SANCTI AMBROSII MEDIOLANENSIS EPISCOPI EPISTOLAE IN DUAS CLASSES DISTRIBUTAE. PRIOR EAS CONTINET, QUAS IN ORDINEM CHRONOLOGICUM LICUIT DIGERERE POSTE

 PRIMA CLASSIS.

 751 GRATIANI AD AMBROSIUM EPISTOLA .

 EPISTOLA PRIMA .

 EPISTOLA II.

 EPISTOLA III .

 EPISTOLA IV .

 EPISTOLA V .

 EPISTOLA VI .

 EPISTOLA VII .

 EPISTOLA VIII .

 806 EPISTOLA IX.

 EPISTOLA X.

 EPISTOLA XI.

 EPISTOLA XII.

 EPISTOLA XIII.

 EPISTOLA XIV .

 EPISTOLA XV .

 EPISTOLA XVI.

 EPISTOLA XVII.

 RELATIO SYMMACHI URBIS PRAEFECTI.

 833 EPISTOLA XVIII.

 EPISTOLA XIX.

 EPISTOLA XX.

 860 EPISTOLA XXI.

 SERMO CONTRA AUXENTIUM DE BASILICIS TRADENDIS.

 EPISTOLA XXII.

 EPISTOLA XXIII.

 888 EPISTOLA XXIV.

 892 EPISTOLA XXV.

 894 EPISTOLA XXVI.

 898 EPISTOLA XXVII.

 902 EPISTOLA XXVIII.

 EPISTOLA XXIX.

 EPISTOLA XXX.

 EPISTOLA XXXI.

 EPISTOLA XXXII.

 EPISTOLA XXXIII.

 EPISTOLA XXXIV.

 259 EPISTOLA XXXV.

 929 EPISTOLA XXXVI.

 EPISTOLA XXXVII.

 EPISTOLA XXXVIII.

 944 EPISTOLA XXXIX.

 EPISTOLA XL.

 956 EPISTOLA XLI.

 EPISTOLA SYRICII PAPAE AD MEDIOLANENSEM ECCLESIAM.

 EPISTOLA XLII.

 EPISTOLA XLIII.

 EPISTOLA XLIV.

 EPISTOLA XLV.

 EPISTOLA XLVI.

 EPISTOLA XLVII.

 990 EPISTOLA XLVIII.

 EPISTOLA XLIX.

 EPISTOLA L.

 EPISTOLA LI.

 EPISTOLA LII.

 1002 EPISTOLA LIII.

 EPISTOLA LIV.

 EPISTOLA LV.

 1006 EPISTOLA LVI.

 EPISTOLA DE CAUSA BONOSI EX CAPUANAE SYNODI DECRETO JUDICANDA.

 1010 EPISTOLA LVII.

 1013 EPISTOLA LVIII.

 EPISTOLA LIX.

 EPISTOLA LX.

 EPISTOLA LXI.

 EPISTOLA LXII.

 EPISTOLA LXIII.

  1219 

  1219 

 EPISTOLA LXV.

 EPISTOLA LXVI.

 1057 EPISTOLA LXVII.

 EPISTOLA LXVIII.

 1061 EPISTOLA LXIX.

 EPISTOLA LXX.

 EPISTOLA LXXI.

 1071 EPISTOLA LXXII.

 EPISTOLA LXXIII.

 EPISTOLA LXXIV.

 EPISTOLA LXXV.

 EPISTOLA LXXVI.

 EPISTOLA LXXVII.

 EPISTOLA LXXVIII.

 1095 EPISTOLA LXXIX.

 EPISTOLA LXXX.

 EPISTOLA LXXXI.

 EPISTOLA LXXXII.

 EPISTOLA LXXXIII.

 EPISTOLA LXXXIV.

 EPISTOLA LXXXV.

 EPISTOLA LXXXVI.

 EPISTOLA LXXXVII.

 EPISTOLA LXXXVIII.

 EPISTOLA LXXXIX.

 EPISTOLA XC.

 EPISTOLA XCI.

 LETTER XX. [A.D. 385.]

AFTER the death of Gratian the empire of the West was nominally in the hands of Valentinian the 2nd, but, as he was a mere boy, the real power was exercised by his mother Justina, who was an Arian. S. Ambrose had already resisted her successfully in the question of the election of a Bishop at Sirmium (see note in p. 39), and although he had performed a difficult and dangerous service for them two years before this, in going on an embassy to Maxirnus after the death of Gratian, Justina and Valentinian were bitterly hostile to him, and supported the Arian faction against him. In March, A.D. 385, S. Ambrose was summoned to the Palace, as he himself relates in the Sermon of which he gives an account in this letter (§ 15 sqq.) and called upon to give up one of the Churches, the Portian Basilica, outside the walls, for the use of the Arians. This he refused, and was so energetically supported by the people of Milan, that the demand was for the time withdrawn. Various other efforts were then made either to induce him to yield or to get him out of the way, (one of the latter is recounted in a note on the Sermon against Auxentius § 15) but they all failed. At last on the Friday before Palm Sunday a fresh demand is made, not for the Portian Basilica, as a promise had been given that no further claim should be made upon it, but for the New Basilica which was within the walls. It is at this point that the narrative which S. Ambrose gives in this letter to his sister Marcellina begins. It recounts the occurrences from the Friday to the Wednesday in Holy Week, when the persecution was again for the time abandoned.

TO MARCELLINA.

1. IN nearly all your letters you inquire anxiously about the Church; hear then what is going on. The day after I received the letter in which you told me how you had been troubled in your dreams, a heavy weight of troubles began to assail me. It was not now the Portian Basilica, that is the one without the walls, which was demanded, but the new Basilica, that is, one within the walls, which is larger in size.

2. In the first place some chief men  02-103 103. a The expression 'principes virtutum' seems to be a phrase from the Old Testament. In the Vulgate we find 'rex virtutum' Ps. lxvii, (lxviii. E.V.) 13, whore the E.V. has 'kings of armies,' and in Judith xiv. 17 (19 K.V.) 'Quod quum audissent, principes virtutis Assyriorum,' and in 1 Macc. v. 56. 'Azarias princeps virtutis.' The 'comites consistoriani' formed a sort of cabinet (consistorium) or privy council to the Emperor. The Benedictine Editors take 'principes virtutum' as meaning the Magistri militum, but the absence of any conjunction is against this. , counsellors of state, appealed to me to give up the Basilica, and restrain the people from raising any commotion. I replied as a matter of course, that a Bishop could not give up God's house.

3. On the following day the people expressed their approval in the Church, and the Prefect  02-104 104. b This must mean the Praefectus praetorio Italiae, one of the four great Viceroys, under whom the Dioceses of the Empire were placed. He was supreme overall Italy, and the countries north of it to the Danube, and the western part of the north of Africa. He had under him three Dioceses, containing thirty Provinces. also came thither, and began to urge us to yield up at least the Portian Basilica. The people were clamorous against this, whereupon he departed, saying, that he would report matters to the Emperor.

4. On the following day, which was the Lord's day, having dismissed the catechumens after the lessons and sermon, I was explaining the Creed to some candidates for Baptism in the Baptistery of the Church. There the news was reported to me that, on learning that officials  02-105 105. c The title given them is 'Decani.' They seem to have, been something like the lictors of the great officers of state, under the republic. had been sent from the palace to the Portian Basilica, and were putting up the Imperial hangings  02-106 106. d These 'vela' or hangings were a token that the building was claimed for the 'fiscus,' or private property of the Emperor, Gibbon in his grand way says, 'the splendid canopy and hangings of the royal scat were arranged in the customary manner,' but, as is noticed by the writer of the Life of S. Ambrose in Dict. of Christian Biog. it is clear from the sequel of the narrative (see § 20) that they were outside, not inside the Church. , many of the people were proceeding thither. I however continued my ministrations, and began to celebrate the Eucharist  02-107 107. e The words in the original are 'missam facere.' Prof. Bright in his History notes that this is 'the earliest instance, apparently, of this term being used for the Eucharistic service.' .

