον καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν λεγόμενον Ἰσχύραν) οὐκ ἐπέτρεψαν, ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ἔπαρχον τῆς Αἰγύπτου Φιλάγριον παραβάτην καὶ στρατιώτας ἐθνικοὺς εἶχον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν ἐξετάζοντας ἃ μηδὲ κατηχου μένους ἔπρεπε θεωρεῖν, τοὺς δὲ κληρικοὺς οὐ συνεχώρησαν, ἵνα μὴ κἀκεῖ ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ τοὺς διελέγχοντας αὐτοὺς ἔχωσιν.
Ἀλλ' οὐδὲ οὕτως λαθεῖν ἠδυνήθησαν. συνορῶντες γὰρ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ Μαρεώτου τὰς κακουργίας αὐτῶν ἔγραψαν καὶ διεμαρτύραντο ταῦτα· 73.2ν Θεογνίῳ, Μάρι καὶ Μακεδονίῳ, Θεοδώρῳ καὶ Οὐρσακίῳ καὶ Οὐάλεντι τοῖς ἀπὸ Τύρου ἐλθοῦσιν ἐπισκόποις παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκ κλησίας Ἀλεξανδρείας ὑπὸ τὸν αἰδεσιμώτατον ἐπίσκοπον Ἀθανάσιον. Ἔπρεπεν ὑμᾶς ἐρχομένους καὶ ἄγοντας μεθ' ἑαυτῶν τὸν κατήγορον ἀγαγεῖν καὶ Μακάριον τὸν πρεσβύτερον. αἱ γὰρ κρίσεις οὕτως συνίστανται κατὰ τὰς ἁγίας γραφάς, ὥστε τὸν κατήγορον μετὰ τοῦ κατηγορουμένου ἑστάναι. ἐπειδὴ δὲ οὔτε Μακάριον ἠγάγετε οὔτε ὁ αἰδεσιμώτατος ἡμῶν ἐπίσκοπος Ἀθανάσιος μεθ' ὑμῶν εἰσῆλθεν, ἠξιώσαμεν κἂν αὐτοὶ παρεῖναι ἐν τῇ κρίσει, ἵνα παρόντων ἡμῶν ἀσφαλὴς ἡ ἐξέτασις γένηται καὶ πει σθῶμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς. ἐπειδὴ δὲ οὐ τοῦτο συνεχωρήσατε, ἀλλὰ μόνοι μετὰ τοῦ ἐπάρχου τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ τοῦ κατηγόρου ἠθελήσατε πράττειν ἃ βούλεσθε, ὁμολογοῦμεν ὅτι ὑποψίαν εἴδομεν ἐν τῷ πράγματι πονηράν, καὶ ἐθεωρήσαμεν ὅτι συσκευὴ καὶ ἐπιβουλὴ μόνον ἐστὶν ἡ εἴσοδος ὑμῶν. διὰ τοῦτο ταύτην ὑμῖν ἐπιδίδομεν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μαρτύριον ἐσομένην εἰς ἀληθινὴν σύνοδον, ἵνα γνωσθῇ πᾶσιν ὅτι κατὰ μονομέρειαν, ἅπερ ἠθελή σατε, ἐπράξατε καὶ οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ συσκευὴν ἠθελήσατε συνθεῖναι καθ' ἡμῶν. τού των δὲ τὰ ἴσα ἐπιδεδώκαμεν καὶ Παλλαδίῳ τῷ κουριώσῳ τοῦ Αὐγούστου, ἵνα μὴ κρυβῇ παρ' ὑμῶν. ἃ γὰρ ἐπράξατε, τοιαῦτα λοιπὸν ἡμᾶς ὑποπτεύειν καὶ λογίζεσθαι ποιεῖ περὶ ὑμῶν. ∆ιονύσιος πρεσβύτερος ἐπιδέδωκα Ἀλέξανδρος πρεσβύτερος Νειλαρᾶς πρεσβύτερος Λόγγος πρεσβύτερος Ἀφθόνιος πρεσβύτερος Ἀθανάσιος πρεσβύτερος Ἀμύντιος πρεσβύτερος Πιστὸς πρεσβύτερος Πλουτίων πρεσβύτερος ∆ιόσκορος πρεσβύτερος Ἀπολλώνιος πρεσβύτερος Σαραπίων πρεσβύτερος Ἀμμώνιος πρεσβύτερος Γάιος πρεσβύτερος Ῥῖνος πρεσβύτερος Αἰθαλὴς πρεσβύτερος ∆ιάκονοι Μαρκελλῖνος διάκονος Ἀππιανὸς διάκονος Θέων διάκονος Τιμόθεος διάκονος καὶ Τιμόθεος ἄλλος διάκονος.
Τὰ μὲν τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως κληρικῶν γράμματά τε καὶ ὀνόματα ταῦτα, ἃ δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μαρεώτου κληρικοὶ ἔγραψαν γινώσκοντες τὸν τρόπον τοῦ κατηγόρου καὶ ἐν τῇ περιοδείᾳ σὺν ἐμοὶ ὄντες ἔστι ταῦτα· 74.2ν Τῇ ἁγίᾳ συνόδῳ τῶν μακαρίων ἐπισκόπων τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας οἱ κατὰ Μαρεώτην πάντες πρεσβύτεροι καὶ διάκονοι ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Εἰδότες τὸ γεγραμμένον, ὅτι «ἃ εἶδον οἱ ὀφθαλμοί σου λέγε», καὶ ὅτι «μάρτυς ψευδὴς οὐκ ἀτιμώρητος ἔσται», ἃ εἴδομεν, μαρτυροῦμεν, μάλιστα ὅτι ἀναγκαίαν ἡμῶν ἐποίησεν εἶναι τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἡ γενομένη συσκευὴ κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν Ἀθανασίου. θαυμάζομεν γὰρ πῶς ὅλως Ἰσχύρας κἂν εἰς μέτρον τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐμετρήθη, περὶ οὗ πρῶτον διηγήσασθαι ἀναγκαῖον ἡγούμεθα. Ἰσχύρας οὐδέποτε λειτουργὸς τῆς ἐκκλησίας γέγονεν, ἀλλ' ἑαυτὸν μὲν πρὸ τούτου ἐφήμισε Κολλούθου πρεσβύτερον, οὐκ ἔσχε δὲ τὸν πειθόμενον αὐτῷ εἰ μὴ μόνον τοὺς συγγενεῖς ἑαυτοῦ. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκκλησίαν ἔσχε ποτὲ οὔτε ὅλως κληρικὸς ἐνομίσθη παρὰ τοῖς ὀλίγον διεστῶσιν ἀπὸ τῆς κώμης αὐτοῦ πλὴν μόνοις, ὡς προείπομεν, τοῖς συγγενέσιν ἑαυτοῦ. ἀλλὰ καὶ ὅμως τοιαύτην ἑαυτῷ προση γορίαν ἐπιφημίσας ἐπὶ τῆς συνόδου τῆς συγκροτηθείσης ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἐπὶ τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν Ὁσίου καθῃρέθη καὶ λαικὸς συνήχθη καὶ οὕτως ἔμεινε τὸν ἑξῆς χρόνον ἐκπεσὼν καὶ τῆς ψευδοῦς ὑπονοίας τοῦ πρεσβυτερίου. περὶ γὰρ τῶν ἠθῶν αὐτοῦ περιττὸν ἡγούμεθα λέγειν δυναμένων πάντων εἰδέναι τὰ τοιαῦτα. ἐπειδὴ δὲ περὶ κλάσεως ποτηρίου καὶ τραπέζης ἐσυκοφάντησεν ἡμῶν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Ἀθανάσιον, καὶ περὶ τούτου διηγήσασθαι ὑμῖν ἀναγκαῖον ἠπείχθημεν. φθάσαντες γὰρ εἴπομεν ἐκκλησίαν αὐτὸν μηδέ ποτε ἐσχηκέναι ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτῃ, ὡς δὲ ἐπὶ θεοῦ μάρτυρος οὐδὲ ποτήριον κέκλασται οὐδὲ τράπεζα ἀνετράπη παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν οὐδὲ παρ' ἄλλου τινὸς τῶν συνόντων αὐτῷ, ἀλλὰ πάντα ἐστὶ τὰ λεγόμενα συκοφαντία. καὶ ταῦτα λέγομεν οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἀπόντες, πάντες γὰρ σὺν αὐτῷ ἐσμεν, ὅταν περιοδεύῃ τὸν Μαρεώτην· καὶ οὐδέποτε μόνος περιέρχεται, ἀλλὰ μετὰ πάντων ἡμῶν τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν διακόνων καὶ λαῶν ἱκανῶν. διὸ καὶ ὡς συμπαρόντες αὐτῷ ἐν πάσῃ περιοδείᾳ, ᾗ πεποίηται πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ταῦτα λέγομεν καὶ μαρτυροῦμεν ὅτι οὔτε ποτήριον κατέαγεν οὔτε τράπεζα ἀνετράπη, ἀλλὰ πάντα ψεύδεται, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς διὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ χειρὸς μαρτυρεῖ. θε λήσαντα γὰρ αὐτὸν συναχθῆναι μετὰ τὸ ἀπελθεῖν αὐτὸν μετὰ Μελιτιανῶν καὶ τοιαῦτα φημίσαι κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν Ἀθανασίου οὐκ ἐδέξαντο αὐτόν, καίτοι γράψαντα καὶ ἰδίᾳ χειρὶ ὁμολογήσαντα μηδὲν τούτων γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλ' ὑποβεβλῆσθαι ὑπό τινων ταῦτα εἰπεῖν.