5. While I was offering, tidings were brought me that the populace had seized upon one Castulus, whom the Arians called a priest. While making the oblation I began to weep bitterly and to beseech God's aid that no blood might be shed in the Church's quarrel; or if so, that it might be my own, and that not for my people only, but even for the ungodly themselves. But, to be brief, I sent some presbyters and deacons, and rescued the man.

6. The severest penalties were immediately decreed; first upon the whole body of merchants. And thus, during the sacred period of the last Week, wherein the debtor was wont to be loosed from his bonds, chains are placed on innocent men's necks, and two hundred pounds' weight of gold is demanded within three days. They reply they Mall willingly give as much, or twice as much again, so that they may not violate their faith. The prisons too were filled with tradesmen.

7. All the Officials of the palace, the Recorders, the Proctors, the Apparitors of the several Courts, on the pretext of its being unlawful for them to be present at seditious assemblies, were commanded to keep at home, severe threats were held out against men of high rank in case the Basilica was not delivered up. The persecution raged, and had an opening been afforded, they seemed likely to break out into every kind of outrage.

8. I myself had an interview with the Counts and Tribunes, who urged me to give up the Basilica without delay, declaring that the Emperor was acting on his rights, inasmuch as he had supreme power over all things. I replied that if he required of me what was my own, my estate, my money, or the like, I would not refuse it, although all my property really belonged to the poor, but that sacred things were not subject to the power of the Emperor. 'If my patrimony be required,' I said, 'take it; if my person, here it is. Will you drag me away to prison, or to death? I will go with pleasure. I will not entrench myself by gathering a multitude round me, I will not lay hold of the Altar and beg for my life; rather will I offer myself to death for the Altar.'

9. In fact my mind was shaken with fear when I found that armed men had been sent to occupy the Basilica, I was seized with dread lest in protecting the Church, blood might be shed which would tend to bring destruction on the whole city. I prayed that if so great a city or even all Italy were to perish I might not survive. I shrank from the odium of shedding blood, and I offered my own throat to the knife. Some officers of the Goths  02-108 108. f 'The introduction of barbarians into the Roman armies became every day more universal, more necessary, and more fatal. The most daring of the Scythians, of the Goths, and of the Germans, were enrolled not only in the auxiliaries of their respective nations, but in the legions themselves, and among the most distinguished of the Palatine troops.' (Gibbon, ch. xvii.) The Goths were Arians. It was much about this time that Ulfilas, the apostle of the Goths, made his famous translation of the Bible into Gothic. See Bright's Hist. of the Church p. 157. were present; I addressed them, saying, 'Is it for this that you have become citizens of Rome, to shew yourselves disturbers of the public peace? Whither will you go, if everything here is destroyed?'

10. I was called upon to calm the people. I replied that it was in my power not to excite them, that it was in God's Hand to pacify them. That if I was considered the instigator, I ought to be punished, that I ought to be banished into whatever desert places of the earth they chose. Having said this, they departed, and I spent the whole day in the old Church. Thence I returned home to sleep; that if any man wished to arrest me, he might find me prepared.

11. When, before dawn, I passed out over the threshold, I found the Basilica surrounded and occupied by soldiers. And it was said that they had intimated to the Emperor that he was at liberty to go to Church if he wished it, that they would be ready to attend him if he were going to the assembly of the Catholics; otherwise that they would go to the assembly which Ambrose had convened.

12. Not a single Arian dared come out, for there were none among the citizens, only a few of the royal household, and some of the Goths, who, as of old they made their waggon their home, so now make the Church their waggon. Wherever that woman goes, she carries with her all those of her own communion. The groans of the people gave me notice that the Basilica was surrounded; but while the lessons are being read word is brought me that the New Basilica also is full of people, that the crowd seemed greater than when all were at liberty, that they were calling for a Reader. To be brief, the soldiers themselves, who were found to have occupied the Basilica, being informed of my directions that the people should abstain from communion with them, began to come to our assembly. At the sight of them the minds of the women are agitated, one of them rushes forth. But the soldiers themselves exclaimed that they had come to pray not to fight. The people raised a cry. In the most modest, most resolute, most faithful manner they entreated that I would go to that Basilica. In that Basilica also the people were reported to desire my presence.

14. Then I began the following discourse: Ye have heard, my sons, the lesson from the book of Job, which according to the usual service of the season, is now in course. By use the devil knew that this book was to be declared, already all the power of his temptations is laid open and betrayed, and therefore he exerted himself to-day with greater violence. But thanks be to our God Who hath so confirmed you in faith and patience. I went up into the pulpit to admire Job, I found I had all of you to admire as Jobs. Job lives again in each of you, in each the patience and virtue of that saint is reflected. For what more opportune could be said by Christian men than that which the Holy Spirit hath spoken in you this day? 'We petition your Majesty, we use no force, we feel no fear, but we petition.' This is what becomes Christians, to desire peace and quiet fear, and still not to let the steadfastness of faith and truth be shaken even by peril of death. For the Lord is our Guide,  Who will save those who hope in Him.  02-109 109. Ps. xvii. 7.

15. But let us come to the lessons set before us. Ye see that power of temptation is given to the devil to prove the good. The wicked one envies our progress in good, he tempts us in various ways. He tempted holy Job in his patrimony, he tempted him in his sons, he tempted him by bodily pains. The stronger is tempted in his own person, the weaker in that of others. Me too he would fain have despoiled of the riches which I possess in you, and he desired to waste this patrimony of your tranquillity. Yourselves also he desired to snatch from me, my good children for whom I daily offer sacrifice; you he endeavoured to involve in the ruins of the public confusion. Already then I have incurred two kinds of temptation. And perhaps the Lord, knowing my weakness, hath not yet given him power over my body: though I myself desire it, though I offer it, He perhaps still judges me unequal to this contest, and exercises me by diverse labours. Even Job himself did not begin with this contest, but was perfected by it.

16. But Job was tempted by the accumulated tidings of evil, he was tempted by his wife who said,  Curse God, and die.  02-110 110. Job ii. 9. Ye behold how many things are suddenly stirred up against us, the Goths, the troops, the heathen, the fine of the tradesmen, the punishment of the saints. Ye observe what is commanded, when it is said 'Deliver up the Basilica;'  Curse God, and die. But here it is not only 'Speak against God,' but also 'Act against God.' The command is, 'Betray the altars of God.'

17. So then we are pressed by the Imperial mandates, but we are strengthened by the words of Scripture, which answered,  Thou speakest as one of the foolish women  speaketh.  02-111 111. ib. 10. Not slight therefore is that temptation, for temptations which come through the agency of women we know to be more severe. Lastly, Adam also was betrayed by Eve, and thereby it came to pass that he betrayed the Divine commandments. Becoming aware of this error, and his guilty conscience accusing him, he desired to hide himself, but could not; wherefore God says to him,  Adam where art thou?  02-112 112. Gen. iii. 9. that is, what wert thou before? where hast thou now begun to be? where did I place thee? whither hast thou fallen? thou ownest thyself naked, because thou hast lost the garments of a good faith. The things wherewith thou desirest to clothe thyself are leaves. Thou hast cast aside the fruit, thou desirest to lie hid under the leaves of the tree, but thou art betrayed. For one woman's sake thou hast chosen to depart from thy God, therefore thou fliest from Him when thou soughtest to see. Thou hast chosen to hide thyself with one woman, to leave the mirror of the world, the abode of Paradise, the Grace of Christ.

18. Why need I add that Elijah also was cruelly persecuted by Jezebel? that Herodias caused John the Baptist to be put to death? Each man seems to suffer from this or that woman; for me, in proportion as my merits are less, my trials are heavier. My strength is weaker, but I have more danger. Women succeed each other, their hatreds are interchanged, their falsehoods are varied, the elders are gathered together, the plea of wrong to the Emperor is put forward. What explanation is there then of such grievous temptation to such a worm as I am, but that it is not me but the Church that they persecute.

19. At length came the command, 'Deliver up the Basilica;' I reply, 'It is not lawful for us to deliver it up, nor for your Majesty to receive it. By no law can you violate the house of a private man, and do you think that the house of God may be taken away? It is asserted that all things are lawful to the Emperor, that all things are his. But do not burden your conscience with the thought that you have any right as Emperor over sacred things. Exalt not yourself, but if you would reign the longer, be subject to God. It is written,  God's to God and Caesar's to Caesar.  02-113 113. S. Matt. xxii. 21. The palace is the Emperor's, the Churches are the Bishop's. To you is committed jurisdiction over public not over sacred buildings.' Again the Emperor is said to have issued his command,  ' I also ought to have one Basilica;' I answered '  It is not lawful for thee to have her.  02-114 114. S. Matt. xiv. 4. What hast thou to do with an adultress who is not bound with Christ in lawful wedlock?'

20. While I was engaged with this subject, it was reported to me that the Imperial hangings were taken down, the Church filled with people, and that my presence was required; straightway I turned my discourse to this, saying, How deep and profound are the oracles of the Holy Spirit! Remember, brethren, what was read at matins and how we responded with deep grief of mind,  O God the heathen are come into Thine inheritance.  02-115 115. Ps. lxxix. 1. And truly the heathen came, nay, even more than the heathen, for the Goths came and men of divers nations, they came armed with weapons, and surrounded and seized the Basilica. Ignorant of Thy Greatness we grieved for this, but our ignorance was mistaken.

21. The heathen came, but truly  into Thine inheritance they came, for they who came as heathen were made Christians. They who came to invade Thine inheritance, were made coheirs of God; those whom I accounted enemies are become my defenders; I have as comrades those whom I esteemed adversaries. Thus has that been fulfilled which the prophet David spake of the Lord Jesus, that  His Dwelling is in peace  02-116 116. g This is the Vulgate rendering of ' At Salem is His Tabernacle.' ,  there brake He the horns of the bow, the shield, the sword, and the battle.  02-117 117. Ps. lxxvi. 2,3. For whose office, whose work is this but Thine, Lord Jesus? Thou sawest armed men coming to Thy temple, on the one hand the people groaning and collecting in a crowd that they might not seem to give up the Basilica, on the other hand the soldiers commanded to use force. Death was before my eyes, lest in the midst of all this madness should break out into licence. But Thou, O Lord plantedst Thyself in the midst, and madcst the twain one. Thou restrainedst the soldiers, saying, If ye run to arms, if they who are within My temple are disturbed,  What profit is there in My blood?  02-118 118. Ps. xxx. 9. All thanks therefore be to Thee, O Christ. It was not an enemy, not a messenger but  Thou 0 Lord hast delivered Thy people, Thou hast put off my sackcloth and girded me with gladness. 

 22. Thus I spoke, wondering that the Emperor's mind could be softened by the zeal of the soldiers, by the entreaties of the Counts, by the prayers of the people. Meanwhile I am informed that a Secretary was come with the mandate. I retired a little, and he notified to me the mandate. 'What has been your design,' says he, 'in acting against the Emperor's orders?' I replied, 'What has been ordered I know not, nor am I aware what is alleged to have been wrongly done.' He says, 'Why have you sent presbyters to the Basilica? If you are a tyrant I would fain know it, that I may know how to arm myself against you.' I replied by saying that I had done nothing which assumed too much for the Church, but when I heard it was filled with soldiers, I only uttered deeper groans, and though many exhorted me to proceed thither, I replied, 'I cannot give up the Basilica, yet I must not fight.' That afterwards, when I was told that the Imperial hangings were removed, and that the people required me to go thither, I had directed the presbyters to do so, but that I was unwilling to go myself, saying, 'I trust in Christ that the Emperor himself will espouse our cause.'

23. If this seems like domineering, I grant indeed that I have arms, but only in the name of Christ; I have the power of offering up my body. Why, I asked, did he delay to strike if he considered my power unlawful? By ancient right Priests have conferred sovereignty, never assumed it, and it is a common saying that Emperors have coveted the Priesthood more often than Priests sovereignty. Christ fled that He might not be made a king. We have a power of our own. The power of a Priest is his weakness;  When I am weak, it is said,  then am I strong.  02-119 119. 2 Cor. xii. 10. But let him against whom God has raised up no adversary: beware lest he raise up a tyrant for himself. Maximus did not say that I domineered over Valentinian, though he complains that my embassage prevented his passing over into Italy. I added, that priests were never usurpers, but that they had often suffered from usurpers.

24. The whole of that day was past in this affliction; meanwhile the boys tore in derision the Imperial hangings. I could not return home, because the Church was surrounded by a guard of soldiers. We recited the Psalms with our brethren in the little Basilica belonging to the Church.

25. On the following day, the book of Jonah was read in due course, after which, I began this discourse; We have read a book, my brethren, wherein it is foretold that sinners shall return again to repentance. They are accepted on this footing, that their present state is considered an earnest of the future. I added that this just man was even willing to incur blame, rather than behold or denounce destruction on the city; and, since that prophecy was mournful, that he was also grieved because the gourd had withered; that God had said to the prophet,  Art thou greatly angry for the gourd? and Jonah had answered,  I  am greatly angry. Then the Lord said, if the withering of the gourd was a grief to him, how much more ought he to care for the salvation of so many souls; and therefore that He had suspended the destruction which had been prepared for the whole city.  02-120 120. Jonah iv. 9.

26. Immediate tidings are brought to me that the Emperor had commanded the soldiers to retire from the Church; and that the fine which had been imposed on the merchants on their condemnation should be restored. What joy then prevailed among the whole people, what applause, what congratulations! Now it was the day whereon the Lord delivered Himself up for us, the day whereon there is a relaxation of penance in the Church. The soldiers eagerly brought the tidings, running in to the altars, and giving the kiss, the emblem of peace. Then I perceived that God had smitten  the worm which came when the morning rose, that the whole city might be preserved.  02-121 121. Ib. 7.

27. These are the past events, and would that they were terminated, but the excited words of the Emperor show that heavier trials are awaiting us. I am called a tyrant, and even more than tyrant. For when the Counts besought the Emperor to go to the Church, and said that they did so at the request of the soldiers, he replied, 'You would deliver me up to chains, if Ambrose bade you.' I leave you to judge what awaits us after these words; all shuddered at hearing them, but there are those about him who exasperate him.

28. Lastly Calligonus the Grand Chamberlain  02-122 122. h On the high rank and great influence of the Praepositus cubiculi, or Grand Chamberlain, see Gibbon ch. xvii. They ranked with the Praefecti praetorio and other highest officers of state as Illustres. See note on Lett. xvii. § 1. ventured to address himself specially to me. 'Do you, while I live, despise Valentinian? I will have your head.' I replied, 'May God grant you to fulfil your threat: I shall suffer as becomes a Bishop, you will act as befits an enunch.' May God indeed turn them aside from the Church; may all their weapons be directed against me, may they satiate their thirst in my blood!

[Footnotes and marginalia moved to end and numbered]