∆ιὸ καὶ ἐλθόντες οἱ περὶ Θεόγνιον καὶ Θεόδωρον καὶ Μάριν καὶ Μακεδόνιον καὶ Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐάλεντα εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην οὐδὲν εὑρόντες ἀληθές, ἀλλὰ μέλλοντος τοῦ πράγματος ἐλέγχεσθαι ὅτι συκοφαντίαν εἰργάσαντο κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν Ἀθα νασίου αὐτοὶ οἱ περὶ Θεόγνιον ἐχθροὶ τυγχάνοντες τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ καί τινας Ἀρειομανίτας πεποιήκασιν εἰπεῖν, ἅπερ ἤθελον. οὐ γάρ τις τοῦ λαοῦ κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου εἴρηκεν, ἀλλ' αὐτοὶ τῷ φόβῳ τοῦ ἐπάρχου τῆς Αἰγύπτου Φιλαγρίου καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς καὶ τῇ προστασίᾳ τῶν Ἀρειομανιτῶν, ἅπερ ἠθέλησαν, πεποιήκασι. καὶ γὰρ ἐλθόντας ἡμᾶς ἐλέγξαι τὴν συκοφαντίαν οὐκ ἐπέτρεψαν, ἀλλὰ ἀπέρριπτον μὲν ἡμᾶς, οὓς δὲ ἤθελον συσκευαζόμενοι προσεδέχοντο καὶ συνετίθεντο αὐτοῖς διὰ τὸν φόβον τοῦ ἐπάρχου Φιλαγρίου, δι' ὃν οὔτε παρεῖναι ἡμᾶς ἐπέτρεψαν, ἵνα κἂν τοὺς ὑποβαλλομένους ὑπ' αὐτῶν δυνηθῶμεν ἐλέγξαι, εἰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰσὶν ἢ Ἀρειομανῖται. οἴδατε δέ, ἀγαπητοὶ πατέρες, καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὡς διδάσκετε ἡμᾶς, ὅτι ἐχθρῶν οὐκ ἰσχύει μαρτυρία. καὶ ὅτι μὲν ἀληθεύομεν, μαρτυρεῖ μὲν καὶ ἡ χεὶρ Ἰσχύρα, μαρτυρεῖ δὲ καὶ τὰ πράγματα αὐτά, ὅτι ἡμῶν μὲν μηδὲν συνειδότων τοιοῦτόν τι γεγενῆσθαι Φιλάγριον παρέλαβον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν, ἵνα τῷ φόβῳ τοῦ ξίφους καὶ ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς ἃ βούλονται συσκευάσωνται. ταῦτα ὡς ἐπὶ θεοῦ μαρτυροῦμεν, ταῦτα ὡς εἰδότες καὶ ἐσομένην κρίσιν παρὰ θεοῦ λέγομεν, θέλοντες μὲν ἐλθεῖν πάντες πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἀρκεσθέντες δὲ τοῖς ἐξ ἡμῶν, ἵνα τὰ γράμματα τὴν τῶν μὴ παραγενομένων παρουσίαν ἀποπληρώσῃ. Ἰγγένιος πρεσβύτερος ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι ἐν κυρίῳ, ἀγαπητοὶ πατέρες Θέων πρεσβύτερος Ἀμμωνᾶς πρεσβύτερος Ἡράκλειος πρεσβύτερος Βόκκων πρεσβύτερος Τρύφων πρεσβύτερος Πέτρος πρεσβύτερος Ἱέραξ πρεσβύτερος Σαραπίων πρεσβύτερος Μάρκος πρεσβύτερος Πτολλαρίων πρεσβύτερος Γάιος πρεσβύτερος ∆ιόσκορος πρεσβύτερος ∆ημήτριος πρεσβύτερος Θύρσος πρεσβύτερος ∆ιάκονοι Πιστὸς διάκονος Ἀπολλὼς διάκονος Σερρᾶς διάκονος Πιστὸς διάκονος Πολύνικος διάκονος Ἀμμώνιος διάκονος Μαῦρος διάκονος Ἥφαιστος διάκονος Ἀπολλὼς διάκονος Μετωπᾶς διάκονος Ἀπολλὼς διάκονος Σεραπᾶς διάκονος Μελίφθογγος διάκονος Λούκιος διάκονος Γρηγορᾶς διάκονος
Οἱ αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὸν κουριῶσον καὶ Φιλάγριον τότε λεγόμενον ἔπαρχον Αἰγύπτου Φλαβίῳ Φιλαγρίῳ καὶ Φλαβίῳ Παλλαδίῳ δουκιναρίῳ παλατίνῳ κουριώσῳ καὶ Φλαβίῳ Ἀντωνίνῳ βιάρχῳ κεντηναρίῳ τῶν κυρίων μου τῶν λαμπροτάτων ἐπάρχων τοῦ ἱεροῦ πραιτωρίου παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων τοῦ Μαρεώτου, νομοῦ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν αἰδεσιμώτατον ἐπίσκοπον Ἀθανάσιον· διὰ τῶν ἑξῆς ὑπογραφόντων τάδε μαρτυρούμενοι ἐπιδιδόαμεν· Ἐπειδὴ Θεόγνιος καὶ Μάρις καὶ Μακεδόνιος καὶ Θεόδωρος καὶ Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης ὡς ἀποσταλέντες ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν ἐπισκόπων τῶν συνελθόντων ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ ἀπήντησαν ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ παροικίᾳ φάσκοντες ἐντολὰς εἰληφέναι, ὡς ζητῆσαί τινα ἐκ κλησιαστικὰ πράγματα, ἐν οἷς ἔλεγον καὶ περὶ ποτηρίου κυριακοῦ κεκλασμένου ὑπο βληθέντος αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ Ἰσχύρα, ὃν ἤγαγον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν, λέγοντος ἑαυτὸν εἶναι πρεσ βύτερον, ὃς οὐκ ἔστι πρεσβύτερος, –ὑπὸ γὰρ Κολλούθου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου φαντασθέντος ἐπισκοπὴν καὶ ὕστερον ὑπὸ κοινῆς συνόδου Ὁσίου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐπισκόπων κε λευσθέντος πρεσβυτέρου εἶναι, καθὸ καὶ πρότερον ἦν, κατεστάθη καὶ κατὰ ἀκολουθίαν πάντες οἱ ὑπὸ Κολλούθου κατασταθέντες ἀνέδραμον εἰς τὸν αὐτὸν τόπον, εἰς ὃν καὶ πρό τερον ἦσαν, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸς Ἰσχύρας λαικὸς ὤφθη, ἥν τε λέγει ἔχειν ἐκκλησίαν, μηδὲ πώποτε ἐκκλησίαν γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλ' οἰκητικὸν οἰκημάτιον μικρὸν ὀρφανοῦ παιδίου Ἰσίωνος τοὔνομα, –καὶ διά τοι τοῦτο τῇδε τῇ διαμαρτυρίᾳ ἐχρησάμεθα ἐπορκίζοντές σε κατὰ τοῦ παντοκράτορος θεοῦ καὶ κατὰ τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίνου τοῦ Αὐγούστου, καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων Καισάρων παίδων αὐτοῦ ταῦτα αὐτὰ εἰς γνῶσιν ἀνενεγκεῖν τῇ εὐσεβείᾳ αὐτῶν. οὔτε γὰρ πρεσβύτερός ἐστι τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας οὔτε ἐκκλησίαν ἔχει οὔτε ποτὲ ποτήριον ἐκλάσθη, ἀλλὰ πάντα ψεύδεται καὶ πλάττεται. ὑπατείᾳ Ἰουλίου Κωνσταντίου τοῦ λαμπροτάτου πατρικίου ἀδελφοῦ τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου τοῦ Αὐγούστου καὶ Ῥουφίνου Ἀλβίνου τῶν λαμπροτάτων, Θὼθ δεκάτῃ.
Οἱ μὲν οὖν πρεσβύτεροι ταῦτα, ἃ δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐπίσκοποι οἱ μεθ' ἡμῶν ἐλθόντες εἰς τὴν Τύρον συνορῶντες τὴν συσκευὴν καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἔγραψαν καὶ διεμαρτύ ραντο, ἔστι ταῦτα· 77.2ν Τοῖς ἐν Τύρῳ συνελθοῦσιν ἐπισκόποις, κυρίοις τιμιωτάτοις, οἱ ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου σὺν Ἀθανασίῳ ἐλθόντες τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Οὐκέτι νομίζομεν τὴν συσκευὴν ἄδηλον εἶναι τὴν παρὰ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Θεόγνιον καὶ Μάριν καὶ Νάρκισσον καὶ Θεόδωρον καὶ Πατρόφιλον ἡμῖν γιγνομένην. καὶ κατ' ἀρχὴν μὲν γὰρ παρῃτούμεθα πάντες διὰ τοῦ συλλειτουργοῦ ἡμῶν Ἀθανασίου παρόντων αὐτῶν τὴν ἀκρόασιν γενέσθαι εἰδότες ὅτι καὶ ἑνὸς μόνου ἐχθροῦ παρουσία, μήτιγε πολλῶν, ταράττειν καὶ βλάπτειν δύναται τὴν ἀκρόασιν. οἴδατε γὰρ καὶ ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ τὴν ἔχθραν αὐτῶν, ἣν οὐ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μόνον ἐσχήκασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ὀρθοδόξους, ὅτι διὰ τὴν Ἀρείου μανίαν καὶ τὴν ἀσεβῆ διδασκαλίαν ἐκείνου κατὰ πάντων ἐπιφύονται καὶ πᾶσι συσκευάζονται. ἐπειδὴ δὲ θαρροῦντες ἡμεῖς τῇ ἀληθείᾳ δεῖξαι τὴν συκοφαντίαν τὴν κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τῶν Μελιτιανῶν γινομένην ἠθε λήσαμεν, οὐκ οἴδαμεν πῶς οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ταράττειν τὰ παρ' ἡμῶν λεγόμενα ἐπει ρῶντο καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐσπούδαζον τὰ παρ' ἡμῶν λεγόμενα ἐκβάλλεσθαι, τοῖς μὲν ἀκεραίως δικάζουσιν ἀπειλοῦντες, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑβρίζοντες, μόνον ἵνα τὸ καθ' ἡμῶν σπουδαζόμενον αὐτοῖς γένηται. καὶ ἴσως ἡ ἔνθεος ὑμῶν εὐλάβεια, κύριοι τιμιώτατοι, ἠγνόει τὴν γενομένην παρ' αὐτῶν συσκευήν, ἀλλὰ νῦν νομίζομεν φανερὰν γεγενῆσθαι αὐτήν. ἰδοὺ γὰρ φανερῶς αὐτοὶ τὴν συσκευὴν ἐνεδείξαντο. τοὺς γὰρ ἐξ αὐτῶν ὑποπτευομένους ἀποστεῖλαι ἠθέλησαν εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, ἵνα ἀπόντων ἡμῶν καὶ ἐνταῦθα μενόντων τοὺς μὲν λαοὺς ταράξωσιν, ἃ δὲ βούλονται διαπράξωνται. εἶδον γὰρ ὅτι οἱ Ἀρειο μανῖται καὶ Κολλουθιανοὶ καὶ Μελιτιανοὶ ἐχθροὶ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰσί· διὰ τοῦτο ἐσπούδασαν ἀποστεῖλαι τούτους, ἵνα παρόντων ἐχθρῶν καττύσωσι καθ' ἡμῶν, ἃ βού λονται. καὶ γὰρ οἱ ἐνταῦθα Μελιτιανοὶ ἀπέστειλαν ἐξ ἑαυτῶν τινας καὶ πρὸ τεσσά ρων μὲν ἡμερῶν ὥσπερ εἰδότες τοῦτο τὸ σκέμμα γιγνόμενον ἔσεσθαι, καθ' ἑσπέραν δὲ δύο βηριδαρίους πρὸς τὸ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου Μελιτιανοὺς συναγαγεῖν εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἐκεῖ μηδένα καθόλου, καὶ Κολλουθιανοὺς καὶ Ἀρειομανίτας ἀπὸ ἄλλων τόπων καὶ καττῦσαι καθ' ἡμῶν αὐτοὺς λέγειν. οἴδατε γὰρ καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὅτι αὐτὸς Ἰσχύρας ὡμολόγησεν ἐφ' ὑμῶν οὐ πλέον ἑπτὰ συναγομένων ἔχειν. ἐπεὶ οὖν μετὰ τὸ αὐτοὺς κατασκευάσαι, ὅπερ βούλονται, καὶ ἀποστεῖλαι τοὺς ὑπόπτους ἠκούσαμεν ὅτι καθ' ἕκαστον ὑμῶν περιερχόμενοι ἀπαιτοῦσιν ὑπογραφὴν πρὸς τὸ δοκεῖν τῇ πάντων ὑμῶν σκέψει γεγενῆσθαι, τούτου ἕνεκεν γράψαι ὑμῖν ἠπείχθημεν καὶ ἐπιδοῦναι τόδε τὸ μαρτύριον, μαρτυρόμενοι μὲν ὅτι συσκευαζόμεθα καὶ πάσχομεν ὑπ' αὐτῶν καὶ δι' αὐτῶν ἐπιβουλήν, ἀξιοῦντες δὲ ὅπως ἐν νῷ λαβόντες τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ φόβον καὶ κατα γνόντες ὅτι χωρὶς ἡμῶν ἀπέστειλαν οὓς ἠθέλησαν, μὴ ὑπογράψητε, ἵνα μή, ἅπερ αὐτοὶ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς καττύουσι, ταῦτα ὡς παρ' ὑμῶν γιγνόμενα λέγωσι. καὶ γὰρ πρέπει τοὺς ἐν Χριστῷ ἀνθρώπους μὴ εἰς ἀνθρώπινα βλέπειν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν πάντων προκρίνειν. καὶ μήτε ἀπειλὴν ᾗ χρῶνται πρὸς πάντας μήτε συσκευὴν φοβηθῆτε, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὸν θεόν. ἔδει γάρ, εἴπερ ἦν ὅλως ἀκόλουθον εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην ἀποσταλῆναι, καὶ ἡμᾶς συμπαρεῖναι, ἵνα τοὺς μὲν ἐχθροὺς τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐλέγξωμεν, τοὺς δὲ ξένους ἀποδείξωμεν, καὶ καθαρὰ τοῦ πράγματος ἡ ἔρευνα γένηται. οἴδατε γὰρ ὅτι οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἐκάττυσαν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπιδοθῆναι ὡς ἀπὸ Κολλουθιανῶν καὶ Μελιτιανῶν καὶ Ἀρειανῶν γραφεῖσαν καθ' ἡμῶν, καὶ δῆλον ὅτι αὐτοὶ οἱ ἐχθροὶ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας οὐδὲν ἀληθὲς περὶ ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ πάντα καθ' ἡμῶν λέγουσιν. ὁ δὲ νόμος τοῦ θεοῦ οὔτε ἐχθρὸν μάρτυρα οὔτε κριτὴν εἶναι βούλεται. λοιπὸν ὡς ἐν ἡμέρᾳ κρίσεως λόγον μέλλοντες διδόναι λαβόντες τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦτο καὶ γνόντες συσκευὴν τὴν καθ' ἡμῶν γενομένην παρακληθέντες φυλάξασθε μηδέν τι καθ' ἡμῶν πρᾶξαι μηδὲ συνάρασθαι τῇ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον σκέψει. καὶ γὰρ πάλιν οἴδατε, ὡς προείπομεν, ὡς ἐχθροί εἰσιν ἡμῶν, καὶ διὰ τί Εὐσέβιος ὁ τῆς Καισαρείας ἐχθρὸς γέγονεν ἀπὸ πέρυσιν. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὐχόμεθα, κύριοι ποθεινότατοι.