02-11. a Dacia Ripensis. The original Province of Dacia was beyond the Danube. It was conquered and included in the Empire by Trajan. In the time of Aurelian it was abandoned again, and the Danube re-established as the frontier. Then the Roman colonists were removed to the South of the Danube, into the central district of Moesia, which was then called Dacia Aureliani. This was afterwards divided into two Provinces, called Dacia Ripensis and Dacia Mediterranea, Ripensis being the northern part, extending along the bank of the Danube, whence the name.
02-22. b "Damasus was made Pope on the death of Liberius A.D. 366. Ursinus, called by some Ursicinus, was, as Damasus had been, Deacon at Rome, and could not endure the exaltation of his former colleague who is suspected of having taken part with Felix, the successor to the power of Liberius, when exiled by the Arians. Ursinus was factiously consecrated by one Bishop, and a contest ensued in which even much blood was shed. Ursinus was banished, and being recalled the next year, was banished again after two months. In 371 he was allowed to leave his place of exile, and only excluded from Rome and the suburbicarian provinces. In 378 he held the factious meetings mentioned in the letter, and was exiled to Cologne. He continued to petition Gratian to restore him, and hence the request of the Bishops at Aquileia." Note in Newman's Fleury vol. 1 p. 38.
02-33. c i.e. Julianus Valens, Bp. of Petavio, mentioned in the preceding letter.
02-44. 1 after the first and second admonition E.V.
02-55. Titus iii. 10.
02-66. 2 S. John 10.
02-77. 1 Tim. iii. 3-7.
02-88. a This Lucius was the person who, after the death of S. Athanasius, was forced upon the Church of Alexandria as Bishop, in the place of Peter who had been duly elected, by the Governor of the Province. His crimes and cruelties are recorded at length by Theodoret. Eccl. Hist. iv. 21, 22. He was eventually expelled from the see he had usurped, and is mentioned by Socrates, Hist. Eccl. v. 7, as afterwards dwelling at Constantinople and sharing the fate of Demophilus.
02-99. b Demophilus was originally Bishop of Beroea, (probably Beroea in Thrace,) and was deposed from his office for Arianism. In A.D. 370, on the death of Eudoxius, he was elected by the Arian party Bishop of Constantinople, in opposition to Evagrius. He was supported by Valens who was then Emperor, and Evagrius banished. In 380 A.D. after the accession of Theodosius, matters were changed. Theodosius offered to maintain him in his see, if he subscribed the Nicene Confession, but he refused, and withdrew, and maintained, in conjunction with Lucius and others, Arian worship outside the walls of Constantinople. He died A.D. 386. He is mentioned by S. Ambrose (De Fide 1. 6. 45.) as a leader of one of the various forms of Arianism.
02-1010. c This refers to the long schism which had existed in the Church at Antioch, ever since 331 A.D. when Eustathius was deposed by the Arian party: in 361 A.D. Meletius was elected as successor to Eudoxius, having previously subscribed the Creed of Acacius (Socr. ii. 44.); but on his accepting the Nicene Creed, and acknowledging the Homoousion, he was deposed, and banished by the Emperor Constantius, and Euzoius, an Arian, appointed in his stead, who was afterwards succeeded by Dorotheus, (who was afterwards transferred to Constantinople, 385 A. D.) Meanwhile Meletius had returned from exile, but the extreme orthodox party refused to recognise him, because he had at first been appointed as a Semi-Arian, and elected Paulinus, though the Council of Alexandria had urged them to submit to Meletius, so that, as Socrates says, when recounting the Bishops of the chief sees in the year 379, the the Church at Antioch τριχῆ διῄρητο. Paulinus was supported by the Church of Alexandria and by the Bishops of the West, and, as appears from the statements of this letter, a compromise had been proposed, that when either Meletius or Paulinus died, both parties would acknowledge the survivor. The Bishops at Aquileia urge the Emperor to enforce this, not aware that Flavian had already been elected as Meletius' successor at the Council of Constantinople. The schism was thus perpetuated, and continued till 415 A.D.

What the difficulty about Timotheus was, is not certain. He had been consecrated Bishop of Alexandria that same year, after the death of Peter, the successor of S. Athanasius. Tillemont (vol. x. p. 139) suggests that it was probably connected with the question of the succession at Antioch.

02-1111. d The enemy are the Goths under Fritigern. See Gibbon ch. 26.
02-1212. e The reading 'pactum' which is suggested by Valerius is here adopted instead of 'factum', which seems to give no satisfactory sense.
02-1313. f Fleury remarks on this 'This letter plainly shews that the Bishops who were there present (i.e. at the Council of Aquileia) either did not acknowledge the Council which had been lately held at Constantinople to be an Oecumenical Council, or that they were not yet informed of what had been transacted in it.
02-1414. a In the regard of the question between Nectarius and Maximus, the Western Bishops had been deceived by the latter. Maximus, called the Cynic because he retained the outward garb of a Cynic philosopher after he professed to have become a Christian, was irregularly consecrated at Constantinople, but was never recognised, and was formally pronounced by the Council not to be a true Bishop. He then went about trying to stir up other Churches in his favour. See Prof. Bright's Hist, of the Church pp. 160— 166.

Nectarius was elected after the resignation of Gregory Nazianzen, during the Council of Constantinople. He, like S. Ambrose, was unbaptized and held a high civil office at the time of his election.

02-1515. b This is translated from an ingenious and probable conjecture of Valesius.
02-1616. c The text through this long sentence is confused and ungrammatical, but it conveys the general sense expressed in the translation with tolerable clearness.
02-1717. d i. e. Gratian.
02-1818. a The sense is here to be elicited probably by repeating the word 'quod,' so that the sentence should run, 'dogma nescio quod, quod Apollinaris asseritur.'
02-1919. b There seems to be something corrupt in the text. Perhaps we should read 'moventur,' 'the dangerous parts of Illyricum are in commotion;' or 'suspecta' has taken the place of some word, such as 'superiora,' which would stand in antithesis to 'maritima.'
02-2020. c It may complete the subject of this series of letters to remind the reader that about the same time that the Council of the Italian Bishops was held, Theodosius convened a second Council at Constantinople to deal with the questions raised by the Westerns, where most of the Bishops who had formed the previous General Council re-assembled. They replied to the invitation to another General Council at Rome by a Synodical letter, which is given at full length by Theodoret (Eccles. Hist. v. 9). In it they excuse themselves from attending, on the ground of their presence being required in their own Dioceses, especially after the long exile of many of them, and the prevalence of Arian usurpation, wishing that they 'had the wings of a dove,' to fly to their Western brethren. They then give a summary of the doctrinal decisions of the two Councils, and announce that they have sent three Bishops as deputies to explain all things more fully to them, and, with reference to the disputed successions at Constantinople and Antioch, give their assurance to their brethren that both Nectarius and Flavian were canonically elected, and the elections ratified both by the clergy and the faithful of each diocese, and by the Council, reminding them of the ancient Canon re-affirmed at Nicaea that each province should settle all such questions for themselves.
02-2121. a Acholius, or Ascholius, as he is called by Socrates, was the Bishop who baptised Theodosius, during an illness which seized him on a campaign against the Goths. He was present at the Council of Constantinople, and afterwards at that of Rome, not as one of the deputies from the East, but probably because his see had been so recently transferred to the Eastern Empire, that he might seem to belong to both East and West. (Tillemont Ambr. ch. xxxi.) It was there that he met S. Ambrose, who had gone to Rome to attend the Council, and had fallen ill. His death must have occurred in A.D. 383, for his successor Anysius was Bishop before the death of Damasus, Bishop of Rome, who died in A.D. 384. Theodoret therefore (B. v. ch. 18.) must be wrong in making him the Bishop who wrote to S. Ambrose an account of the massacre at Thessalonica, which occurred in A.D. 390. But the passage of Theodoret occurs in only one MS., and is perhaps not genuine.
02-2222. Ps. lv. 7.
02-2323. Phil. i. 24.
02-2424. Ps. xlviii. 7.
02-2525. Baruch iii. 24,25.
02-2626. b The Goths had been settled within the boundaries of the Empire by Valens in A. D. 376, when they implored his protection against the Huns. He established them in Moesia, when; they soon revolted, and ravaged Thrace, uniting with their former enemies, the Huns, and other barbarians. Valens was defeated and slain by them in A. D. 378, and then they overran all the neighbouring provinces. There is a graphic account in Gibbon. ch. xxvi.
02-2727. 2 Kings. vi. 18.
02-2828. Ib. vii. 6.
02-2929. 2 Kings ii. 4.
02-3030. S. Matt. xxv. 21.
02-3131. 1 Kings x. 24.
02-3232. Deut. xxxiii. 8.
02-3333. Ib. 9.
02-3434. Ecclus. xliv. 15.
02-3535. c The Benedictine text here reads 'claudebatur.' Several MSS, as the editors mention in a note, have 'claudebat.' They themselves suggest 'claudieabat.' But 'claudebat' really gives the same meaning, and there seems little doubt that it is the true reading. It comes from claudeo or claudo, (for both forms are to be found,) meaning 'to be lame,' 'to halt.' It occurs three times in Cicero.
02-3636. Deut. xxxiii. 9.
02-3737. Deut. xxxiii.16.
02-3838. 2 Cor. xii. 2.
02-3939. S. Matt. xii. 48.
02-4040. 2 Chron. ix. 21.
02-4141. Ps. lxviii. 14.
02-4242. Cant. v. 2.
02-4343. Gen. xxviii.13.
02-4444. Wisd. iv. 9.
02-4545. Isa. lx. 8.
02-4646. 2 Chron. ix. 21.
02-4747. Ps. xcvi. 5.
02-4848. a 'fisco vel arcae.' The 'fiscus,' or imperial treasury, received whatever was assigned to the Emperor individually, distinguished from the 'acrarium,' which received what belonged to the senate, as representing the old respublica: 'area' is sometimes used in late writers as equivalent to 'fiscus,' sometimes, when distinguished from it, as here, it signifies the city funds, which were distinct from both.
02-4949. b Julian's edict, forbidding the Christians to teach in the schools of grammar and rhetoric, is mentioned with disapproval by Gibbon ch. xxiii.
02-5050. c i. e. his half brother Gratian.
02-5151. S. Luke xvi. 13.
02-5252. d i. e. Maximus.
02-5353. e Valentinian the 1st.
02-5454. f This is sometimes represented as an exaggerated piece of rhetoric on S. Ambrose's part, not to be regarded as representing a real truth: but it may very well do so, for Valentinian was almost constantly occupied with wars on the frontiers of the empire, and it does not appear from his life that be was ever at Rome during his reign. Milan, not Rome, was the chief seat of the Western Emperors at this time, when they were not with their armies.
02-5555. a The Praefectus Urbi at this time 'was regarded as the direct representative of the Emperor,' and, among other duties, ' he had every month to make a report to the Emperor of the transactions of the Senate,' and also was 'the medium through which the Emperors received the petitions and presents from their capital.' Dict. of Ant. sub voc.
02-5656. b By the 'late emperor' is meant Julian; 'his successor' is Valentinian the 1st, and the 'last Emperors' are Valentinian the 1st and Valens.
02-5757. c There is a play here on the words 'nomen' and 'numen.'
02-5858. d Symmachus is thinking of Virgil's invocation,