Φλαβίῳ ∆ιονυσίῳ τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ κόμητι παρὰ τῶν ἐπισκόπων τῆς Αἰγύπτου καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας τῶν ἐλθόντων εἰς Τύρον. Οὐκέτι νομίζομεν τὴν συσκευὴν ἄδηλον εἶναι τὴν παρὰ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Θεόγνιον καὶ Μάριν καὶ Νάρκισσον καὶ Θεόδωρον καὶ Πατρόφιλον ἡμῖν γιγνομένην. κατ' ἀρχὴν μὲν γὰρ παρῃτούμεθα πάντες διὰ τοῦ συλλειτουργοῦ ἡμῶν Ἀθανασίου παρόντων αὐτῶν τὴν ἀκρόασιν γενέσθαι εἰδότες ὅτι καὶ ἑνὸς μόνου ἐχθροῦ παρουσία, μήτιγε πολλῶν, ταράττειν καὶ βλάπτειν δύναται τὴν ἀκρόασιν. φανερὰ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ ἔχθρα αὐτῶν, ἣν οὐ πρὸς ἡμᾶς μόνον ἐσχήκασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ὀρθο δόξους, ὅτι κατὰ πάντα ἐπιφύονται καὶ πᾶσι συσκευάζονται. ἐπειδὴ δὲ θαρροῦντες ἡμεῖς τῇ ἀληθείᾳ δεῖξαι τὴν συκοφαντίαν τὴν κατὰ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τῶν Μελιτιανῶν γενομένην ἠθελήσαμεν, οὐκ οἴδαμεν πῶς αὐτοὶ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον ταράττειν τὰ παρ' ἡμῶν λεγόμενα ἐπειρῶντο καὶ ἐπὶ πολὺ ἐσπούδαζον τὰ παρ' ἡμῶν λεγόμενα ἐκβάλλεσθαι, τοῖς μὲν ἀκεραίως δικάζουσιν ἀπειλοῦντες, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ὑβρίζοντες, μόνον ἵνα τὸ καθ' ἡμῶν σπουδαζόμενον αὐτοῖς γένηται. καὶ ἴσως ἡ χρηστότης σου ἠγνόει τὴν καθ' ἡμῶν γινομένην παρ' αὐτῶν συσκευήν, ἀλλὰ νῦν νομίζομεν φανερὰν αὐτὴν γεγενῆσθαι. ἰδοὺ γὰρ φανερῶς αὐτοὶ τὴν συσκευὴν ἐνεδείξαντο. τοὺς γὰρ ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ὑποπτευομένους ἀποστεῖλαι ἠθέλησαν εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, ἵνα ἀπόντων ἡμῶν καὶ ἐνταῦθα μενόντων τοὺς μὲν λαοὺς ταράξωσιν, ἃ δὲ βούλονται διαπράξωνται. εἰδότες γὰρ ὅτι Ἀρειομανῖται καὶ Κολλουθιανοὶ καὶ Μελιτιανοὶ ἐχθροὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰσί, διὰ τοῦτο ἐσπούδασαν ἀπο στεῖλαι τούτους, ἵνα παρόντων ἐχθρῶν καττύσωσι καθ' ἡμῶν, ἃ βούλονται. καὶ γὰρ ἤδη οἱ ἐνταῦθα Μελιτιανοὶ ἀπέστειλαν ἐξ αὑτῶν τινας καὶ πρὸ τεσσάρων μὲν ἡμερῶν ὥσπερ εἰδότες τοῦτο τὸ σκέμμα γενόμενον ἔσεσθαι, καθ' ἑσπέραν δὲ δύο βηριδαρίους πρὸς τὸ καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου Μελιτιανοὺς συναγαγεῖν εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶναι ἐκεῖ μηδένα καθόλου, καὶ Κολλουθιανοὺς καὶ Ἀρειομανίτας ἀπ' ἄλλων τόπων καὶ καττῦσαι καθ' ἡμῶν αὐτοὺς λέγειν. οἶδε δέ σου ἡ χρηστότης ὅτι αὐτὸς Ἰσχύρας ὡμολόγησεν ἐπὶ σοῦ μὴ πλέον ἑπτὰ συναγομένων ἔχειν. ἐπεὶ οὖν μετὰ τὸ αὐτοὺς κατα σκευάσαι, ὅπερ βούλονται, καὶ ἀποστεῖλαι τοὺς ὑπόπτους ἠκούσαμεν ὅτι καθ' ἕκαστον τῶν ἐπισκόπων περιερχόμενοι ἀπαιτοῦσιν ὑπογραφὴν πρὸς τὸ δοκεῖν τῇ πάντων αὐτῶν σκέψει γενέσθαι, τούτου ἕνεκεν ἀνενεγκεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν σὴν λαμπρότητα ἠπείχθημεν καὶ ἐπιδοῦναι τόδε τὸ μαρτύριον, μαρτυρόμενοι μὲν ὅτι συσκευαζόμεθα καὶ πάσχομεν ὑπ' αὐτῶν καὶ δι' αὐτῶν ἐπιβουλήν, ἀξιοῦντες δὲ ὅπως ἐν νῷ λαβὼν τὸν φόβον τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὰς εὐσεβεῖς ἐντολὰς τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως ὡς καταγνοὺς ὅτι χωρὶς ἡμῶν οὓς ἠθέλησαν ἀπέστειλαν, μὴ ἀνάσχῃ αὐτῶν. Ἀδαμάντιος ἐπίσκοπος ἐπιδέδωκα Ἰσχύρας Ἄμμων Πέτρος Ἀμμωνιανὸς Τύραννος Ταυρῖνος Σαραπάμμων Αἰλουρίων Ἁρποκρατίων Μωυσῆς Ὀπτᾶτος Ἀνουβίων Σαπρίων Ἀπολλώνιος Ἰσχυρίων Ἀρβαιθίων Ποτάμων Παφνούτιος Ἡρακλείδης Θεόδωρος Ἀγαθάμμων Γάιος Πιστός Ἀθάς Νίκων Πελάγιος Θέων Πανινούθιος Νόννος Ἀρίστων Θεόδωρος Εἰρηναῖος Βλαστάμμων Φίλιππος Ἀπολλώς ∆ιόσκορος Τιμόθεος ∆ιοσπόλεως Μακάριος Ἡρακλάμμων Κρόνιος Μοῦις Ἰάκωβος Ἀρίστων Ἀρτεμίδωρος Φινεές Ψάις Ἡρακλείδης
Καὶ δεύτερον οἱ αὐτοί Φλαυίῳ ∆ιονυσίῳ τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ κόμητι οἱ ἐν Τύρῳ ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου ἐλθόντες ἐπίσκοποι τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας. Πολλὰς ὁρῶντες συσκευὰς καθ' ἡμῶν γινομένας καὶ ἐπιβουλὰς ἐκ συσκευῆς τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Νάρκισσον καὶ Φλάκιλλον καὶ Θεόγνιον καὶ Μάριν καὶ Θεόδωρον καὶ Πατρόφιλον, οὓς κατὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν θελήσαντες παραιτήσασθαι οὐκ ἐπετράπημεν, ἀνάγκην ἔχομεν ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν διαμαρτυρίαν ἐλθεῖν. καὶ γὰρ πολλὴν ὑπὲρ Μελιτιανῶν ὁρῶμεν σπουδὴν γιγνομένην, κατὰ δὲ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δι' ἡμῶν ἐπιβουλήν. ὅθεν ἐπιδίδομέν σοι τήνδε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀξιοῦντες ἐν νῷ σε λαβεῖν τὸν θεὸν τὸν παντοκράτορα τὸν τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου καὶ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου διαφυλάττοντα τηρῆσαι τὴν ἀκρόασιν τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς πραγμάτων αὐτῷ τῷ εὐσεβεστάτῳ βασιλεῖ. καὶ γὰρ εὔλογον ἀποσταλέντα σε παρὰ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡμῶν ἐπικαλεσαμένων τὴν εὐσέβειαν αὐτοῦ αὐτῷ τηρῆσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα. οὐκέτι γὰρ φέρομεν συσκευαζόμενοι καὶ ἐπιβουλευόμενοι διὰ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον τῶν προειρημένων. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῷ εὐσεβεστάτῳ καὶ θεοφιλεστάτῳ βασιλεῖ τηρηθῆναι τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀξιοῦ μεν, παρ' ᾧ δυνάμεθα καὶ τὰ δίκαια τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν παραθέσθαι. πιστεύο μεν γὰρ ὅτι ἡ εὐσέβεια αὐτοῦ ἀκούσασα οὐ καταγνώσεται ἡμῶν. καὶ πάλιν οὖν ὁρκίζο μέν σε τὸν παντοκράτορα θεὸν καὶ τὸν εὐσεβέστατον βασιλέα ἀεὶ εἰς πολλὰς ἐτῶν περιόδους νικῶντα καὶ ὑγιαίνοντα μετὰ τῶν παίδων τῆς εὐσεβείας αὐτοῦ μηδὲν πλέον πρᾶξαι μηδὲ ἐπιτρέψαι τι σεαυτῷ ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ κινῆσαι περὶ τῶν καθ' ἡμᾶς πραγ μάτων, ἀλλὰ τηρῆσαι τῇ εὐσεβείᾳ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀκρόασιν. περὶ δὲ τῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τοῖς κυρίοις μου ἐπισκόποις τοῖς ὀρθοδόξοις ἐδηλώσαμεν.