Di patrii, Indigetes,et Romule, Vestaque Mater, &c.

Georg. i. 498.

The Di patrii are explained as being those brought by Aeneas into Italy, Indigetes those native to the soil of Italy.

02-5959. e In strict law a slave's peculium was the property of his owner, but custom had allowed it to be regarded as his own property.
02-6060. f Another trace of Virgil:

Cum jam glandes atque arbuta sacrae
Deficerent silvae et victum Dodona negaret. Georg.i. 158.

02-6161. g Valentinian the 1st, as Symmachus mentions above, had tolerated the heathen rites, and this he here represents as having availed to win the special favour of the gods.
02-6262. a This is an official title of honour. There were three ranks among those who held office under the Emperors, 1 Illustres. 2 Spectabiles, 3 Clarissimi, which is the one here applied to Symmachus. The latter was applied to all senators: the other two were reserved for the higher offices of state. See Gibbon, ch. xvii.
02-6363. b He is referring apparently to Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, but somewhat exaggerates the brevity of their reigns. Galba reigned nearly seven months, Otho three months, Vitellius nearly eight months.
02-6464. c The captive Emperor is Valerian, who, A.D. 260, was taken prisoner by Sapor king of Persia, and treated with the utmost indignity. The other is his son Gallienus, and S. Ambrose's expression with regard to him may be explained by a sentence of Gibbon, (ch. xi. init.) 'Under the deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the empire was oppressed and almost destroyed by the soldiers, the tyrants, and the barbarians.'
02-6565. Wisd. iv. 9.
02-6666. Prov. xxi. 1.
02-6767. d S. Ambrose refers here to a law of Valentinian's, forbidding the Clergy from receiving bequests from widows and unmarried females. It was addressed to Damasus, Bishop of Rome. S. Ambrose's caution in de Off. Min. 1, 20, 87, shews that control was needed. S. Jerome, speaking of this law says, 'I do not complain of the law, but grieve that we have deserved it.'
02-6868. e In the provincial towns the political power in the times of the Emperors had passed into the hands of the curia or provincial Senate; and, with the power, many burdensome and extensive duties, were laid upon the curiales or decurions, as they were called. (See § 15.) Exemption from these had been granted first by Constantine; afterwards, as it was found that persons sought Holy Orders in order to evade civil duties, the privilege was restrained: and various changes were introduced by different Emperors. A full outline of the various laws is given in a learned note in Newman's Fleury, vol. i. p. 162. where the text is speaking of S. Ambrose's Letter to Theodosius, (infr. Lett, xl.) where he again complains of the same hardship. The subject is also more fully dealt with by Bingham Antiq. B.V. ch. iii. § 14-16.
02-6969. f 'Conferte' is here adopted as a manifest emendation of 'conferet.' The transfer of two letters is a common mistake of copyists.
02-7070. g This was the case in Julian's reign, as may be seen in Theod. iii. 12.
02-7171. h The reading of all the other Edd. 'sacri nemoris' for 'agri nemorum' is here adopted, as yielding a clearer sense.
02-7272. i Pannonia was at this time divided into three provinces, viz. Pannonia Prima and Secunda, and Valeria Ripensis.
02-7373. k Rhaetia Secunda was the name given to Vindelicia when separated again from Rhaetia proper, shortly before the time of Constantine: it had been united to it about the end of the first century.
02-7474. l The Reading 'nuda gignentium' is adopted from Ed. Rom. The phrase occurs in Sallust Jug. 79, 6. 'Gignentia' is used for plants, trees &c. The clause 'quae nos' &c. is strange, but probably refers to the torpidity of winter, which is felt by man as well as by the lower creation.
02-7575. m This passage seems suggested by reminiscences of Virgil, the phrase 'absconditam pretio humum' possibly from Aen. iv, 211. urbem Exiguam pretio posuit, while in the latter part S. Ambrose perhaps had in his mind the description of Evander's town in Aen. viii. Sec especially ll. 347-366.
02-7676. n The story of Cybele being brought to Rome, and landing outside; the city, where the little stream of tbe Almo joins the Tiber, is told at length by Ovid, Fast. iv. 250-348. In commemoration of tbe washing of the Statue and sacred implements at the landing, an annual ceremony was maintained, which seems to have been popular, from the numerous allusions to it in later writers. See Lucan 1. 600, Martial iii. 47. 2, Stat. Silv. v. 1. 222, Sil. Ital. viii. 305, all quoted in Dict. of Geogr. When the rites were performed away from Rome, the nearest river was conventionally made the Almo for the time. It is remarkable that Ammianus Marcellinus xxiii, 3,7. mentions as one of the Emperor Julian's last acts, his keeping the day of this rite, when on his last campaign against the Persians, and performing all the ceremonies at Callinicum or Nicephorium on the Euphrates.
02-7777. o Venus Caelestis is a Latin equivalent of ’Αφροδίτη οὐρανία, and this name was transferred, according to Herodotus (Bk. i. ch. 105.) to the Phoenician goddess Astarte, or Ashtaroth. The same author also (B. i. ch. 131.) identifies Aphrodite with the Persian goddess Mitra, which however is shewn by Prof. Rawlinson, ad loc., to be an error, as Mithras is the sun-god of the Persians. The Temple of Venus Caelestis, or Astarte, at Carthage was very shortly after this time converted into a Christian Church, as recorded by Gibbon on the authority of Prosper. Aquitan. (ch. xxviii).
02-7878. p S. Ambrose's repeated assertions, that the Christians formed a majority in the Senate, are characterised by writers unfavourable to Christianity as unfounded, but they produce no proof. Gibbon (ch. xxviii. note 12.) simply says that it is an assertion 'in contradiction to common sense.' But as a large majority of the Senate voted for the abolition of the worship of Jupiter about the same time, as Gibbon himself records, common sense would seem rather to agree with S. Ambrose.
02-7979. q Referring to the unhappy end of Gratian whom the previous year(A.D. 383.) had been overpowered by Maximus, who revolted in Britain, and attacked him in Gaul. His troops deserted him and he was put to death by Maximus' orders.
02-8080. r Pompeius was murdered, as he landed in Egypt, after escaping from Pharsalia, by Achillas an Eunuch and one of the guardians of king Ptolemy.
02-8181. s Tomyris queen of the Massagetae. See the story in Herod. i. 214.
02-8282. t This is the first of the famous Hamilcars, the one who led the great invasion of Sicily in B. C. 480, and was totally defeated by Gelon. Herodotus, 15 vii. ch. 167, tolls the story to which S. Ambrose alludes as the account given by the Carthaginians of his end.