Ταῦτα δεξάμενος Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ἔγραψε ∆ιονυσίῳ τῷ κόμητι ταῦτα· 80.2ν Τῷ δεσπότῃ μου ∆ιονυσίῳ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπίσκοπος. Φανερὰν ὁρῶ κατὰ Ἀθανασίου συσκευὴν γενομένην. πάντας γὰρ οὓς παρῃτή σατο, τούτους οὐκ οἶδα τί πεπονθότες ἀποστεῖλαι ἠθέλησαν μηδὲ σημάναντες ἡμῖν. ἦν γὰρ δόξαν κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ σκέψασθαι, τίνας δεήσει ἀποσταλῆναι. συμβούλευσον οὖν μή τι προπετὲς γενέσθαι (ἐληλύθασι γὰρ πρὸς μὲ τεθορυβημένοι λέγοντες «ἤδη τὰ θηρία ἐσφρῖχθαι, καὶ μέλλειν ἐξορμᾶν». περιηχήθησαν γὰρ ὡς Ἰωάννου τινὰς ἀποστεί λαντος), μὴ προλαβόντες καττύσωσιν, ὡς ἂν ἐθέλοιεν. οἶδας γὰρ ὅτι καὶ Κολλουθιανοὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐχθροὶ ὄντες καὶ Ἀρειανοὶ καὶ Μελιτιανοί, οὗτοι πάντες ἀλλήλοις σύμψηφοι γενόμενοι, δύνανται μεγάλα κακὰ ἐργάσασθαι. σκέψαι οὖν τὸ συμφέρον, ἵνα μὴ ἀνα κύψῃ τι σκυθρωπὸν καὶ αἰτίᾳ ὑποβληθῶμεν ὡς οὐ κατὰ τὸ δίκαιον κρίναντες. κἀκεῖνοι μάλιστα ὑφορῶνται, μὴ διοδεύοντες τὰς ἐκκλησίας, ὧν οἱ ἐπίσκοποί εἰσιν ἐνταῦθα, φόβον ἐμποιήσαντες ταράξωσι πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὡς τοῖς Μελιτιανοῖς παραδόντες. ἐκ τοῦ πλείστου γὰρ τοῦτο συνορῶ γινόμενον.
Πρὸς ταῦτα ∆ιονύσιος ὁ κόμης ἔγραψε τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ταῦτα· ... Ταῦτα ἦν ἃ νῦν διελεγόμην τοῖς κυρίοις μου τοῖς περὶ Φλάκιλλον, ὅτι Ἀθανάσιος ἐπιστὰς ᾐτιάσατο· «οὓς παρῃτησάμην», λέγων, «τούτους ἀποστέλλεσθαι» καὶ βοῶν ὡς «ἀδικούμενος καὶ περιγραφόμενος», ταῦτα καὶ ὁ κύριός μου τῆς ψυχῆς Ἀλέξανδρος ἀπέ στειλε. καὶ ἵνα γνῶτε ὅτι κατὰ λόγον ἔχει τὰ γραφέντα μοι παρὰ τῆς χρηστότητος αὐτοῦ, ὑπέταξα αὐτὰ ἀναγνωσθησόμενα ὑμῖν. μέμνησθε δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄνωθεν παρ' ἐμοῦ γραφέντων· ἐπέστειλα γὰρ ὑμῶν τῇ χρηστότητι, κύριοι, ὅτι χρὴ τοὺς ἀποστελλο μένους κοινῇ κρίσει καὶ δόγματι ἀποσταλῆναι. ὁρᾶτε τοίνυν, μὴ ἐγκλήματι ὑποπέσῃ τὰ γινόμενα μηδὲ δικαίας μέμψεως ἀφορμὴν τοῖς βουλομένοις ἡμᾶς αἰτιάσασθαι δῶμεν. ὥσπερ γὰρ βαρεῖσθαι τὸ μέρος τῶν κατηγόρων οὐ προσήκει, οὕτως οὐδὲ τὸ τῶν φευ γόντων. νομίζω δὲ οὐ μικρὰν εἶναι ἀφορμὴν καθ' ἡμῶν μέμψεως, ὅταν φαίνηται ὁ κύριός μου Ἀλέξανδρος μὴ συναινῶν τοῖς πραττομένοις ...
Τούτων οὕτω πραττομένων ἀνεχωρήσαμεν ἀπ' αὐτῶν ὡς «ἀπὸ συνόδου τῶν ἀθετούντων»· ἃ γὰρ ἐβούλοντο, ταῦτα καὶ ἔπραττον. ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὰ πραττόμενα κατὰ μονομέρειαν οὐδεμίαν ἔχει δύναμιν, οὐδείς ἐστιν, ὅστις ἀγνοεῖ τῶν πάντων ἀνθρώπων. τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ ὁ θεῖος νόμος κελεύει, τοῦτο καὶ ὁ μακάριος ἀπόστολος πάσχων τοιαύτην ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ κρινόμενος ἠξίου λέγων· «ἔδει τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας Ἰουδαίους ἐπὶ σοῦ παρεῖναι καὶ κατηγορεῖν, εἴ τι ἔχοιεν», ὅτε καὶ ὁ Φῆστος θελόντων τῶν Ἰουδαίων τοιαύτην ἐπιβουλὴν ἐργάσασθαι, οἵαν νῦν καθ' ἡμῶν οὗτοι πεποιήκασιν, ἔλεγεν· «οὐκ ἔστιν ἔθος Ῥωμαίοις χαρίζεσθαί τινα ἄνθρωπον, πρὶν ἢ ὁ κατηγορούμενος κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔχοι τοὺς κατηγόρους τόπον τε ἀπολογίας λάβοι περὶ τοῦ ἐγκλήματος». ἀλλ' οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ τὸν νόμον παραποιεῖν ἐτόλμησαν καὶ πλέον τῶν ἀδικούντων ἀδικώτεροι γεγόνασιν. οὐ γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατὰ μόνας ἔπραξαν, ἀλλ' ὅτε παρόντων ἡμῶν ἠσθένησαν, τότε λοιπὸν ἐξελθόντες ὡς Ἰουδαῖοι συμβούλιον ἔλαβον κατὰ μόνας, ὅπως ἡμᾶς μὲν ἀπολέσωσι, τὴν δὲ αἵρεσιν εἰσαγάγωσιν, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τὸν Βαραββᾶν ᾐτήσαντο. τούτου χάριν αὐτοὶ ταῦτα πάντα πεποιηκέναι δι' ἑαυτῶν ὡμολόγησαν.
Καὶ εἰ ἀρκεῖ ταῦτα πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀπολογίαν, ὅμως ὑπὲρ τοῦ καὶ πλέον τούτων μὲν τὴν πονηρίαν δειχθῆναι, τῆς δὲ ἀληθείας τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, οὐδὲν ἐλύπει καὶ πάλιν ὑπομνῆσαι καὶ δεῖξαι ὡς αὐτοὶ ἑαυτοῖς ἐναντία ἔπραξαν καὶ ὡς ἐν σκότῳ βουλευόμενοι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν προσέκοπτον καὶ θέλοντες ἡμᾶς ἀνελεῖν ἑαυτοὺς ἔτρωσαν ὡς μαινόμενοι. περὶ μυστηρίων γὰρ ἐρευνῶντες Ἰουδαίους ἀνέκρινον καὶ κατηχουμένους ἐξήταζον· «ποῦ ἦτε, ὅτε Μακάριος ἦλθε καὶ ἀνέτρεψε τὴν τράπεζαν;» κἀκεῖνοι ἀπεκρίναντο ὅτι «ἔνδον ὄντες ἐτυγχάνομεν». οὐκοῦν οὐκ ἦν προσφορά, εἰ κατηχούμενοι ἔνδον ἦσαν. ἔπειτα γράψαντες πανταχοῦ ὡς «ἑστῶτος τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου καὶ ἐπιτελοῦντος εἰσελθὼν Μακάριος ἀνέτρεψε πάντα», ἀνέκρινον οὓς ἠβούλοντο, ποῦ ἦν Ἰσχύρας, ὅτε Μακάριος ἐπέστη. κἀκεῖνοι πάλιν ἀπεκρίναντο ὅτι ἐν κελλίῳ νοσῶν κατακείμενος ἦν. οὐκοῦν οὐχ εἱστήκει ὁ κατακείμενος οὐδὲ προσέφερεν ὁ ἐν κελλίῳ νοσῶν καὶ κατακείμενος. πρὸς τούτοις λέγοντος τοῦ Ἰσχύρα κεκαῦσθαι βιβλία παρὰ Μακαρίου οἱ ὑποβληθέντες μάρτυρες ἔλεγον μηδέν τι τοιοῦτον γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ ψεύδεσθαι τὸν Ἰσχύραν. καὶ τὸ θαυμαστόν, γράψαντες πάλιν πανταχοῦ ἠφανίσθαι παρ' ἡμῶν τοὺς δυναμένους μαρτυρεῖν, τούτους φαινομένους ἀνέκρινον καὶ οὐκ ᾐσχύνοντο βλέποντες ἑαυτοὺς συκοφάντας πανταχόθεν δεικνυμένους καὶ ταῦτα κατὰ μόνας πράττοντας ὡς ἠβούλοντο. ἔνευον μὲν γὰρ τοῖς μάρ τυσι, καὶ ὁ ἔπαρχος ἠπείλει, καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται ἔνυττον, ὁ δὲ κύριος τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐξε κάλυπτε καὶ συκοφάντας αὐτοὺς ἐδείκνυε. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τὰ ὑπομνήματα ἔκρυψαν, καὶ αὐτοὶ μὲν ἔσχον αὐτά, παρήγγειλαν δὲ τοῖς γράψασιν ἀφανίσαι καὶ μηδενὶ τὸ σύν ολον ἐκδοῦναι. ἀλλ' ἐσφάλησαν καὶ ἐν τούτῳ· ὁ μὲν γὰρ γράψας αὐτὰ Ῥοῦφός ἐστιν ὁ νῦν ἐν τῇ Αὐγουσταμνικῇ σπεκουλάτωρ καὶ δύναται μαρτυρῆσαι, οἱ δὲ περὶ Εὐσέβιον εἰς Ῥώμην αὐτὰ διὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέστειλαν, καὶ Ἰούλιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος αὐτά μοι διεπέμψατο. καὶ μαίνονται νῦν, ὅτι ἃ ἐκεῖνοι ἀποκρύπτειν ἐβούλοντο, ἡμεῖς ἔσχομεν καὶ ἀνέγνωμεν.
Ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα συνθέντες εὐθὺς καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν, δι' ἣν ταῦτα ἔπραξαν, ἐφανέρωσαν. ἀπερχόμενοι γὰρ ἀπήγαγον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν τοὺς Ἀρειανοὺς εἰς τὴν Ἱερουσαλήμ, κἀκεῖ τούτους εἰς κοινωνίαν ἐδέξαντο γράψαντες ἐπιστολὴν περὶ αὐτῶν, ἧς ἡ ἀρχὴ καὶ τὸ μέρος ἐστὶ τοῦτο. Ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος ἡ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις θεοῦ χάριτι συναχθεῖσα τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ τῇ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ καὶ τοῖς κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ Θηβαίδα καὶ Λιβύην καὶ Πεντάπολιν καὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐπισκόποις καὶ πρεσβυτέροις καὶ διακόνοις ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Πᾶσι μὲν ἡμῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ συνελθοῦσιν ἐξ ἐπαρχιῶν διαφόρων πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ πανηγύρει, ἣν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀφιερώσει τοῦ σωτηρίου μαρτυρίου σπουδῇ τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου τῷ πάντων βασιλεῖ θεῷ καὶ τῷ Χριστῷ αὐτοῦ κατασκευασθέντος ἐπετελέσαμεν, πλείονα θυμηδίαν ἡ τοῦ θεοῦ χάρις πάρεσχεν, ἣν ἐποίησεν αὐτός τε ὁ θεοφιλέστατος βασιλεὺς διὰ γραμμάτων οἰκείων τοῦθ', ὅπερ ἐχρῆν, παρορμήσας πάντα μὲν ἐξορίσαι τῆς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ θεοῦ φθόνον καὶ πᾶσαν μακρὰν ἀπελάσαι βασκανίαν, δι' ἧς τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ μέλη πάλαι πρότερον διειστήκει, ἡπλωμένῃ δὲ καὶ εἰρηναίᾳ ψυχῇ δέξασθαι τοὺς περὶ Ἄρειον, οὓς πρός τινα καιρὸν ὁ μισόκαλος φθόνος ἔξω γενέσθαι τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰργάσατο. ἐμαρτύρει δὲ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὁ θεοφιλέστατος βασιλεὺς διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς πίστεως ὀρθοτομίαν, ἣν παρ' αὐτῶν πυθόμενος αὐτός τε δι' ἑαυτοῦ παρὰ ζώσης φωνῆς αὐτῶν ἀκούσας ἀπεδέξατο ἡμῖν τε φανερὰν κατεστήσατο ὑποτάξας τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ γράμμασιν ἔγγραφον τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὀρθοδοξίαν ...
Τίς τούτων ἀκούων οὐ συνορᾷ τὴν συσκευήν; οὐ γὰρ ἔκρυψαν, ἃ ἔπραξαν, ἢ τάχα καὶ μὴ βουλόμενοι τὴν ἀλήθειαν ὡμολόγησαν. εἰ γὰρ ἐγὼ ἤμην ὁ κωλύων τοὺς περὶ Ἄρειον εἰσελθεῖν, κἀμοῦ συσκευὴν παθόντος ἐδέχθησαν, τί ἕτερόν ἐστιν, ἢ ὅτι ταῦτα δι' ἐκείνους γέγονε καὶ πάντα καθ' ἡμῶν ἔπραξαν καὶ πέπλασται ποτηρίου κλάσις καὶ Ἀρσενίου φόνος, ἵνα μόνον τὴν ἀσέβειαν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰσαγάγωσι καὶ μὴ ὡς αἱρετικοὶ καταγνωσθῶσι; τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὃ καὶ πρὸ τούτου γράφων ἐμοὶ βασιλεὺς ἠπείλησε. καὶ οὐκ ᾐδέσθησαν τοιαῦτα γράφοντες καὶ λέγοντες τούτους ὀρθῶς φρονεῖν, οὓς πᾶσα ἡ οἰκουμενικὴ σύνοδος ἀνεθεμάτισε· καὶ οὐκ ἐφοβήθησαν τὴν τηλικαύτην σύνοδον ἐν γωνίᾳ λύοντες τὸ ὅσον ἐπ' αὐτοῖς, οἱ πάντα λέγοντες καὶ πράττοντες εὐχερῶς. καὶ ὁ μισθὸς δὲ τῆς συκοφαντίας ἔτι πλέον αὐτῶν τὴν πονηρίαν καὶ τὴν ἀσεβῆ πρόθεσιν δείκνυσιν. ὁ Μαρεώτης, καθὰ προεῖπον, χώρα τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐστὶ καὶ οὐδέποτε ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ γέγονεν ἐπίσκοπος οὐδὲ χωρεπίσκοπος, ἀλλὰ τῷ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπῳ αἱ ἐκκλησίαι πάσης τῆς χώρας ὑπόκεινται. ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἔχει τὰς ἰδίας κώμας μεγίστας καὶ ἀριθμῷ δέκα που καὶ πλέον. ἡ δὲ κώμη, ἔνθα οἰκεῖ ὁ Ἰσχύρας, βραχυτάτη καὶ ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων ἐστίν, οὕτως ὡς μηδὲ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐκεῖ γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλ' ἐν τῇ πλησίον κώμῃ. καὶ ὅμως τὸν μηδὲ πρεσβύτερον ἐν τῇ τοιαύτῃ κώμῃ παρὰ τὴν παλαιὰν παράδοσιν ἔδοξαν δῆθεν ὀνομάζειν ἐπίσκοπον, εἰδότες μὲν καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸ ἄτοπον, ἀναγκαζόμενοι δὲ ὅμως διὰ τὴν τῆς συκοφαντίας ὑπόσχεσιν ὑπέμειναν καὶ τοῦτο ἵνα μὴ ἀγνωμονηθεὶς ὁ παμπόνηρος ἐκεῖνος ἐξείπῃ τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ δείξῃ τὴν πονηρίαν τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον. ἀμέλει οὔτε ἐκκλησίαν οὔτε λαοὺς πειθομένους ἔχει, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ πάντων ὡς κύων διώκεται. καὶ ὅμως πεποιήκασι καὶ βασιλέα γράψαι τῷ καθολικῷ (πάντα γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἔξεστιν), ἐκκλησίαν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι, ἵνα ταύτην ἔχων ἀξιόπιστος φαίνηται περὶ ποτηρίου καὶ τραπέζης λέγων. καὶ γὰρ εὐθὺς πεποιήκασιν αὐτὸν ὀνομασθῆναι καὶ ἐπίσκοπον, ἐπειδὴ μὴ ἔχων ἐκκλησίαν μηδὲ πρεσβύτερος ὅλως ὢν ἐδείκνυτο συκοφάντης καὶ πάντα πλαττόμενος. ἀμέλει μὴ ἔχων λαοὺς μηδὲ τοὺς ἰδίους πειθομένους αὐτῷ ὥσπερ κενὸν τὸ ὄνομα οὕτως καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἄπρακτον κατέχει ἔλεγχον τῆς παμπονήρου προαιρέσεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἐπιδεικνύ μενος ταύτην. Ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ καθολικοῦ Φλαύιος Ἱμέριος ἐξάκτορι Μαρεώτου χαίρειν. Ἰσχύρα τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου δεηθέντος τῆς εὐσεβείας τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν Σεβαστῶν καὶ Καισάρων ἐν τόπῳ Εἰρήνης Σεκονταρούρου ἀνοικοδομηθῆναι ἐκκλησίαν προσέταξεν ἡ θειότης αὐτῶν ᾗ τάχος τοῦτο πραχθῆναι. φρόντισον τοίνυν προστυχὼν καὶ τῷ ἀντι τύπῳ τοῦ θείου γράμματος, ὃ μετὰ τοῦ οἰκείου σεβάσματος προτέτακται καὶ τοῖς πραχθεῖσιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς καθοσιώσεως ὑπομνήμασιν, ἐν τάχει τὴν σύνοψιν ποιησάμενος εἰς τὴν τάξιν ἀνενεγκεῖν, ἵνα τὰ θειωδῶς προσταχθέντα ἐπὶ πέρας ἀχθῆναι δυνηθῇ.
Ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν οὕτως ἐτύρευον καὶ τὰς συσκευὰς ἔπλαττον, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνελθόντες ἐδείξαμεν βασιλεῖ τὰς ἀδικίας τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν ὁ τὴν σύνοδον γενέσθαι κελεύσας καὶ κόμης αὐτοῦ καθηγεῖτο ταύτης. ἐκεῖνος τοίνυν ἀκούσας καὶ κινηθεὶς ἔγραψε ταῦτα· Νικητὴς Κωνσταντῖνος Μέγιστος Σεβαστὸς τοῖς ἐν Τύρῳ συνελθοῦσιν ἐπι σκόποις. Ἐγὼ μὲν ἀγνοῶ, τίνα ἐστὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας συνόδου μετὰ θορύβου καὶ χειμῶνος κριθέντα, δοκεῖ δέ πως ὑπό τινος ἀταξίας ταραχώδους ἡ ἀλήθεια διεστράφθαι, ὑμῶν δηλαδὴ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς πλησίον ἐρεσχελίαν, ἣν ἀήττητον εἶναι βούλεσθε, τὰ τῷ θεῷ ἀρέσκοντα μὴ συνορώντων. ἀλλ' ἔσται τῆς θείας προνοίας ἔργον καὶ τὰ τῆς φιλονεικίας ταύτης κακὰ φανερῶς ἁλόντα διασκεδάσαι καὶ ἡμῖν διαρρήδην ἐπιδεῖξαι εἴ τινα τῆς ἀληθείας αὐτόθι συνελθόντες ἐποιήσασθε φροντίδα καὶ εἰ τὰ κεκριμένα χωρίς τινος χάριτος καὶ ἀπεχθείας ἐκρίνατε. τοιγαροῦν ἠπειγμένως πάντας ὑμᾶς πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν συνελθεῖν εὐσέβειαν βούλομαι, ἵνα τὴν τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑμῖν ἀκρίβειαν δι' ὑμῶν αὐτῶν παραστήσητε. τίνος δὲ ἕνεκεν ταῦτα γράψαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐδικαίωσα καὶ ὑμᾶς πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διὰ τοῦ γράμματος καλῶ, ἐκ τῶν ἑπομένων γνώσεσθε. ἐπιβαίνοντί μοι λοιπὸν τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἡμῶν καὶ πανευδαίμονος πατρίδος τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως (συνέβαινε δὲ τηνικαῦτα ἐφ' ἵππου ὀχεῖσθαι) ἐξαίφνης Ἀθανάσιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἐν μέσῃ τῇ λεωφόρῳ μετὰ ἑτέρων τινῶν, οὓς περὶ αὐτὸν εἶχεν, ἀπροσδόκητος οὕτως προσῆλθεν, ὡς καὶ παρέχειν ἐκπλήξεως ἀφορμήν. μαρτυρεῖ μοι γὰρ ὁ πάντων ἔφορος θεὸς ὡς οὐδὲ ἐπιγνῶναι αὐτὸν ὅστις ἦν, παρὰ τὴν πρώτην ὄψιν ἠδυνήθην, εἰ μὴ τῶν ἡμετέρων τινές, καὶ ὅστις ἦν καὶ τὴν ἀδικίαν ἣν πέπονθε, διηγήσασθαι πυνθανομένοις, ὥσπερ εἰκός, ἀπήγγειλαν ἡμῖν. ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὔτε διηλέχθην αὐτῷ κατ' ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ οὔτε ὁμιλίας ἐκοινώνησα. ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἀκουσθῆναι ἠξίου, ἐγὼ δὲ παρῃτούμην καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἀπελαύνεσθαι αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον, μετὰ πλείονος παρρησίας οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἑαυτῷ παρ' ἡμῶν ἢ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἄφιξιν ἠξίωσεν ὑπάρξαι, ἵνα ὑμῶν παρόντων ἃ πέπονθεν ἀναγκαίως ἀποδύρασθαι δυνηθῇ. ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ εὔλογον εἶναί μοι καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς πρέπον κατ εφαίνετο, ἀσμένως ταῦτα γραφῆναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς προσέταξα, ἵνα πάντες, ὅσοι τὴν σύνοδον τὴν ἐν Τύρῳ γενομένην ἀνεπληρώσατε, ἀνυπερθέτως εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῆς ἐμῆς ἡμε ρότητος ἐπειχθῆτε τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἐπιδείξοντες τὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας κρίσεως καθαρόν τε καὶ ἀδιάστροφον ἐπ' ἐμοῦ δηλαδή, ὃν τοῦ θεοῦ εἶναι γνήσιον θεράποντα οὐδ' ἂν ὑμεῖς ἀρνηθείητε. τοιγαροῦν διὰ τῆς ἐμῆς πρὸς θεὸν λατρείας τὰ πανταχοῦ εἰρηνεύεται καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων αὐτῶν τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ ὄνομα γνησίως εὐλογούντων, οἳ μέχρι νῦν τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἠγνόουν· δῆλον δὲ ὅτι ὁ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγνοῶν οὐδὲ τὸν θεὸν ἐπιγινώσκει. πλὴν ὅμως, καθὰ προείρηται, καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι νῦν δι' ἐμὲ τὸν θεοῦ θεράποντα γνήσιον ἐπέγνωσαν τὸν θεὸν καὶ εὐλαβεῖσθαι μεμάθηκαν, ὃν ὑπερασπίζειν μου πανταχοῦ καὶ προνοεῖσθαι τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ᾔσθοντο· ὅθεν μάλιστα καὶ ἴσασι τὸν θεόν, ὃν ἐκεῖνοι μὲν διὰ τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φόβον εὐλαβοῦνται, ἡμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὰ ἅγια μυστήρια τῆς εὐ μενείας αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντες προβάλλεσθαι (οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἴποιμι φυλάττειν), ἡμεῖς, φημί, οὐδὲν πράττομεν ἢ τὰ πρὸς διχόνοιαν καὶ μῖσος συντείνοντα καὶ ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν τὰ πρὸς ὄλεθρον τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου γένους ἔχοντα τὴν ἀναφοράν. ἀλλ' ἐπείχθητε, καθὰ προείρηται, πρὸς ἡμᾶς, σπουδάσατε πάντες ᾗ τάχος πεπεισμένοι ὡς παντὶ σθένει κατορθῶσαι πειράσομαι, ὅπως ἐν τῷ νόμῳ θεοῦ ταῦτα ἐξαιρέτως ἀδιάπτωτα φυλάττηται, οἷς οὔτε ψόγος οὔτε κακοδοξία τις δυνήσεται προσπλακῆναι, διασκεδασθέντων δηλαδὴ καὶ συντριβέντων ἄρδην καὶ παντελῶς ἀφανισθέντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν τοῦ νόμου, οἵτινες ἐπὶ προσχήματι τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος ποικίλας καὶ διαφόρους βλασφημίας παρέχουσι.
Ταῦτα μαθόντες οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ εἰδότες ἃ πεποιήκασι, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐπι σκόπους ἐκώλυσαν ἀνελθεῖν, αὐτοὶ δὲ μόνοι Εὐσέβιος, Θεόγνιος, Πατρόφιλος, ὁ ἕτερος Εὐσέβιος καὶ Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης ἀνελθόντες οὐκέτι περὶ ποτηρίου καὶ Ἀρσενίου ἔλεγον–παρρησίαν γὰρ οὐκ εἶχον–, ἄλλην δὲ πλάσαντες κατηγορίαν τὴν εἰς βασιλέα φθάνουσαν εἰρήκασιν αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅτι «ἠπείλησεν Ἀθανάσιος κωλύσειν τὸν σῖτον τὸν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα σου πεμπόμενον ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας». καὶ τοῦτο παρόντες μὲν Ἀδαμάντιος, Ἀνουβίων, Ἀγαθάμμων, Ἀρβεθίων, Πέτρος οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἤκουσαν, ἔδειξε δὲκαὶ ὁ θυμὸς τοῦ βασιλέως. ὁ γὰρ τοιαῦτα γράψας καὶ καταγινώσκων τῆς ἀδικίας αὐτῶν, ὡς ἤκουσε τὴν τοιαύτην διαβολήν, εὐθὺς ἐπυρώθη καὶ ἀντὶ τῆς ἀκροάσεως εἰς τὰς Γαλλίας ἡμᾶς ἀπέστειλεν. ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο μᾶλλον αὐτῶν δείκνυσι τὴν πονηρίαν· ὁ γὰρ μακα ρίτης Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ νεώτερος ἀποστέλλων ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ μεμνημένος ὧν ἔγραψεν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ, ἔγραψε καὶ αὐτὸς ταῦτα· Κωνσταντῖνος Καῖσαρ τῷ λαῷ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας πόλεως Ἀλεξαν δρείας. Οὐδὲ τὴν τῆς ὑμετέρας ἱερᾶς ἐννοίας ἀποπεφευγέναι γνῶσιν οἶμαι, διὰ τοῦτο Ἀθα νάσιον τὸν τοῦ προσκυνητοῦ νόμου ὑποφήτην πρὸς καιρὸν εἰς τὰς Γαλλίας ἀπεστάλθαι, ἵν', ἐπειδὴ ἡ ἀγριότης τῶν αἱμοβόρων αὐτοῦ καὶ πολεμίων ἐχθρῶν εἰς κίνδυνον τῆς ἱερᾶς αὐτοῦ κεφαλῆς ἐπέμεινε, μὴ ἄρα διὰ τῆς τῶν φαύλων διαστροφῆς ἀνήκεστα ὑποστῇ. πρὸς τὸ διαπαῖξαι τοίνυν ταύτην ἀφαιρεθεὶς τῶν φαρύγγων τῶν ἐπικειμένων αὐτῷ ἀνδρῶν ὑπ' ἐμοὶ διάγειν κεκέλευσται, οὕτως ὡς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, ἐν ᾗ διέτριβε, πᾶσι τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἐμπλεονάζειν, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀοίδιμος ἀρετὴ ταῖς θείαις πεποι θυῖα βοηθείαις καὶ τὰ τῆς τραχυτέρας τύχης ἄχθη ἐξουθενεῖ. τοιγαροῦν εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν προσφιλεστάτην ὑμῶν θεοσέβειαν ὁ δεσπότης ἡμῶν Κωνσταντῖνος ὁ Σεβαστός, ὁ ἐμὸς πατήρ, τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοπον τῷ ἰδίῳ τόπῳ παρασχεῖν προῄρητο, ὅμως ἐπειδὴ ἀνθρωπίνῳ κλήρῳ προληφθεὶς πρὸ τοῦ τὴν εὐχὴν πληρῶσαι ἀνεπαύσατο, ἀκόλουθον ἡγησάμην τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ τῆς θείας μνήμης βασιλέως διαδεξάμενος πλη ρῶσαι. ὅστις ἐπειδὰν τῆς ὑμετέρας τύχοι προσόψεως, ὅσης αἰδοῦς τετύχηκε, γνώ σεσθε. οὐ γὰρ θαυμαστόν, εἴ τι δ' ἂν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πεποίηκα· καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν ἥ τε τοῦ ὑμετέρου πόθου εἰκὼν καὶ τὸ τοῦ τηλικούτου ἀνδρὸς σχῆμα εἰς τοῦτο ἐκίνει καὶ προέτρεπεν. ἡ θεία πρόνοια ὑμᾶς διαφυλάξει, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδελφοί. ἐδόθη πρὸ δεκαπέντε καλανδῶν Ἰουλίων ἐν Τριβέροις.