02-8383. u S. Ambrose is alluding to the famous story of Julian burning his fleet, after crossing the Tigris to attack Sapor, king of Persia, in his own dominions. This was regarded afterwards by the Christians as an act of judicial blindness. See Augustine de Civ. Dei iv. 29, v. 21. Ammianus, xxiv. 7. asserts that he repented of the order as soon as it was issued, but was too late to stop the flames. Gibbon endeavours to justify the act, and says, 'had he been victorious we should now admire his conduct.' See his narrative in ch. xxiv. The author of his life in the Dict. of Ant. styles it 'the best thing he could have done, if his march into the interior of Persia, had been dictated by absolute necessity.' Setting these hypotheses aside, and looking only at the actual result, we may fairly think that the Christian interpretation of the facts, even if over-strongly expressed, is the truer.
02-8484. Gen. xxviii. 1, 2.
02-8585. Deut. xxiv. 14.
02-8686. Ps. xv. 1. 6.
02-8787. Ps. xvii. 13.
02-8888. Tobit iv. 21.
02-8989. Prov. xv 17.
02-9090. Judges xx. 44. Gen. xxxiv. 25.
02-9191. Num. xxv. 8.
02-9292. Judges xiii. 8.
02-9393. 1 He here refers to Josephus Antiq. v. ch. iv.
02-9494. Judg.xiv, 14.
02-9595. Judg.xiv. 16.
02-9696. ib. 18.
02-9797. a The name given in the Hebrew is Ramath Lehi, which means, 'the hill or lifting up of the jaw-bone.' S. Ambrose interprets it below 'maxillae interfectionem.' He would seem to be here suggesting a Greek etymology. The Benedictine note suggests that the name Agon is a confusion on his part from the word σιαγὼν in Josephus.
02-9898. Judges xv. 16.
02-9999. Ib. 18.
02-100100. b The, words 'quasi in cubitum intexti' are probably from the Old Latin Version of the Bible. Field, on Origen's Hexapla in Ioe. (Judg. xvi. 13.) mentions that some MSS of LXX read ἐαν ὑφάνης ὡσει πῆχυν or ὡς ἐπὶ πῆχυν, which may very well have been translated by some such words as the above, in the Old Latin Version which S. Ambrose used.
02-101101. Judges xvi. 20.
02-102102. Judges xvi. 28.
02-103103. a The expression 'principes virtutum' seems to be a phrase from the Old Testament. In the Vulgate we find 'rex virtutum' Ps. lxvii, (lxviii. E.V.) 13, whore the E.V. has 'kings of armies,' and in Judith xiv. 17 (19 K.V.) 'Quod quum audissent, principes virtutis Assyriorum,' and in 1 Macc. v. 56. 'Azarias princeps virtutis.' The 'comites consistoriani' formed a sort of cabinet (consistorium) or privy council to the Emperor. The Benedictine Editors take 'principes virtutum' as meaning the Magistri militum, but the absence of any conjunction is against this.
02-104104. b This must mean the Praefectus praetorio Italiae, one of the four great Viceroys, under whom the Dioceses of the Empire were placed. He was supreme overall Italy, and the countries north of it to the Danube, and the western part of the north of Africa. He had under him three Dioceses, containing thirty Provinces.
02-105105. c The title given them is 'Decani.' They seem to have, been something like the lictors of the great officers of state, under the republic.
02-106106. d These 'vela' or hangings were a token that the building was claimed for the 'fiscus,' or private property of the Emperor, Gibbon in his grand way says, 'the splendid canopy and hangings of the royal scat were arranged in the customary manner,' but, as is noticed by the writer of the Life of S. Ambrose in Dict. of Christian Biog. it is clear from the sequel of the narrative (see § 20) that they were outside, not inside the Church.
02-107107. e The words in the original are 'missam facere.' Prof. Bright in his History notes that this is 'the earliest instance, apparently, of this term being used for the Eucharistic service.'
02-108108. f 'The introduction of barbarians into the Roman armies became every day more universal, more necessary, and more fatal. The most daring of the Scythians, of the Goths, and of the Germans, were enrolled not only in the auxiliaries of their respective nations, but in the legions themselves, and among the most distinguished of the Palatine troops.' (Gibbon, ch. xvii.) The Goths were Arians. It was much about this time that Ulfilas, the apostle of the Goths, made his famous translation of the Bible into Gothic. See Bright's Hist. of the Church p. 157.
02-109109. Ps. xvii. 7.
02-110110. Job ii. 9.
02-111111. ib. 10.
02-112112. Gen. iii. 9.
02-113113. S. Matt. xxii. 21.
02-114114. S. Matt. xiv. 4.
02-115115. Ps. lxxix. 1.
02-116116. g This is the Vulgate rendering of ' At Salem is His Tabernacle.'
02-117117. Ps. lxxvi. 2,3.
02-118118. Ps. xxx. 9.
02-119119. 2 Cor. xii. 10.
02-120120. Jonah iv. 9.
02-121121. Ib. 7.
02-122122. h On the high rank and great influence of the Praepositus cubiculi, or Grand Chamberlain, see Gibbon ch. xvii. They ranked with the Praefecti praetorio and other highest officers of state as Illustres. See note on Lett. xvii. § 1.

EPISTOLA XX.

 Narrat sorori quae Mediolani per dies aliquot propter basilicam, quam Ariani petebant evenere, quomodo a Valentiniani ministris ipse fuerit compellatus, populus autem reclamaverit: deinde quomodo missis decanis ad basilicam invadendam, raptus fuerit a populo Castulus Arianus, cujus occasione, licet sua ipsius cura liberati variae secutae sunt condemnationes; post quae iterum interpellatus imperatoris nomine sanctus praesul magna constantia respondet. Addit postridie occupata basilica, milites se ad catholicos   0994B   transituros promisisse, nec populum de fortitudine quidquam remisisse: tentationes Job et maxime quas a muliere passus legitur, huic tempori accommodatas: interim liberatam basilicam, sed notarium sibi dura nuntiasse, quibus neutiquam motus fuerit: postremo prophetiae Jonae ad res praesentes adaptationem, populi ob liberatam basilicam, et multam mercatoribus remissam gaudium, verba Valentiniani ad comites, et suum ad Calligoni minas responsum subdit. 

1. Quoniam in omnibus fere epistolis sollicite quaeris de Ecclesia, accipe quid agatur. Postridie quam accepi litteras tuas, quibus significaveras quod te exagitarent somnia tua, moles inquietudinum gravium coepit moveri. Nec jam Portiana, hoc est, extramurana 853 basilica petebatur, sed basilica  0994C nova, hoc est, intramurana, quae major est.

2. Convenerunt me primo principes virtutum viri, comites consistoriani, ut et basilicam traderem, et procurarem, ne quid populus turbarum moveret. Respondi quod erat ordinis, templum Dei a sacerdote tradi non posse.

 0995A 3. Acclamatum est sequenti die in Ecclesia: etiam praefectus eo venit; coepit suadere vel ut basilica Portiana cederemus. Populus reclamavit. Ita tunc discessum est, ut intimaturum se imperatori diceret.

4. Sequenti die, erat autem Dominica, post lectiones atque tractatum, dimissis catechumenis, symbolum aliquibus competentibus in baptisteriis tradebam basilicae. Illic nuntiatum est mihi comperto quod ad Portianam basilicam de palatio decanos misissent, et vela suspenderent, populi partem eo pergere. Ego tamen mansi in munere, missam facere coepi.