Ταύτης τῆς αἰτίας οὔσης δι' ἣν ἀπεστάλημεν εἰς τὰς Γαλλίας, τίς πάλιν οὐ συνορᾷ τὴν μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως προαίρεσιν, τὴν δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Εὐσέβιον φονικὴν ψυχήν, καὶ ὅτι τοῦτο πεποίηκε βασιλεύς, ἵνα μή τινα μείζονα συσκευὴν βουλεύσωνται; ἐπήκουσε γὰρ ἁπλῶς. αὕτη τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἡ πρᾶξις, αὕτη τῆς καθ' ἡμῶν συσκευῆς ἡ μηχανή. τίς ταῦτα συνορῶν οὐκ ἂν εἴποι μηδὲν κατὰ χάριν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν γεγενῆσθαι, ἀλλ' ὅτι δι καίως καὶ ἀκολούθως τὸ τοσοῦτον πλῆθος τῶν ἐπισκόπων καὶ ἰδίᾳ καὶ κοινῇ τοιαῦτα μὲν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἔγραψε, τῆς δὲ συκοφαντίας τῶν ἐχθρῶν κατέγνωσαν; τίς τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ τοσαῦτα θεωρήσας οὐκ ἂν εἴποι ὅτι καὶ Οὐάλης καὶ Οὐρσάκιος εἰκότως κατέγνωσαν ἑαυτῶν καὶ μεταγινώσκοντες τοιαῦτα καθ' ἑαυτῶν ἔγραψαν, μᾶλλον ἑλόμενοι πρὸς ὀλίγον αἰσχυνθῆναι ἢ αἰωνίως τὴν τῶν συκοφαντῶν ὑπομεῖναι τιμωρίαν;
∆ιὰ τοῦτο γὰρ δικαίως καὶ ἐκκλησιαστικῶς ποιοῦντες καὶ οἱ μακάριοι συλλειτουργοὶ ἡμῶν, ἐπειδή τινες ἀμφίβολα τὰ καθ' ἡμᾶς ἔλεγον καὶ ἀκυροῦν ἐβιάζοντο τὰ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν κριθέντα, πάντα παθεῖν ὑπέμειναν νῦν καὶ ἐξορισθῆναι εἵλοντο ἢ λυομένας ἰδεῖν τὰς τῶν τοσούτων ἐπισκόπων κρίσεις. εἰ μὲν οὖν πρὸς τοὺς βουλευσαμένους καθ' ἡμῶν καὶ ἐθελήσαντας ἀνατρέψαι τὰ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἄχρι λόγων ἦσαν ἐνστάντες οἱ ἀληθῶς ἐπίσκοποι ἢ οἱ τυχόντες ἦσαν ἄνδρες ἀλλὰ μὴ ἐπισήμων πόλεων καὶ κεφαλαὶ τοσούτων ἐκκλησιῶν, ἦν ἂν ὑποπτεύειν μὴ ἄρα κεχαρισμένα ποιοῦντες πάλιν ἐφιλονείκησαν καὶ νῦν αὐτοί· ὅτε δὲ καὶ λογισμοῖς ἔπειθον καὶ ἐξορισμὸν ὑπέμειναν καὶ Λιβέριός ἐστιν ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος· εἰ γὰρ καὶ εἰς τέλος οὐχ ὑπέμεινε τοῦ ἐξορισμοῦ τὴν θλῖψιν, ὅμως διετίαν ἔμεινεν ἐν τῇ μετοικίᾳ γιγνώσκων τὴν καθ' ἡμῶν συσκευήν· καὶ ἐπειδὴ καὶ Ὅσιος ὁ μέγας ἐστί, καὶ οἱ τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ οἱ τῶν Γαλλίων καὶ ἄλλοι ἀπὸ Σπανίων καὶ ἀπ' Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης καὶ οἱ τῆς Πενταπόλεως πάντες· εἰ γὰρ καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον φοβηθεὶς τὰς ἀπειλὰς Κωνσταντίου ἔδοξεν ἐκείνοις μὴ ἀντιλέγειν, ἀλλ' ἡ πολλὴ βία καὶ τυραννικὴ ἐξουσία Κωνσταντίου καὶ αἱ πλεῖσται ὕβρεις καὶ πληγαὶ δείκνυσιν, ὅτι μὴ καταγνοὺς ἡμῶν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν τοῦ γήρως οὐ φέρων τὰς πληγὰς πρὸς καιρὸν εἶξεν αὐτοῖς, δίκαιόν ἐστι πλέον πάντας ὡς πληροφορηθέντας μισεῖν καὶ ἀποστρέφεσθαι τὴν ἀδικίαν καὶ τὴν βίαν τὴν καθ' ἡμῶν γενομένην διὰ τὸ μάλιστα δι' οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ διὰ τὴν ἀρειανὴν ἀσέβειαν ἡμᾶς ταῦτα πεπονθέναι.
Εἴ τις τοίνυν βούλεται τά τε καθ' ἡμᾶς μαθεῖν καὶ τὴν τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον συκο φαντίαν, ἐντυγχανέτω τοῖς γραφεῖσιν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν καὶ μάρτυρας ἐχέτω οὐχ ἕνα ἢ δύο ἢ τρεῖς, ἀλλὰ τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἐπισκόπων. καὶ τούτων μάρτυρας πάλιν λαμβανέτω τοὺς περὶ Λιβέριον καὶ Ὅσιον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτοῖς, οἵτινες ὁρῶντες τὰ καθ' ἡμῶν γενόμενα πάντα παθεῖν ὑπέμειναν ἢ προδοῦναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν κρίσιν. τοῦτο δὲ καλῶς καὶ ὁσίως βουλευόμενοι πεποιήκασιν· ἃ γὰρ οὗτοι πεπόνθασι, δείκνυσι μὲν τὴν ἀνάγκην, ἣν καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐπίσκοποι πεπόνθασιν. ἔστι δὲ ὑπομνήματα μὲν καὶ στηλογραφία κατὰ τῆς ἀρειανῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ τῆς πονηρίας τῶν συκοφαντῶν, ὑπογραμμὸς δὲ καὶ τύπος τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα γιγνομένοις «ἀγωνίζεσθαι μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας μέχρι θανάτου», ἀποστρέφεσθαι δὲ τὴν ἀρειανὴν αἵρεσιν χριστομάχον οὖσαν καὶ τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου πρόδρομον, μὴ πιστεύειν δὲ τοῖς καθ' ἡμῶν ἐπιχειροῦσι λέγειν. ἀξιόπιστος γὰρ καὶ ἱκανὴ μαρτυρία τῶν τοιούτων καὶ τοσούτων ἐπισκόπων ἡ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἀπολογία καὶ ψῆφος.