5. Dum offero, raptum cognovi a populo Castulum quemdam, quem presbyterum dicerent Ariani. Hunc autem in platea offenderant transeuntes. Amarissime  0995B flere, et orare in ipsa oblatione Deum coepi, ut subveniret, ne cujus sanguis in causa Ecclesiae fieret: certe ut meus sanguis pro salute non solum populi, sed etiam pro ipsis impiis effunderetur. Quid multa? Missis presbyteris et diaconibus, eripui injuriae virum.

 0996A 6. Condemnationes illico gravissimae decernuntur: primo in corpus omne mercatorum. Itaque sanctis diebus hebdomadis ultimae, quibus solebant debitorum laxari vincula, stridunt catenae, imponuntur collo innocentium, 854 exiguntur ducenta pondo auri infra totum triduum. Respondent aliud se tantum aut duplum, si peterentur, daturos, dummodo servarent fidem. Erant pleni carceres negotiatoribus.

7. Palatina omnia officia, hoc est, memoriales, agentes in rebus, apparitores diversorum comitum temperare a processu jubentur, specie qua seditioni interesse prohibebantur: honoratis multa minabantur gravissima, nisi basilicam traderent. Fervebat persecutio: ac si aperuissent portam, prorupturi in omne facinus videbantur.

 0996B 8. Convenior ipse a comitibus et tribunis, ut basilicae fieret matura traditio, dicentibus imperatorem jure suo uti, eo quod in potestate ejus essent omnia. Respondi, si a me peteret, quod meum esset, id est, fundum meum, argentum meum, quidvis hujusmodi meum, me non refragaturum; quamquam  0997A omnia quae mei sunt, essent pauperum: verum ea quae sunt divina, imperatoriae potestati non esse subjecta. Si patrimonium petitur, invadite: si corpus, occurram. Vultis in vincula rapere? vultis in mortem? voluptati est mihi. Non ego vallabor circumfusione populorum, nec altaria tenebo vitam obsecrans, sed pro altaribus gratius immolabor.

9. Horrebam quippe animo, cum armatos ad basilicam Ecclesiae occupandam missos cognoscerem; ne dum basilicam vindicant, aliqua strages fieret, quae in perniciem totius vergeret civitatis. Orabam ne tantae urbis vel totius Italiae busto superviverem. Detestabar invidiam fundendi cruoris, offerebam jugulum meum. 855 Aderant Gothi tribuni, adoriebar eos, dicens: Propterea vos possessio Romana  0997B suscepit, ut perturbationis publicae vos praebeatis ministros? Quo transibitis, si haec deleta fuerint?

10. Exigebatur a me, ut compescerem populum. Referebam in meo jure esse, ut non excitarem: in Dei manu, uti mitigaret. Postremo si me incentorem putaret, jam in me vindicari oportere, vel abduci me in quas vellet terrarum solitudines. His dictis, illi abierunt: ego in basilica veteri totum exegi diem. Inde domum cubitum me recepi, ut si quis abducere vellet, inveniret paratum.

11. Ante lucem ubi pedem limine extuli, circumfuso milite occupatur basilica. Idque a militibus imperatori mandatum dicitur, ut si prodire vellet, haberet copiam; se tamen praesto futuros, si viderent eum cum catholicis convenire: alioquin se ad eum  0997C coetum, quem Ambrosius cogeret, transituros.

12. Prodire de Arianis nullus audebat; quia nec quisquam de civibus erat, pauci de familia regia, nonnulli etiam Gothi. Quibus ut olim plaustra sedes erat, ita nunc plaustrum Ecclesia est. Quocumque femina ista processerit, secum suos omnes coetus vehit.

13. Circumfusam basilicam esse gemitu populi intellexi: sed dum leguntur lectiones, intimatur mihi plenam populi esse basilicam etiam novam: majorem videri plebem, quam cum essent omnes liberi: lectorem efflagitari. Quid plura? Milites ipsi, qui videbantur occupasse basilicam, cognito quod praecepissem, ut abstinerentur a communionis consortio, ad conventum hunc nostrum venire coeperunt.  0997D Quibus visis, turbantur mulierum animi, proripit se una. Ipsi tamen milites se ad orationem venisse,  0998A non ad praelium loquebantur. Clamavit aliqua populus. Quam moderate, quam constanter, quam fideliter poscebat, ut ad illam pergeremus basilicam! In illa quoque basilica fertur quod populus praesentiam flagitabat meam.

14. Tunc ego hunc adorsus sermonem sum: Audistis, filii, librum Job legi, qui solemni munere est decursus et tempore. Scivit ex usu hunc librum etiam diabolus intimandum, quo virtus omnis suae tentationis aperitur et proditur; et ideo se hodie motu majore concussit. Sed gratias Deo nostro, qui vos ita firmavit fide atque patientia. Unum Job miraturus ascenderam, omnes Job quos mirarer, inveni. In singulis vobis Job revixit, in singulis sancti illius patientia et virtus refulsit. Quid enim praesentius  0998B dici potuit a christianis viris, quam id quod hodie in vobis Spiritus sanctus est locutus? Rogamus, Auguste, non pugnamus: non timemus, sed rogamus. Hoc christianos decet, ut et tranquillitas pacis optetur, et fidei veritatisque constantia nec mortis revocetur periculo. Est enim 856 praesul Dominus, qui salvos faciet sperantes in se (Psal. XVI, 7).

15. Sed veniamus ad propositas lectiones. Videtis diabolo tentandi licentiam dari (Job. I, 12), ut boni probentur. Invidet iniquus bonis profectibus, tentat diversis modis. Tentavit sanctum Job in patrimonio, tentavit in filiis, tentavit in dolore corporis. Fortior in suo corpore tentatur, infirmior in alieno. Et mihi meas divitias, quas in vobis habeo, volebat auferre, et hoc tranquillitatis vestrae patrimonium  0998C dissipare cupiebat. Vos quoque ipsos mihi bonos filios gestiebat eripere, pro quibus ego quotidie instauro sacrificium: vos ruinis quibusdam publicae perturbationis conabatur involvere. Duo igitur jam genera tentationis excepi. Et fortasse quia infirmiorem me Dominus Deus novit, adhuc in corpus meum non dedit potestatem. Etsi ipse cupiam, etsi offeram, adhuc me fortasse huic certamini imparem judicat, et diversis exercet laboribus. Nec Job ab isto coepit certamine, sed in hoc consummavit.

16. Tentatus est autem Job nuntiis coacervatis malorum, tentatus est etiam per mulierem, quae ait:  Dic aliquod verbum in Deum, et morere (Job. II, 9). Videtis quanta subito moveantur, Gothi, arma, gentiles, multa mercatorum, poena sanctorum. Advertitis  0998D quid jubeatur, cum mandatur: Trade basilicam, hoc est:  Dic aliquod verbum in Deum, et morere. Nec  0999A solum die adversum Deum, sed etiam fac adversus Deum. Mandatur: Trade altaria Dei.

17. Urgemur igitur praeceptis regalibus, sed confirmamur Scripturae sermonibus, quae respondit:  Tamquam una ex insipientibus locuta es (Ibid., 10). Non mediocris igitur ista tentatio; namque asperiores tentationes has esse cognovimus, quae fiunt per mulieres. Denique per Evam etiam Adam supplantatus est (Gen. III, 6); eoque factum, ut a mandatis coelestibus deviaret. Quo errore cognito, praevaricatricis conscientiae reus latere cupiebat, sed latere non poterat; et ideo ait ei Deus:  Adam, ubi es (Ibid., 9)? hoc est, quid eras ante? ubi nunc esse coepisti? ubi te constitueram? quo ipse transgressus es? Agnoscis esse te nudum, quia bonae indumenta fidei  0999B perdidisti. Folia sunt ista, quibus nunc velare te quaeris. Repudiasti fructum, sub foliis Legis latere cupis, sed proderis. Recedere a Domino Deo tuo propter unam mulierem desiderasti, propterea fugis quem videre quaerebas. Cum una muliere te abscondere maluisti, relinquere speculum mundi, incolatum paradisi, gratiam Christi.

18. Quid dicam quod etiam Eliam Jezabel cruente persecuta est (III Reg. XIX, 1 et seq.)? quod Joannem Baptistam Herodias fecit occidi (Matth. XIV, 3 et seq.)? Singulae tamen singulos, mihi quo minora longe merita, eo tentamenta graviora. Virtus infirmior, sed plus periculi. Succedunt sibi mulierum vices, alternantur odia, commenta variantur, seniores conveniuntur, 857 praetexitur regis injuria.  0999C Quae ratio igitur est adversus hunc vermiculum gravioris tentationis, nisi quia non me, sed Ecclesiam persequuntur?

19. Mandatur denique: Trade basilicam. Respondeo: Nec mihi fas est tradere, nec tibi accipere, Imperator, expedit. Domum privati nullo potes jure temerare, domum Dei existimas auferendam? Allegatur imperatori licere omnia, ipsius esse universa. Respondeo: Noli te gravare, Imperator, ut putes te in ea, quae divina sunt, imperiali aliquod jus habere. Noli te extollere, sed si vis diutius imperare, esto Deo subditus. Scriptum est: Quae Dei Deo, quae Caesaris Caesari (Matth. XXII, 21). Ad imperatorem palatia pertinent, ad sacerdotem Ecclesiae. Publicorum tibi moenium jus commissum est, non sacrorum.  1000A Iterum dicitur mandasse imperatorem: Debeo et ego unam basilicam habere. Respondi: Non tibi licet illam habere. Quid tibi cum adultera? Adultera est enim, quae non est legitimo Christi conjugio copulata.

20. Dum haec tracto, suggestum est mihi cortinas regias esse collectas, refertam autem populo basilicam, praesentiam mei poscere; statimque eo converti sermonem meum, dicens: Quam alta et profunda oracula sunt Spiritus sancti! Matutinis horis lectum est, ut meministis fratres, quod summo animi dolore respondemus:  Deus, venerunt gentes in haereditatem tuam (Psal. LXXVIII, 1). Et re vera venerunt gentes, et plus etiam quam gentes venerunt; venerunt enim Gothi, et diversarum nationum viri:  1000B venerunt cum armis, et circumfusi occupaverunt basilicam. Hoc nos ignari tuae altitudinis dolebamus, sed nostra imprudentia aliud opinabatur.

21. Venerunt gentes, sed vere in haereditatem tuam venerunt; qui enim gentes venerunt, facti sunt christiani. Qui ad invadendam haereditatem venerunt, facti sunt cohaeredes Dei. Defensores habeo, quos hostes putabam: socios teneo, quos adversarios aestimabam. Completum est illud quod de Domino Jesu David propheta cecinit, quia  factus est in pace locus ejus, et:  Ibi confregit cornua arcuum, scutum, gladium et bellum (Psal. LXXV, 3, 4). Cujus enim hoc munus, cujus opus, nisi tuum, Domine Jesu? Videbas ad templum tuum armatos venire: hinc gemere populum, et frequentem adesse, ne basilicam Dei  1000C tradere videretur: inde vim militibus imperari. Mors ante oculos mihi; ne quid inter haec furori liceret: inseruisti te, Domine, medium, et fecisti utraque unum (Ephes. II, 14). Compescuisti armatos, dicens profecto: Si ad arma concurritur, 858 si in templo meo clausi commoventur,  quae utilitas in sanguine meo (Deut. XXXII, 36)? Gratias itaque tibi, Christe. Non legatus, neque nuntius, sed  tu, domine, salvum fecisti populum tuum: conscidisti saccum meum, et praecinxisti me laetitia (Psal. XXIX, 10, 12).

22. Haec ego dicebam, miratus imperatoris animum studio militum, obsecratione comitum, precatu populi posse mitescere. Interea nuntiatur mihi missum notarium, qui mandata deferret. Concessi paululum, mandatum intimat. Quid tibi visum est,  1001A inquit, ut contra placitum faceres? Respondi: Quod placitum sit ignoro, quidve temere factum dicatur, incertum habeo. Ait: Cur presbyteros ad basilicam destinasti? Si tyrannus es, scire volo; ut sciam quemadmodum me adversum te praeparem. Retuli dicens me nihil in praejudicium fecisse Ecclesiae: eo tempore quo audieram occupatam esse a militibus basilicam, gemitum tantummodo liberiorem habuisse, multisque adhortantibus ut eo pergerem, dixisse: Tradere basilicam non possum, sed pugnare non debeo. Postea vero quam cognoverim cortinas regias inde esse sublatas, cum me populus eo ire deposceret, direxisse presbyteros; me tamen noluisse ire, sed dixisse: Credo in Christo quod ipse nobiscum faciet imperator.

23. Si haec tyrannidis videntur, habeo arma, sed  1001B in Christi nomine: habeo offerendi mei corporis potestatem. Quid moraretur ferire, si tyrannum putaret? Veteri jure a sacerdotibus donata imperia, non usurpata: et vulgo dici quod imperatores sacerdotium magis optaverint, quam imperium sacerdotes. Christus fugit, ne rex fieret (Joan. VI, 15). Habemus tyrannidem nostram. Tyrannis sacerdotis, infirmitas est:  Cum infirmor, inquit,  tunc potens sum (II Cor. XII, 10). Cavere tamen ne ipse sibi tyrannum faceret, cui Deus adversarium non excitavit. Non hoc maximum dicere, quod tyrannus ego sim Valentiniani, qui se meae legationis objectu queritur ad Italiam non potuisse transire. Addidi quia numquam sacerdotes tyranni fuerunt, sed tyrannos saepe sunt passi.

 1001C 24. Exactus est totus ille dies in moerore nostro: scissae tamen ab illudentibus pueris cortinae regiae. Ego domum redire non potui; quia circumfusi erant milites, qui basilicam custodiebant. Cum fratribus psalmos in ecclesiae basilica minore diximus.

25. Sequenti die lectus est de more liber Jonae, quo completo, hunc sermonem adorsus sum: Liber lectus est, fratres, quo prophetatur quod peccatores in poenitentiam revertantur. Acceptum est ita, 859 ut speraretur in praesenti futurum. Addidi quod vir  1002A justus etiam offensam contrahere voluisset, ne vel spectaret, vel denuntiaret excidium civitati. Et quod lugubre esset illud dictum, contristatus quoque sit, quod aruisset cucurbita. Deum quoque dixisse ad prophetam:  Si tristis es pro cucurbita? Respondisse Jonam:  Tristis. Dixisse Dominum, si illud doleret quod exusta esset cucurbita, quanto magis sibi curae esse oportere tantae plebis salutem! Et ideo excidium, quod paratum toti urbi fuerat, removisse.

26. Nec mora, nuntiatur imperatorem jussisse, ut recederent milites de basilica: negotiatoribus quoque, quod exacti de condemnatione fuerant, redderetur. Quae tunc plebis totius laetitia fuit! qui totius populi plausus! quae gratiae! Erat autem dies quo sese Dominus pro nobis tradidit, quo in Ecclesia poenitentia relaxatur. Certatim hoc nuntiare milites,  1002B irruentes in altaria, osculis significare pacis insigne. Tunc agnovi quod Deus vermem antelucanum percusserat, ut tota civitas servaretur.

27. Haec gesta sunt, atque utinam jam finita! sed graviores motus futuros plena commotionis imperialia verba indicant. Ego tyrannus appellor, et plus etiam quam tyrannus. Nam cum imperatorem comites obsecrarent uti prodiret ad Ecclesiam; idque petitu militum facere se dicerent, respondit: Si vobis jusserit Ambrosius, vinctum me tradetis. Quid post hanc vocem supersit, considera. Quam vocem omnes cohorruerunt, sed habet a quibus exasperetur.

28. Denique etiam speciali expressione Calligonus,  1002C praepositus cubiculi, mandare mihi ausus est: Me vivo, tu contemnis Valentinianum? Caput tibi tollo. Respondi: Deus permittat tibi, ut impleas quod minaris; ego enim patiar quod episcopi, tu facies quod spadones. Atque utinam Deus avertat eos ab Ecclesia, in me omnia sua tela convertant, meo sanguine sitim suam expleant!